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阿奎丹的維克托里烏斯
復活節週期 第 1 章
拉丁文原文.121 節.部分字詞可點開查義
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Ex capite quarto citati operis excerptum, notionesque praevias gallico sermone concinnatas exhibens . Exploratis anterioribus de successione Romano- rum pontificum monumentis, catalogum de quo agi- tur illustrandum in hunc modum aggrediuntur doc- tissimi auctores. Jusqu’ici nous n’avons pu consulter les archives de l’Église Romaine elle-mème sur la succession des pontifes. Les ravages des persécutions et plus encore l’injure des temps nous ont privés de tous les docu- ments anitérieurs au quatrième siècle, mais non sans un dessein profond de la divine Providence.
從所引著作第四章摘錄,呈現以法文寫成的前言性論述。在考查了關於羅馬眾教皇承續的先前文獻之後,這些極博學的作者著手闡明此處所討論的目錄,方式如下。直到此時,我們仍未能就眾教皇的承續查閱羅馬教會本身的檔案。逼迫的蹂躪,更兼時代的損害,奪去了我們一切第四世紀以前的文獻——然而這並非沒有神聖護理的深遠旨意。
An excerpt from the fourth chapter of the cited work, presenting prefatory remarks composed in the French tongue. Having examined the earlier monuments concerning the succession of the Roman pontiffs, the most learned authors undertake the catalogue here under discussion, to be elucidated in the following manner. Hitherto we have not been able to consult the archives of the Roman Church itself concerning the succession of the pontiffs. The ravages of the persecutions, and still more the injury of the times, have deprived us of all documents prior to the fourth century—yet not without a profound design of divine Providence.
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Il était beau que la première page des annales du Siége Apostolique, manquant en ses propres archives, se retrouvât dans les traditions de toutes les Églises, et qu’avant même que Rome chrétienne eût trouvé le loisir de rédiger ses chroniques domestiques, les histoires ecclésiastiques rendissent témoignage de sa haute action durant trois siècles sur les églises.
這是合宜的事,就是使徒座位編年史的第一頁,雖在它自己的檔案中闕如,卻在眾教會的傳統中得以尋回;並且,甚至在基督教的羅馬尚未找到閒暇編寫其本地紀年之前,眾教會歷史就已為它在三個世紀間對眾教會的崇高作為作了見證。
It was a fitting thing that the first page of the annals of the Apostolic See, being lacking in its own archives, should be recovered in the traditions of all the Churches, and that, even before Christian Rome had found the leisure to compose its domestic chronicles, the ecclesiastical histories should bear witness to its lofty action upon the churches throughout three centuries.
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La paix donnée an Christianisme par Constantin, entre autres avantages, apporta celui d’une stabilité tranquille à I’aide de laquelle il devint possible de dresser des mémoires et de recueillir mille traditions doni la persécution de Dioclétien avait fait périr les titres, ou qui du moins, faute d’ètre enregistrées dans les chroniques plus générales, couraient risque de disparaître avec les monuments isolés sur lesquels elles reposaient. L'existence des chrétiens n’était plus furtive et précipitée; ils habitaient désormais en repos un monde que jusqu’alors ils n’avaient fait que traverser en toute hâte : l’Église avait une place, et la première, dans les annales de l’humanité.
君士坦丁賜給基督教的和平,在其他益處之外,帶來了一種安寧的穩定;藉著它的幫助,人得以編纂回憶錄,並收集千百項傳統——這些傳統的憑據曾被丟克理田的逼迫所毀,或至少因未被記載於較普遍的紀年中,便有與那些孤立的、承載它們之文獻一同消失的危險。基督徒的存在不再是隱祕而倉促的;他們從此安息地居住在一個直到那時他們只曾匆匆穿越的世界裏:教會在人類的編年史中有了一席之地,且是首要的一席。
The peace given to Christianity by Constantine brought, among other advantages, that of a tranquil stability, by whose aid it became possible to draw up memoirs and to gather a thousand traditions whose titles the persecution of Diocletian had caused to perish, or which at least, for want of being recorded in the more general chronicles, ran the risk of disappearing along with the isolated monuments upon which they rested. The existence of the Christians was no longer furtive and hurried; they henceforth dwelt at rest in a world which until then they had only traversed in all haste: the Church had a place, and the first place, in the annals of humanity.
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Ce fut l’idee qi’Eusebe voulut rendre dans sa Chronique ou il groupe autour de l’histoire sacree et ecclesiastique les eres, les olympiades, les royaumes, les dynasties, en sorte que c’est merveille de voir tous les fastes de la terre s'epuiser les uns apres les autres, tandis que l’Eglise judaique, puis l’Eglise chretienne, tra- versent majestueusement les ages. De toutes parts on se livrait a la recherche des origines et des antiquites, et, comme nous l’avons vu precedemment, l’Occident voulut avoir sa version latine de la Chronique d'Eusebe, en attendant qu’il put lui-meme explorer en grand la Science des temps.
