教會史 第 1 章 第 25/28 段

Now John, once he had come to the episcopate, was above all eager to correct the lives of the clergy under him; scrutinizing their conduct, their manner of living, and their behavior in general, he reproved and converted some, while others he actually expelled from the church.

For being by nature given to rebuke, and justly indignant against wrongdoers, once he came to the episcopate he indulged these tendencies even more.

He let his tongue give free rein to rebuke, and stirred his anger more readily against those who sinned.

And it was not only the church immediately under his charge, but, being noble-minded and magnanimous, he was eager to set right matters everywhere.

Thus, as soon as he had entered upon the episcopate, since the priests throughout Egypt and the West were still at variance with those in the East over the case of Paulinus, and a certain general estrangement on this account held sway over the churches throughout the whole empire, he asked Theophilus to cooperate with him and to reconcile the bishop of the Romans with Flavian.

For this task they chose Acacius, bishop of Beroea, and Isidore — the same Isidore because of whom Theophilus had opposed John's ordination.

And when they arrived in Rome, since their embassy turned out according to their wishes, they sailed back to Egypt.

From there Acacius went on to Syria, carrying to the followers of Flavian letters of peace from the priests of Egypt and of the West.

And so the churches, at long last freed from this discord, recovered their communion with one another.

But the multitude of those in Antioch called Eustathians continued for some time to assemble by themselves, apart from a bishop.

For Evagrius, who had succeeded Paulinus, lived on only a short time, as we have learned, before he died.

For it was on this account, I think, that reconciliation became easy for the bishops, since there was no longer anyone opposing it.

And the people, as a populace is wont to do, kept joining by twos and threes those who worshipped under Flavian, until in time the greater part of them were united.

Meanwhile Gainas, a barbarian who had deserted to the Romans and had, against all reason, risen from being a common soldier to the rank of general, attempted to bring the Roman empire under his own control.

In pursuit of this plan, he summoned his fellow Goths from their own territories into Roman lands, and appointed suitable men as regimental and divisional commanders.

When Tribigild, a kinsman of his who commanded a large body of soldiers stationed in Phrygia, raised a revolt, it was obvious to those of sound judgment that Gainas had contrived this; but Tribigild, feigning indignation at the ravaging of the cities in that region, was granted leave to go to their aid.

But when he arrived in Phrygia with a large force of barbarians, as one who had come for war, he now brought into the open the intention which he had previously kept hidden, and he ravaged the very cities he had been appointed to guard, while he intended to attack others still.

And having come into Bithynia, he encamped within the territory of Chalcedon and threatened war.

As affairs were now in danger, especially those of the cities in Asia and the East, and of all those situated between them and around the Euxine Sea, the emperor, taking counsel with those around him, reasoned that it was not safe, unprepared as they were, to expose themselves to danger against men who had already renounced all regard for their lives; so he sent to Gainas and bade him say what he wanted.

For he was ready to gratify him in everything.

But Gainas, suspecting Saturninus and Aurelian, men of consular rank, of being ill-disposed toward him, demanded that they be handed over to him; and having received them, he spared them.

He then met with the emperor at the house of prayer before Chalcedon, in which is the tomb of the martyr Euphemia, and after receiving and giving oaths of goodwill, he laid down his arms and crossed over to Constantinople, having received from the emperor command of the infantry and cavalry.

But having, beyond his deserts, come to think that things were going well for him, he did not bear his good fortune with moderation.

Rather, once his first unreasonable demand had turned out according to his wishes, he even attempted to throw the universal church into confusion.

For he was a Christian of the barbarian heresy, that is, of those who hold the views of Arius.

Whether persuaded by the leaders of this sect, or moved by his own ambition, he asked the emperor that those who shared his belief might have one of the churches in the city.

For he complained that it was neither just, nor otherwise fitting, that he, being a general of the Romans, should have to go outside the walls to pray.

When John learned of this, he did not remain quiet.