這就是優西比烏在他《編年史》中所要表達的意念;他在其中將神聖的、教會的歷史環繞著各紀元、各奧林匹亞期、各王國、各王朝聚集起來,以致看見地上一切的紀年一個接一個地耗盡,而猶太的教會、繼而基督的教會,卻莊嚴地穿越各世代,實在是一件奇事。各方人士都投身於對起源與古蹟的研究,並且,正如我們先前所見,西方願意擁有它優西比烏《編年史》的拉丁譯本,直等到它自己能大規模地探究時間之學。
This was the idea that Eusebius sought to render in his Chronicle, where he groups around the sacred and ecclesiastical history the eras, the Olympiads, the kingdoms, the dynasties, so that it is a marvel to see all the annals of the earth exhaust themselves one after another, while the Jewish Church, then the Christian Church, pass majestically through the ages. On all sides men gave themselves up to the research of origins and antiquities, and, as we have seen previously, the West wished to have its Latin version of the Chronicle of Eusebius, until it might itself explore on a grand scale the Science of times.
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Une raison qui portait non moins puissamment les chretiens en ce genre de travaux etait la supputation de la fete de Paques, question du plus haut interet religieux dans teus les temps, mais surtout alors ou elle avait ete l’objet de vives controverses, et qui necessitait pour sa solution de pro’ondes investiga- tions dans la chronologie aussi bien que de doctes observations astronomiques. C’est ainsi que, des le siecle precedent, Saint Hippolyte, en composant son Cycle Pascal, avait ete conduit a consigner ses re- cherches dans une veritable Chronique. Tout se reunissait donc a cette epoque pour engager les chre- tiens a recueillir leurs monuments primitifs;
另有一個同樣強而有力地促使基督徒從事這類工作的緣由,乃是復活節節期的推算——這在歷代都是有最高宗教意義的問題,尤其在那時,因它曾成為激烈爭辯的對象,並且它的解決需要在年代學上作深入的考查,也需要博學的天文觀測。正是這樣,早在前一個世紀,聖希坡律陀在編寫他的《逾越節週期表》時,就被引導將他的研究記載在一部名副其實的《編年史》中。因此,在那個時期,一切都聯合起來,促使基督徒收集他們原初的文獻;
A reason which moved the Christians no less powerfully to this kind of labor was the computation of the feast of Easter, a question of the highest religious interest in all times, but above all then, when it had been the object of lively controversies, and which required for its solution profound investigations in chronology as well as learned astronomical observations. It was thus that, as early as the preceding century, Saint Hippolytus, in composing his Paschal Cycle, had been led to set down his researches in a veritable Chronicle. Everything therefore combined at that period to engage the Christians to collect their primitive monuments;
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c'est aussi celle ou fui dressee la Chronique qui fait le sujet de ce chapitre. En 1634, le P. Gilles Boucher, savant Jesuite, publia a Anvers un celebre commentaire sur le Cycle Pascal de Victorius d’Aquitaine ( a ), et parmi les monuments qu’il insera dans cet ouvrage, on remarque surtout cinq opuscules chronologiques du plus haut interet, et que l’auteur attestait avoir ex- traits d'un même manuscrit. Le premier était une suite de Fastes Consulaires depuis Antonin secundo , et Géta, jnsqu'à Constance Auguste septimo et Con- stance César tertio .
這也是編成本章所論《編年史》的時期。一六三四年,博學的耶穌會士吉爾·布榭神父在安特衛普出版了一部關於阿奎丹的維克托利烏斯《逾越節週期表》的著名註釋(甲),在他收入此書的文獻中,人尤其注意到五篇有最高意義的年代學小品,作者證實這些都是從同一份手稿中摘出的。第一篇是一系列執政官年表,從安東尼努斯第二次任期與蓋塔起,直到君士坦提烏斯·奧古斯都第七次任期與君士坦提烏斯·凱撒第三次任期。
it is also the period in which was drawn up the Chronicle that is the subject of this chapter. In 1634, Father Gilles Boucher, a learned Jesuit, published at Antwerp a celebrated commentary on the Paschal Cycle of Victorius of Aquitaine (a), and among the monuments which he inserted in this work, one remarks above all five chronological opuscules of the highest interest, which the author attested he had extracted from one and the same manuscript. The first was a series of Consular Fasti from Antoninus for the second time, and Geta, down to Constantius Augustus for the seventh time and Constantius Caesar for the third time.
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Le second était une liste des Préfets de Rome depuis Lollianus, en charge sous le consulat de Valérien secundo et Gallien, jusqu’à Vitrasius Orifitus sous celui des deux Constance ci- dessus nommés; ce qui revient à l’an 354. Le troi- sième, un ancien Calendrier Ecclésiastique contenant la fête et le jour mortuaire de plusieurs saints mar- tyrs et évêques de Rome dont le dernier est le Pape saint Jules, mort l’an 352. Le quatrième est la Chro- nique des Papes qui fait le sujet de ce chapitre, laquelle va jusqu’à Libère, dont elle annonce l’avéne- ment sous les consuls Constance quinto et Constance César, sans marquer sa mort, arrivée l’an 366, parce que sans doute il vivait encore.
第二篇是羅馬眾總督的名單,從在瓦勒良第二次任期與伽利埃努斯執政之下任職的羅利阿努斯起,直到上述兩位君士坦提烏斯執政之下的維特拉西烏斯·奧菲圖斯;這算到三五四年。第三篇是一份古老的教會曆,記載了好幾位羅馬聖殉道者與主教的節期和卒日,其中末一位是教皇聖猶流,他卒於三五二年。第四篇就是本章所論眾教皇的《編年史》,這篇下至利伯里烏斯,宣告他在君士坦提烏斯第五次任期與君士坦提烏斯·凱撒執政之下繼位,卻沒有標明他的卒年(即三六六年),無疑是因為他那時還活著。
The second was a list of the Prefects of Rome, from Lollianus, in office under the consulate of Valerian for the second time and Gallienus, down to Vitrasius Orfitus under that of the two Constantii named above; which comes to the year 354. The third was an ancient Ecclesiastical Calendar containing the feast and the day of death of several holy martyrs and bishops of Rome, the last of whom is Pope Saint Julius, who died in the year 352. The fourth is the Chronicle of the Popes that is the subject of this chapter, which goes down to Liberius, whose accession it announces under the consuls Constantius for the fifth time and Constantius Caesar, without marking his death, which occurred in the year 366, doubtless because he was still living.
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Le cinquième enfin est un ancien Calendrier civil qui marque les nais- sances des principaux Césars, et s’arrête à Constance, qui s'y trouve qualifié non Divus comme les autres, mais Dominus , comme vivant encore au moment où fui dressé ce calendrier. On sait que Constance mourut en 361. Ainsi donc, ces cinq monuments ont dû être écrits dans l’espace d’environ dix ans, savoir, de l’an 354 à l’an 364. Il est clair qu’ils se prêtent un mutuel appui, et que, si on ne peut dé- terminer l’auteur qui les a composés, il faut du moins reconnaitre, avec le P. Boucher et l’univer- salité des doctes, que leur époque est incontestable- ment fixée au milieu du quatrième siècle.
第五篇,最後,是一份古老的世俗曆,標記了主要諸凱撒的出生,止於君士坦提烏斯;他在那裏不像其他人被稱為「神化者」(Divus),乃被稱為「主」(Dominus),表明在編成此曆之時他仍然在世。眾所周知,君士坦提烏斯卒於三六一年。如此,這五篇文獻必是在約十年的期間內寫成的,即從三五四年到三六四年。顯然它們彼此相互支持;倘若不能斷定編寫它們的作者是誰,至少也必須與布榭神父並全體學者一同承認,它們的年代無可爭辯地定在第四世紀中葉。
The fifth, finally, is an ancient civil Calendar which marks the births of the principal Caesars, and stops at Constantius, who is there qualified not as Divus like the others, but as Dominus, as one still living at the moment when this calendar was drawn up. It is known that Constantius died in 361. Thus, then, these five monuments must have been written within the space of about ten years, namely, from the year 354 to the year 364. It is clear that they lend one another a mutual support, and that, if one cannot determine the author who composed them, one must at least recognize, with Father Boucher and the whole body of the learned, that their epoch is incontestably fixed at the middle of the fourth century.
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De ces cinq monuments, le quatrièmp est le seul qui doive nous occuper spécialement. Il contient les noms des Papes depuis saint Pierre jusqu'à Libère, avec leurs années distinguées par les consuls et quelques autres particularités dont nous discuterons plus tard l’authenticité. En un mot, ce monument est d’une importance véritablement grave, et mérite toute notre attention; car, de l’aveu de Pearson, « si l’on peut trouver quelque certitude de ces temps chez les chronologistes latins, c’est dans cet ancien catalogue qu’il la faut aller chercher » ( a ).
在這五篇文獻中,惟有第四篇是我們應當特別專注的。它記載了眾教皇的名字,從聖彼得直到利伯里烏斯,並以執政官標明他們的年數,以及其他若干細節,其真確性我們將在後面討論。一言以蔽之,這篇文獻有真正重大的價值,配得我們充分的注意;因為,照皮爾遜所承認的:『若人能在拉丁年代學家中尋得這些時期的任何確據,那就必須到這份古老的目錄中去尋找』(甲)。
Of these five monuments, the fourth is the only one that ought to occupy us specially. It contains the names of the Popes from Saint Peter down to Liberius, with their years distinguished by the consuls and some other particulars whose authenticity we shall discuss later. In a word, this monument is of a truly grave importance, and merits all our attention; for, by the avowal of Pearson, 'if one can find any certainty of these times among the Latin chronologists, it is in this ancient catalogue that one must go to seek it' (a).
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Toutefois avant d’examiner quel degré de con- fiance nous devons donner à cette fameuse chronique que nous appellerons désormais le Catalogue de Libère, par la raison qu’elle s’arrête à ce Pape, nous consacrerons quelques pages à faire l’histoire de sa découverte et de sa publication. Ce monument précieux, qui était demeuré manus- crit jusqu’en 1634, que le P. Boucher le publia pour la première fois, avait déjà avant cette époque attiré l’attention des savants qui s'étaient trouvés à portée de le consulter. Le premier que l’on trouve en a voir fait usage est Spiesshammer, plus connu dans le monde de la science sous le nom de Cuspinien.