Taking with him the bishops who happened to be residing in the city at the time, he went to the palace.

With the emperor listening and Gainas himself present, he poured forth a lengthy discourse, reproaching him with his homeland and his exile, and reminding him how, having then been saved by the emperor's father, he had sworn indeed to be well-disposed toward the Romans, toward the emperor himself and his children, and toward the laws which he was now attempting to render void.

And while saying this, he showed him the law which Theodosius had enacted, forbidding those of heterodox belief to hold church assemblies within the walls.

Then, turning his speech to the emperor, he persuaded him to keep the law enacted against the other heresies in force, advising him that it would be better to give up his empire than to become a betrayer of the house of God and commit impiety.

And having thus spoken with courageous frankness, he did not permit any innovation to be made regarding the churches under his charge.

But Gainas was already planning to break his oath and to sack the city, when this very plot was foretold by a comet of enormous size that appeared over the city, stretching almost down to the earth itself, and said to have been such as had never before appeared.

He first attempted to attack the silversmiths' shops, hoping to gather a great sum of money from them.

But when a rumor spread that this was his plan, and the silversmiths hid away their ready wealth and no longer displayed their silver on their counters in public as usual, he sent a large body of barbarians by night and ordered them to set fire to the palace.

But they returned without having accomplished anything, and thoroughly terrified.

For as they drew near, they thought they saw a great host of heavily armed men of huge stature, and supposing that a fresh army had just arrived, they reported this to Gainas.

But he — for he knew that no more soldiers than usual were stationed in the city — did not think it right to believe what was reported.

But when, on the following night as well, others who had been sent reported the very same thing as those before them, he came in person and became an eyewitness of the extraordinary spectacle.

And supposing that soldiers from the other cities had gathered together on his account, guarding the city and the palace by night and remaining hidden by day, he pretended to be under demonic possession.

As if to pray, he went to the church which the emperor's father had built in honor of John the Baptist, near the Hebdomon.

Of the barbarians, some remained within the city, while others went out with Gainas.

But secretly they carried out with them weapons hidden in women's wagons, and jars full of arrows.

But when they were detected, they killed the guards of the gates, who had attempted to prevent the smuggling out of the weapons.

As a result, the city was filled with confusion and tumult, as though it were about to be captured at any moment.

But wise counsel prevailed against the dangers then at hand.

For the emperor, without any delay, publicly declared Gainas an enemy, and ordered the barbarians who had been left behind in the city to be put to death.

The soldiers then attacked them and killed most of them, and set fire to the church called that of the Goths.

For it happened that these had gathered there, as in their customary house of prayer, and since the gates had been closed, it was no longer possible for them to flee.

When Gainas learned of this, he marched through Thrace and came to the Chersonese, and made haste to cross the Hellespont.

For he calculated that, if he gained control of Asia across the strait, he would easily bring under his own sway all the eastern nations subject to the empire.

But contrary to his expectations, this too turned out otherwise, since here again the Romans enjoyed the favor of divine providence.

For an army sent by the emperor was present, both by land and by sea, commanded by Fravitta, a man of barbarian descent, but of noble character and skilled in generalship.

But the barbarians, having no ships, attempted to cross the Hellespont on rafts to the mainland opposite.

Suddenly a strong west wind sprang up and violently broke apart the rafts, and against them the Ro—

Of the barbarians, most were plunged under the water together with their horses, while the rest were killed by the soldiers.

Gainas, though he escaped at that time along with a few others, not long afterward, while wandering as a fugitive through Thrace, fell in with another army and perished together with the barbarians around him.

And Fravitta, having distinguished himself brilliantly in this battle, was appointed consul.

And during his consulship, along with that of Vincentius, a son was born to the emperor, bearing the same name as his grandfather.

And at the beginning of the following consular year, he was proclaimed Augustus.

John, meanwhile, governing the church of Constantinople in the best possible manner, drew to himself many of the pagans, and many from the heresies.