然而,在我們考察應對那部著名編年史抱持何等信任之前——我們此後將稱它為「利伯略目錄」,理由是它止於這位教宗——我們要用幾頁篇幅來敘述它被發現與出版的歷史。這份珍貴的文獻直到1634年才由布謝神父首次刊行,在此之前一直僅以手稿形式存在;不過早在那時,凡有機會查閱它的學者已經注意到它。我們所知第一位使用它的人是施皮斯哈默,他在學術界更為人所知的名字是庫斯皮尼安。
However, before examining how much confidence we ought to place in that famous chronicle, which we shall henceforth call the Catalogue of Liberius—for the reason that it stops at this Pope—we shall devote a few pages to recounting the history of its discovery and publication. This precious monument, which had remained in manuscript until 1634, when Father Boucher published it for the first time, had already before that time drawn the attention of the scholars who had occasion to consult it. The first whom we find to have made use of it is Spiesshammer, better known in the world of learning under the name of Cuspinian.
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Dans son commentaire sur la Chronique de Cassiodore, il s’en servit à cause des fastes consulaires qu’il ren- ferme, et l’inséra presque en entier, mais par parties, dans son commentaire à mesure qu’il en avait besoin. Il le qualifie d’opuscule très-ancien ( b ), et parle en divers endroits des quatre autres qui tui étaient joints, ei qu’a publiés pareillement le P. Boucher. Le ma- nuscrit de Cuspinien, qui semble avoir été l’original des diverses copies dont nous parlerons, aurait, à ce qu’il parait, été primitivement entre les mains d'un conseiller privé du roi catholique que le P.
在他為卡西奧多魯斯《編年史》所作的註釋中,他因其中所含的執政官年表而使用了它,並隨需要將它幾乎全部、但分段地插入自己的註釋之中。他稱之為一部極為古老的小著作,並在數處提到與之相連的另外四篇文獻,這些也同樣由布謝神父刊行。庫斯皮尼安的手稿——它似乎是我們即將談及的各種抄本的原本——看來最初是在一位天主教國王的樞密顧問手中,這位顧問即布謝
In his commentary on the Chronicle of Cassiodorus he made use of it on account of the consular fasti it contains, and inserted it almost entirely, but in parts, into his commentary as he had need of it. He describes it as a very ancient little work, and speaks in several places of the four other pieces that were joined to it, which Father Boucher likewise published. The manuscript of Cuspinian, which seems to have been the original of the various copies of which we shall speak, had apparently been at first in the hands of a privy councillor of the Catholic king, whom Father
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Boucher nomine en latin Assonvillius , lequel l’avait reçu de Jean Brenner, secrétaire du même prince, et membre du sénat de Luxembourg ( c ). Quoi qu’il en soit, ce manuscrit original n’xiste plus depuis longtemps ( d ). Henschenius ( e ) a prétendu qu’Onuphre Panvini avait cu aussi entre les mains |e catalogue de Libère lorsqu’il travaillait à Rome sur les Fastes consula res, vers le milieu du seizième siècle; Pagi a cru la même chose, ainsi qu’il s’en explique dans sa Cri- tique de Baronius ( f ), mais ils se sont trompés l’un et l’autre.
神父以拉丁文稱之為阿松維留斯(Assonvillius),他是從同一位君王的祕書、盧森堡參議院議員約翰·布倫納手中得到它的。無論如何,這份原始手稿早已不復存在。亨申尼烏斯主張,奧努弗里烏斯·潘維尼烏斯在十六世紀中葉於羅馬研究執政官年表時,也曾把利伯略目錄握於手中;帕吉也持同樣看法,正如他在《巴羅尼烏斯批判》中所說明的;但他們二人都弄錯了。
Boucher names in Latin as Assonvillius, who had received it from Jean Brenner, secretary of the same prince and a member of the senate of Luxembourg. However that may be, this original manuscript has not existed for a long time. Henschenius claimed that Onuphrius Panvinius had also had the Catalogue of Liberius in his hands when he was working at Rome on the consular fasti, around the middle of the sixteenth century; Pagi believed the same, as he explains in his Critique of Baronius, but they were both mistaken.
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Emmannel de Schelstrate atteste dans son grand ouvrage sur l’Antiquité Ecclésiastique avoir trouvé dans la Bibliothèque Vaticane à laquelle il se trouvait préposé vers la fin du dix-septième siècle, un index des livres et manuscrits dont s’était servi Panvini dans son travail sur les fastes consulaires, et il déclare qu'il n’y est fait mention d'autre cata- logue des Papes que du Liber pontificalis ( g ). Voici maintenant quelque chose de plus certain.
埃馬努埃爾·德·謝爾斯特拉特在其論教會古制的鉅著中證實:他在十七世紀末曾掌管梵蒂岡圖書館,在那裡發現了一份潘維尼烏斯研究執政官年表時所用的書籍與手稿索引;他聲明其中除了《教宗名錄》(Liber Pontificalis)之外,並未提及任何其他教宗目錄。如今,這裡有一件更為確鑿的事。
Emmanuel de Schelstrate attests, in his great work on Ecclesiastical Antiquity, that in the Vatican Library—over which he had charge toward the end of the seventeenth century—he found an index of the books and manuscripts which Panvinius had used in his work on the consular fasti, and he declares that no other catalogue of the Popes is mentioned there save the Liber Pontificalis. Now here is something more certain.
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Vers l’an 1620, Nicolas Fabry de Peiresc, conseiller au parlement d’Aix, homme d’une véritable érudi- tion, reçut d’un magistrat d’Arras la communication d’un manuscrit précieux sur lequel se trouvait le catalogue de Libère, avec les quatre autres opus- cules, monuments dont Peiresc vante I’importance dans uue lettre que Pagi a inserée en substance à l’endroit de sa Critique que nous avo as déjà cité. Peiresc qui, d’après l’intention expresse de son cor- respondant d’Arras, devait seulement prendre copie du manuscrit et le renvoyer ensuite, remplit fidèle- ment cette double condition, mais il ne fit point jouir le public du fruit de cette découverte.
約在1620年,艾克斯高等法院的顧問、真正博學之士尼古拉·法布里·德·佩雷斯克從阿拉斯的一位法官那裡得到了一份珍貴手稿的借閱,其中載有利伯略目錄連同另外四篇小著作;佩雷斯克在一封信中盛讚這些文獻的重要性,帕吉已在我們先前所引《批判》的那一段中將該信的要旨收錄。佩雷斯克依照那位阿拉斯通信者的明確意願,只須抄錄手稿然後歸還,他忠實地履行了這雙重條件,但他並未讓公眾享有這項發現的成果。
Around the year 1620, Nicolas Fabri de Peiresc, councillor of the parlement of Aix, a man of true erudition, received from a magistrate of Arras the communication of a precious manuscript containing the Catalogue of Liberius together with the four other little works—monuments whose importance Peiresc extols in a letter that Pagi inserted in substance at the passage of his Critique which we have already cited. Peiresc, who according to the express intention of his Arras correspondent was only to make a copy of the manuscript and then return it, faithfully fulfilled this double condition, but he did not let the public enjoy the fruit of this discovery.
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Pagi parle encore de deux antres copies du cata- logue de Libère qui auraient existé manuscrites à Paris, dans le courant du dix-septième siècle : l'unc à la bibliothèque des Chanoines Réguliers de Saint- Victor, inscrite au catalogue sons ce titre : Chronica Damasi ; mais elle avait disparu depuis, sans qu’on sût ce qu'elle était devenue; l’autre, dans la biblio- thèque des Jésuites du collége Louis-le-Grand, où elle avait été déposée par le P. Sirmond. Elle était d’ailleurs conforme en tout à celle publiée par les Bollandistes, suivant l’attestation qu’en fit le P. Hardouin lui-même au P. Pagi. Le P.
帕吉還談到利伯略目錄的另外兩份抄本,據說在十七世紀間以手稿形式存於巴黎:其一在聖維克多律修會教士的圖書館中,編入目錄時題名為《達瑪蘇斯編年史》(Chronica Damasi),但此後已經失落,無人知其下落;其二在路易大帝公學耶穌會士的圖書館中,由西爾蒙神父存放於彼處。此外,依哈杜安神父親自向帕吉神父所作的證實,這份抄本在一切方面都與波蘭迪斯特學派所刊行的那份相符。神父
Pagi speaks further of two other copies of the Catalogue of Liberius which are said to have existed in manuscript at Paris during the course of the seventeenth century: one in the library of the Canons Regular of Saint-Victor, entered in the catalogue under this title, Chronica Damasi; but it had since disappeared, without anyone knowing what had become of it; the other in the library of the Jesuits of the Collège Louis-le-Grand, where it had been deposited by Father Sirmond. It was, moreover, in every respect conformable to that published by the Bollandists, according to the attestation which Father Hardouin himself made to Father Pagi. Father
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Boucher est donc le premier qui, non con- tent de se servir du précieux monument qui nous oc- cupe, ait songé à admetire le public dans sa confi- dence, en publiant à part et en entier le fameux ca- taloge dont Cuspinien n’avait inséré que des lam- beaux détachés dans l’ouvrage que nous avons cité. En octobre 1632, étant venu de Liége à Anvers pour traiter avec la maison Plantin de l’impression de son traité de Doctrina temporum , il Se trouva naturelle- meut en rapport avec le P. Bollandus. Celui-ci, dans l’intention d'aider son confrère dans l’explication du cycle de Victorius, qui faisait l’objet de cette publi- cation, lui communiqua une copie prise autrefois par le P.