For a multitude constantly flocked to him, some to hear him for their own benefit, and others to put him to the test.

He won everyone over and persuaded them to hold the same opinions as himself concerning the divine.

So great was the crowd's eagerness for him, and so insatiable were they of his words, that, since they were in danger as they jostled and pressed against one another, each one striving to go further forward so that, standing near, he might hear him speaking more precisely, he, placing himself in the midst accessible to all, would sit upon the reading-desk of the lectors and teach.

It seems to me fitting at this point to include in my history the marvel that occurred in his time.

A certain man of the Macedonian heresy was married to such a woman.

Having chanced upon him teaching how one ought to think concerning God, he became an admirer of the doctrine, and urged his wife to share his opinion.

But since, through her prior habit and her associations with women she was acquainted with, she remained unpersuaded, and though the husband often admonished her he accomplished nothing, he said, "Unless you share the divine mysteries with me, you shall no longer be my partner in life for the future." At this the wife, agreeing to do this, took into her confidence one of her maidservants, whom she considered trustworthy, and enlisted her as an accomplice in deceiving her husband.

Now at the time of the mysteries (those who have been initiated know what I mean), she, holding what she had received, bent down as though about to pray.

And the maidservant, standing beside her, secretly handed her what she had brought in her hands.

But the thing at her teeth congealed into a stone.

The woman, becoming greatly afraid lest she should suffer some harm by concealing so divine an occurrence as had befallen her, ran hastily to the bishop and denounced herself.

And she showed the stone, which bore the impression of the bite, its substance unknown and displaying a strange color.

And having with tears asked for forgiveness, she lived thereafter with her husband in agreement of mind.

But if these things seem incredible to anyone, the stone itself is witness, still preserved to this day among the treasures of the church of Constantinople.

John, having learned that the churches in Asia and the surrounding region were administered by unworthy men, and that some were selling priesthoods for gain and bribes, while others were procured through favor, went to Ephesus.

And having deposed thirteen bishops, some in Lycia and Phrygia, others in Asia itself, he appointed others in their place; and for the church of the Ephesians (for it happened that the bishop then presiding there had died) he appointed Heraclides, a man of Cypriot birth, a deacon among the monks under him from Scetis, and a disciple of Evagrius the monk.

Moreover, he also expelled Gerontius from the church of the Nicomedians.

For this man, having served as a deacon under Ambrose, bishop of Milan — I know not what happened to him, whether he was playing the wonder-worker or had been led astray by the zeal and delusions of a demon — said to certain persons that at night he had caught an ass-legged spectre, shaved its head, and thrown it into a mill.

Since he had uttered things unworthy of a deacon of God, Ambrose ordered him to remain by himself for the time being and to be purified through repentance.

But he, being an excellent physician and most tireless in speaking, persuading, and skilled at winning friends, came to Constantinople as though mocking Ambrose.

And in a short time he made friends with some of the powerful men at the palace, and not long after was entrusted with the bishopric of the Nicomedians.

He was ordained by Helladius, bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, who repaid him thus because he had become the patron who procured for his son a distinguished military post at the palace.

...not to overlook him being treated with contempt, nor the order of the church.

But for Nectarius, though he was very eager to accomplish this, it proved impossible, since the Nicomedians as a whole resisted manfully.

But John, having deposed him, ordained Pansophius.

This man had been tutor to the emperor's wife, devout in character, moderate and gentle, though not agreeable to the Nicomedians.

Rising up in tumult often, then, both collectively and individually, they recounted Gerontius's benefactions, the abundant help he gave from his medical skill, and his untiring attentiveness toward all alike, both rich and poor.

And to these they added his other virtues as well, as is natural for those who love someone to do.

And, as in cases of earthquakes or droughts or other divine visitations, going about the streets throughout their own city and Constantinople, they sang psalms and implored God to grant them him as their bishop.

But in the end, being compelled, they parted from the one with

grief and lamentation, and received the other with fear and hatred.

From this point on, those who had been deposed and their partisans kept accusing John, alleging that he had become an instigator of innovation for the churches and had introduced novelties into the rights of ordination contrary to the ancestral laws; and out of grief they slandered, in accordance with the opinions of the many, even those of his actions that were worthy of praise.

Indeed, they also resented what then happened in the case of Eutropius.

For this man, being the chief of the emperor's eunuchs, was the only one, and the first of all we know of or have heard of, to be honored with the dignity of consul and "father of the emperor."

But in the midst of his present power, giving no thought to the future nor to the changes that occur in human affairs, he attempted to drag away from the church suppliants of God who had taken refuge there because of him, and especially Pentadia, the wife of Timasius.

This man, having become a powerful and most formidable general, he punished with perpetual exile to the Oasis in Egypt, bringing against him a charge of tyranny.

But he, either overcome by thirst, as I have learned from some, or fearing lest he should suffer something worse, was found dead, wandering in the sands there.

At Eutropius's urging, a law was enacted decreeing that no one at all should take refuge in a church, and that even those who had already fled there for refuge should be driven out.

But not long after, having insulted the emperor's wife, he became the object of a plot, and was himself the first to transgress the law: fleeing from the palace, he took refuge as a suppliant in the church.

At that time, while he lay beneath the holy table, John delivered a brilliant discourse against him, humbling the brow of those in power, and showing the people that nothing human is wont to remain in the same state.

Those, however, who were hostile toward him slandered even this, alleging that, though he ought to have shown mercy to a man whose life was in danger, he instead rebuked him, trampling upon his misfortunes.

But Eutropius paid the penalty for this impious undertaking, being beheaded.

And the law that had been enacted was utterly erased from the public records.

And the church became greatly renowned, since God had swiftly avenged the wrongs done against her, and devotion toward divine worship increased.

And at that time the people of Constantinople practiced the morning and night hymns with even greater zeal, for the following reason.

For when those of the Arian heresy, having been deprived of the churches in the city under the reign of Theodosius, held their assemblies outside the walls, they would first gather at night in the public colonnades, and, dividing themselves into groups, would sing in the manner of antiphons, composing refrains suited to their own doctrine.

And toward dawn, singing these things publicly, they would depart to the places where they held their assemblies.

They did this on notable festivals, and on the first and last day of the week.

And in the end they even composed their songs out of contentiousness, mixing into their hymns such phrases as "Where are those who say the three are one power?" and other such things.

...he urged his own people to the singing of psalms.

And in a short time, becoming more conspicuous, they surpassed those of the opposing heresy in numbers and in preparation.

For indeed silver emblems of crosses, accompanied by lighted candles, went before them, and a eunuch of the emperor's wife was appointed for this very purpose, to arrange the expense involved and to prepare the hymns.

From this, whether out of jealousy or in self-defense, those of the Arian heresy came into conflict with those of the catholic church, and some on both sides were killed.

And Brison (for this was the name of the imperial eunuch) was struck on the forehead with a stone.

The emperor, moved to anger, put a stop to such assemblies of the Arian church.

But those of the catholic church, having for this reason begun to sing hymns in the aforementioned manner, have continued to do so even to the present day.

As a result of these things, and of his sermons in church, the affection of the populace toward John increased, while hatred toward him grew among the powerful and the clergy on account of his outspokenness against them.

For whenever he saw men doing wrong he rebuked them, while those corrupted by wealth, extravagance, and unseemly pleasures he sought to lead back to virtue.

His hostility toward the clergy was increased by Serapion, whom he appointed as his archdeacon — an Egyptian man, quick to anger and ready to give offense — and not least also by the counsels given him concerning Olympias.

For she, being of a most distinguished family, though she had become a widow while still young, and lived an exceedingly ascetic life according to the ordinance of the church, had been ordained deaconess by Nectarius.