因此,布謝神父是第一位不滿足於僅使用我們所論的這份珍貴文獻,而想到要讓公眾共知其機密之人:他將那部著名目錄單獨而完整地刊行——庫斯皮尼安在我們所引的著作中只插入了它零散的片段。1632年十月,他從列日來到安特衛普,與普朗坦印刷世家洽談刊印他的《論時序》(De Doctrina Temporum)一書時,自然而然地與波蘭杜斯神父有了往來。後者為了在維克托里烏斯的週期表(這正是此次刊行的對象)之解說上協助他的同會弟兄,便把一份從前由某神父所抄錄的副本交給了他——
Boucher, then, is the first who, not content to make use of the precious monument that occupies us, thought of admitting the public into his confidence by publishing separately and in full the famous catalogue, of which Cuspinian had inserted only detached fragments in the work we have cited. In October 1632, having come from Liège to Antwerp to negotiate with the house of Plantin for the printing of his treatise De Doctrina Temporum, he naturally came into contact with Father Bollandus. The latter, intending to assist his confrère in the explanation of the cycle of Victorius, which was the object of this publication, gave him a copy formerly made by Father
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Rosweid sur le manuscrit que Cuspinien avait eu entre les mains, et cette copie renfermait precise- ment les cinq opuscules chronologiques qui nous oc- cupent ( a ). L’original était dès lors égaré; mais le P. Boncher n'en crut pas moins devoir donner en en- tier, dans son travail sur Victorius, ces di verses pie- ces, et ce fui par lui que le monde savant en entra véritablement en possession. En 1675, on vit paraîtire à Anvers une nouvelle édition, du catalogue de Libère, par les soins du P. Henschenius, en tête du premier tome d’avril des Acta Sanctorum. On remarqua dans cette nouvelle édition qui fut répétéé de mot à mot |par le P.
那便是羅斯韋德神父從庫斯皮尼安曾握於手中的手稿所抄的副本,而這份副本恰恰包含了我們所論的那五篇時序方面的小著作。原本到那時已經散佚;但布謝神父仍認為自己有責任在論維克托里烏斯的著作中,將這些各色文獻完整地刊出,正是藉著他,學術界才真正擁有了它們。1675年,在安特衛普出現了利伯略目錄的新版,由亨申尼烏斯神父經手,置於《聖徒傳記》(Acta Sanctorum)四月卷第一冊之首。在這新版中,人們注意到——它被某神父逐字重複
Rosweyde from the manuscript that Cuspinian had had in his hands, and this copy contained precisely the five chronological little works that occupy us. The original was by then lost; but Father Boucher nonetheless thought it his duty to give in full, in his work on Victorius, these various pieces, and it was through him that the learned world truly came into possession of them. In 1675 there appeared at Antwerp a new edition of the Catalogue of Liberius, through the care of Father Henschenius, at the head of the first volume of April of the Acta Sanctorum. There was noticed in this new edition—which was repeated word for word by Father
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Pape- brock, dans son Conatus chronologico-historicus ad catalogum Pontificum Ramanorum, quelques variantes assez graves avec le texte pubbé par le P. Boucher. Pagi semble vouloir les attribuer à des corrections qu’Hensehenius se scrait permis de faire à la leçon du manuscrit; mais cette conjecture paraît perdre beancoup de son importance, s’il est démontré que le p. Boucher aurait établi son texte non-seulement d'après le manuscrit des Bollandistes, mais aussi d’après un autre qui se conserve à la bibliothèque impériale de Vienne.
——即帕佩布羅赫神父在其《羅馬教宗目錄之年代與歷史考訂》(Conatus chronologico-historicus ad catalogum Pontificum Romanorum)中——與布謝神父所刊行的本文有若干相當重大的異文。帕吉似乎傾向於把這些異文歸因於亨申尼烏斯擅自對手稿讀法所作的訂正;但若能證明布謝神父不僅根據波蘭迪斯特學派的手稿、也根據另一份保存於維也納帝國圖書館的手稿來訂立其本文,那麼這項臆測便顯得分量大減了。
Papebroch, in his Conatus chronologico-historicus ad catalogum Pontificum Romanorum—some rather serious variants from the text published by Father Boucher. Pagi seems inclined to attribute them to corrections that Henschenius is supposed to have allowed himself to make to the reading of the manuscript; but this conjecture appears to lose much of its weight if it can be shown that Father Boucher established his text not only from the manuscript of the Bollandists, but also from another preserved in the imperial library of Vienna.
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Dans ce cas, Henschenius et Papebrock publiant leur manuscrit d’Anvers avec exactitude, devaient par cela même présenter dans leur leçon quelques différences avec celle qui aurait été dressée sur deux manuscrits au lieu d’un. Quant au manuscrits du catalogue de Libère con- servé à la bibliothèque de Vienne, entre les mss. la- tins, n° 56, il a été publié par Schelstrate dans son CUI ACCEDUNT IN CONFIRMATIONIS VICEM DUO MARTYROLOGIA ECCLESIAE ROMANAE NEC NON CALENDARIUM ANTIQUISSIMUM ECCLESIAE CARTHAGINENSIS. (Ex opere paucis abhinc annis edito, cui titulus : Origines de l’Eglise romaine, par les membres de la communaute de Solesmes ) Commentar. in Victorii Aquitani Ca- nonem Paschalem , pag.