John, seeing her giving away her property to those who asked, disregarding everything else, and being zealous only for divine matters, said, "I commend your resolve;"

"but the one who, for God's sake, aspires to the utmost virtue ought also to be a good steward."

"But you, by heaping wealth upon those who are already wealthy, are pouring out your possessions no less than if into the sea."

"Or do you not know that you willingly dedicated your property to those in need for God's sake, and that you were appointed to manage funds that had gone forth from your own dominion, and thereby became accountable? If, then, you will be persuaded by me, from now on you shall measure your giving according to the need of those who ask;"

"for in this way you will do good to more people, and will obtain from God the rewards of mercy and of most diligent care." ... A certain dispute also arose between him and many of the monks, and especially Isaac.

For those who quietly practiced this ascetic discipline in their own monasteries he praised highly and respected, and he took great care that they should not be wronged and should have their necessities; but those who went out of doors and appeared about the city, as men bringing shame upon their profession, he rebuked and turned back.

For such reasons, then, the clergy and many of the monks grew hostile toward him, and called him harsh and irritable, boorish and arrogant.

They also attempted to slander his manner of life before the populace, and to persuade them that what they said was true — namely, that he ate with no one, nor, when invited to a banquet, would he consent to go.

For this I can give no other reason, except that a truthful man, I believe, when I inquired of him about it, told me that, being ill affected in the head and in the mouth of the stomach on account of his ascetic discipline, he declined attendance at banquet gatherings.

And it was chiefly from this that they wove the greatest slanders against him.

A further ground of hatred against him also arose from the emperor's wife, on account of Severian, bishop of Gabala in Syria.

For both this man and Antiochus of Ptolemais (this is a Phoenician city) were at the same time both eminent and competent to teach in the church.

But the one spoke with ease and great melodiousness, so that he was even called "Chrysostom" by some, whereas Severian, although he seemed superior in thought and in the citation of scriptural testimonies, carried on his tongue the harsh accent of the Syrians.

Antiochus, having come earlier to Constantinople, was praised for his discourses, and having collected money, returned to his own city.

Having gained the favor of John, he often spoke in church and was admired, and was held in honor, and became acquainted with many of those in power, and with the emperor himself and the empress.

And when John journeyed away to Asia, he entrusted the church to him.

For since he attended upon him with flatteries, he considered him to be a devoted friend.

But he was more concerned to gratify his hearers and to please the people with his discourses.

When John learned of this, he became jealous, as they say, Sarapion having incited him concerning these things.

When he returned from Asia, Severian happened to be passing by somewhere.

Sarapion, seeing him, did not rise, deliberately showing those present that he despised the man.

He, angered at this, cried out.

"If Sarapion should die a cleric, Christ has not become man." Being accused for this by Sarapion, he was driven out of the city by John as an insulter and blasphemer against God.

For those who were brought forward as witnesses to these things — and they were friends of Sarapion — concealing all that had actually been said, testified that he had said only this, namely that Christ had not become man.

John held both this and other matters against him as accusations.

"For not even if Sarapion should not die a cleric," he said, "has Christ on that account not become man." And the emperor's wife, as soon as these things had happened, learned of it through Severian's partisans and immediately summoned him back from Chalcedon.

John, although many entreated him, refused association with him, until, in the church named after the Apostles, she, placing her son Theodosius upon his knees, and beseeching and repeatedly adjuring him, with difficulty brought him into friendship with Severian.

At this time, a controversy that had begun not long before had arisen throughout Egypt, as to whether one ought to conceive of God as having human form.

Most of the monks there held this opinion, out of simplicity taking the sacred words uncritically, having become accustomed to hear of the "eyes" of God, and "face," and "hands," and whatever such expressions.

But those who considered the meaning hidden within these terms held the opposite view, and said that those who spoke in this way were openly blaspheming against the divine.

And Theophilus urged in church that this opinion should be held, and in the letter which he customarily wrote concerning the paschal feast, he propounded that God ought to be conceived as incorporeal and alien to human form.