在那種情形下,亨申尼烏斯與帕佩布羅赫既精確地刊行其安特衛普的手稿,便因此必然在其讀法中呈現出若干與「由兩份手稿而非一份所訂定者」的差異。至於那份保存於維也納圖書館拉丁手稿第56號的利伯略目錄手稿,已由謝爾斯特拉特刊載於其《阿基坦的維克托里烏斯逾越節推算法註釋》(Commentarius in Victorii Aquitani Canonem Paschalem)之中——此書另附有羅馬教會的兩部殉道錄,以及一份迦太基教會極古老的曆書,以作印證之用(取自數年前所編、題為《羅馬教會的起源》、由索萊姆隱修團體成員所撰之著作),見頁
In that case, Henschenius and Papebroch, publishing their Antwerp manuscript with exactitude, must by that very fact have presented in their reading some differences from that which would have been drawn up from two manuscripts instead of one. As for the manuscript of the Catalogue of Liberius preserved in the library of Vienna, among the Latin manuscripts, no. 56, it was published by Schelstrate in his Commentarius in Victorii Aquitani Canonem Paschalem—to which are added, by way of confirmation, two martyrologies of the Roman Church, as well as a most ancient calendar of the Church of Carthage (from a work edited a few years earlier, entitled Origines de l'Église romaine, by the members of the community of Solesmes), page
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269, Anlt verpiae. Plantin. 1634. Catalogus hic ad Callistum usque confusior et vitiosus est : post il- lum paulo distinctior, maxime post Lucium . I MPERANTE T IBERIO Caesare, pas- sus est Dominus noster Jesus Chri- stus, duobus Geminis Consulibus, VIII Kalendas Aprilis, et post ad- scensum ejus, Beatissimus Petrus Episcopatum suscepit. Ex quo tem- pore per successionem dispositum, quis Episcopus, et quot annis prae- fuit, vel quo imperante. P ETRUS , annis viginti quinque, mense uno, diebus novem. Fuit temporibus Tiberii Caesaris, et Caii, et Tiberii Claudii, et Neronis, a Consulatu Vinicii et Longini usque Neronis et Veteris 1 .
269頁(安特衛普,普朗坦,1634年)。此目錄直到卡利斯都為止較為混亂而多誤;在他之後則略為清晰,尤其在路求之後。在提庇留·凱撒在位時,我們的主耶穌基督受難,時當二格米尼烏斯任執政官之年,四月朔前第八日;在祂升天之後,至福的伯多祿承受了主教職分。自那時起,便按繼承順序記載:誰為主教、在位幾年、又當誰在位之時。伯多祿,二十五年一月九日。他生於提庇留·凱撒、蓋約、提庇留·克勞狄與尼祿的時代,自維尼基烏斯與隆基努斯任執政官之年,直到尼祿與維魯斯之年。
269 (Antwerp, Plantin, 1634). This catalogue is rather confused and faulty down to Callistus; after him it is a little more distinct, especially after Lucius. In the reign of Tiberius Caesar, our Lord Jesus Christ suffered, in the consulship of the two Gemini, on the eighth day before the Kalends of April; and after His ascension the most blessed Peter received the episcopate. From that time it was set down by succession who was bishop, and for how many years he presided, and under whose reign. Peter, twenty-five years, one month, nine days. He lived in the times of Tiberius Caesar, of Caius, of Tiberius Claudius, and of Nero, from the consulship of Vinicius and Longinus to that of Nero and Verus.
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Passus autem cum Paulo die tertia Kalendas Ju- lias, consulibus SS. imperante Ne- rone. L INUS annis duodecim, mensibus quatuor, diebus duodecim. Fuit temporibus Neronis a Consulatu Saturnini et Scipionis usque Capi- tone et Rufo. C LEMENS annis novem, mensibus undecim, diebus duodecim. Fuit temporibus Galbae et Vespasiani, a Consulatu Trachali et Italici, usque Vespasiano VI et Tito. ( Clementem Eusebius et Baronius Cleto postponunt .) C LETUS annis sex, mensibus duo- bus, diebus decem. Fuit tempori- bus Vespasiani et Titi, et initio Do- mitiani, a Consulibus Vespasiano VIII et Domitiano V, usque Domi- tiano IX et Rufo. A NACLETUS annis duodecim, men sibus decem, diebus tribus.
他與保祿一同受難,時當七月朔前第三日,由前述執政官任職、尼祿在位之時。理諾,十二年四月十二日。他生於尼祿的時代,自撒杜爾尼努斯與西庇阿任執政官之年,直到卡皮托與魯弗斯之年。革利免,九年十一月十二日。他生於加爾巴與維斯帕先的時代,自特拉卡魯斯與意大利庫斯任執政官之年,直到維斯帕先第六任與提多之年。(優西比烏與巴羅尼烏斯把革利免列於克勒圖斯之後。)克勒圖斯,六年二月十日。他生於維斯帕先與提多,並多米田初年的時代,自維斯帕先第八任與多米田第五任,直到多米田第九任與魯弗斯之年。亞那克勒圖斯,十二年十月三日。
He suffered, together with Paul, on the third day before the Kalends of July, in the consulship of the same, under the reign of Nero. Linus, twelve years, four months, twelve days. He lived in the times of Nero, from the consulship of Saturninus and Scipio to that of Capito and Rufus. Clement, nine years, eleven months, twelve days. He lived in the times of Galba and Vespasian, from the consulship of Trachalus and Italicus to the sixth consulship of Vespasian and that of Titus. (Eusebius and Baronius place Clement after Cletus.) Cletus, six years, two months, ten days. He lived in the times of Vespasian and Titus and at the beginning of Domitian, from the eighth consulship of Vespasian and the fifth of Domitian, to the ninth of Domitian and that of Rufus. Anacletus, twelve years, ten months, three days.