When this became known to the monks of Egypt, they came to Alexandria.

And having gathered together, they raised a tumult, and plotted to kill Theophilus as one who was impious.

But he, appearing at once while they were still rioting, said, "Thus have I seen you, as the face of God." This saying sufficiently softened the men, and relaxing their anger, they said, "Well then, if you truly hold these views, condemn also the books of Origen, since it is those in ascetic practice who are led by these to think in this manner." "But," he said, "this had already been decided by me long ago, and I will do as seems good to you."

"For I myself blame those who admire the works of Origen no less than you do." And thus, having beguiled the monks, he dissolved the sedition.

These, being brothers, we have learned from what has gone before became renowned among those practicing the ascetic philosophy at Scetis.

For these were the most favored by him among the monks of Egypt, and he often made them his companions in conversation and dwelling.

But he came into hatred with them as a result of his enmity toward Isidore, whom he had been eager to ordain in Constantinople after Nectarius.

For some say that a certain woman turned from the Manichaean heresy to the catholic Church.

Before she renounced her former heresy, Theophilus brought an accusation against the archpriest of that time.

For he was also otherwise ill-disposed toward him.

But Peter (for this was his name) maintained that he had admitted the woman to communion both according to the law of the church and with the consent of Theophilus, and he named Isidore as witness to these things.

He happened at that time to have been sent to Rome, but upon his return he testified that Peter spoke the truth.

But Theophilus, considering himself slandered, became angry and drove both of them out of the church.

From a man worthy of belief among those who then associated with these monks, I learned that Theophilus's hostility toward Isidore had a twofold cause: one shared with Peter the presbyter, namely that they had refused to bear witness in a matter concerning Theophilus's sister, who had been entered in a document in favor of a certain heir; and one particular to Isidore, in that, when large sums of money were being offered to him as steward of the poor, and Theophilus attempted to take these funds on the ground that they were to be spent on building churches, Isidore would not consent, saying that it was better to restore, through fitting care, the bodies of the sick — which one may more properly regard as temples of God, for whose sake indeed the money had been given — than to build walls.

But whether for this reason or from both causes, Isidore, having been deprived of communion by Theophilus, went to Scetis, as to the monks there who were his companions.

And Ammonius, taking some with him, came to Theophilus and begged him to restore communion to Isidore.

He is said to have then promised readily.

But when time had passed, and nothing further had been accomplished for them, and it had become evident that Theophilus was deceiving them, they approached him rather more earnestly and demanded that he fulfill his promise.

But he put one of the monks in the public prison, so as to instill fear in the others.

For Ammonius, together with all the monks with him, having been supposed by those in charge of the prison to have come in order to give provisions to those confined, were readily admitted inside; but once inside, they no longer consented to leave.

Theophilus, learning of this, made it known, summoning the men to himself.

But at first they, when he arrived, demanded that he himself bring them out.

For they said it was not just that, having been publicly insulted, they should be released from the prison in secret.

But afterward, yielding, they went to him.

And when they had made their plea, he sent them away, as one who would trouble them no further.

But within himself he was stung and indignant, and plotted to do them harm.

But being at a loss as to what harm he could do them, since they possessed nothing and despised everything except the ascetic life, he resolved to injure them in respect of their quiet.

And since he knew, both from what they had said in conversation with him, that they blamed those who held God to be of human form, he set them, as men who held the views of Origen, in conflict with the multitude of monks who held a different opinion.

From this a fearsome strife prevailed among the monks.

And conducting their disputes among themselves in a disorderly manner, they did not deign to persuade one another, but resorted to insults.

And some called those who defined God as incorporeal "Origenists," while others called those who held the opposite opinion "Anthropomorphites."

And from there they came to Scythopolis, having judged the dwelling there to be suitable because of the many palm trees, whose leaves they used for the work customary to monks.

For about eighty men followed them.