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Fuit temporibus Domitiani, a Consuli- bus Domitiano X, et Sabino, usque Domitiano XVII et Clemente. E VARISTUS 2 annis tredecim, men- sibus septem, diebus duobus. Fuit temporibus novissimis Domitiani, et Nervae, et Trajani; a Consulatu Valentis et Veri, usque Gallo et Bradua. A LEXANDER annis septem, men- sibus duobus, die uno. Fuit tempo- ribus Trajani, a Consulatu Palmae et Tulli usque Veliano 3 et Vetere. S IXTUS annis decem, mensibus tribus, diebus viginti uno. Fuit temporibus Hadriani, a Consulatu Nigri et Aproniani, usque Vero III, et Ambibulo. T ELESPHORUS annis undecim, mensibus tribus, diebus tribus.
他生於多米田的時代,自多米田第十任與撒比努斯任執政官之年,直到多米田第十七任與革利免之年。厄瓦理斯多,十三年七月二日。他生於多米田末年,並涅爾瓦與圖拉真的時代;自瓦倫斯與維魯斯任執政官之年,直到加魯斯與布拉都阿之年。亞歷山大,七年二月一日。他生於圖拉真的時代,自帕爾瑪與圖魯斯任執政官之年,直到維利阿努斯與維魯斯之年。西斯篤,十年三月二十一日。他生於哈德良的時代,自尼革爾與阿普羅尼阿努斯任執政官之年,直到維魯斯第三任與安比布魯斯之年。德肋斯佛羅,十一年三月三日。
He lived in the times of Domitian, from the consulship of Domitian (his tenth) and Sabinus, to the seventeenth of Domitian and the consulship of Clemens. Evaristus, thirteen years, seven months, two days. He lived in the latest times of Domitian, and of Nerva, and of Trajan; from the consulship of Valens and Verus to that of Gallus and Bradua. Alexander, seven years, two months, one day. He lived in the times of Trajan, from the consulship of Palma and Tullus to that of Velianus and Verus. Sixtus, ten years, three months, twenty-one days. He lived in the times of Hadrian, from the consulship of Niger and Apronianus to the third of Verus and the consulship of Ambibulus. Telesphorus, eleven years, three months, three days.
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Fuit temporibus Antonini Macrini, a Consulatu Titiani et Gallicani, usque Caesare et Balbino. H YGINUS annis duodecim, mensi- bus tribus, diebus sex. Fuit tem- poribus Veri, a Consulatu Galli- cani et Veteris, usque Prasente et Rufino. ( Deest hic Anicetus cui dant annos pene octo .) Pius annis viginti, mensibus qua- tuor, diebus viginti uno. Fuit tem- poribus Antonini Pii, a Consulatu Clari et Severi, usque duobus Au- gustis. Sub hujus Episcopatu frater ejus Hermes librum scripsit, in quo mandatur, contineturque quod ei praecepit Angelus, cum venit ad cum in habitu pastoris. S OTER annis novem, mensibus tribus, diebus duobus.
他生於安東尼·馬克里努斯的時代,自提提阿努斯與加利卡努斯任執政官之年,直到凱撒與巴爾比努斯之年。希吉努斯,十二年三月六日。他生於維魯斯的時代,自加利卡努斯與維魯斯任執政官之年,直到普雷森斯與魯非努斯之年。(此處缺安尼克都,他們給他將近八年。)庇護,二十年四月二十一日。他生於安東尼·庇護的時代,自克拉魯斯與塞維魯任執政官之年,直到兩位奧古斯都之年。在他任主教期間,他的弟兄黑馬寫了一卷書,其中載明並包含了那位天使在牧人裝束中來見他時所吩咐他的話。索德爾,九年三月二日。
He lived in the times of Antoninus Macrinus, from the consulship of Titianus and Gallicanus to that of Caesar and Balbinus. Hyginus, twelve years, three months, six days. He lived in the times of Verus, from the consulship of Gallicanus and Verus to that of Praesens and Rufinus. (Here Anicetus is lacking, to whom they assign nearly eight years.) Pius, twenty years, four months, twenty-one days. He lived in the times of Antoninus Pius, from the consulship of Clarus and Severus to that of the two Augusti. Under his episcopate his brother Hermas wrote a book in which is enjoined and contained that which the Angel commanded him when he came to him in the garb of a shepherd. Soter, nine years, three months, two days.
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Fuit tem- poribus Antonini et Commodi, a Consulatu Veri et Erenniani, usque Paterno et Bradua. ( Deest rursus Eleutherius quem volunt sedisse annos quindecim .) V ICTOR annis novem, mensibus duobus, diebus decem. A Consu- latu Saturnini et Galli, usque Prae- se te et Extricato. ( Deest item Zephyrinus cui dant annos decem et octo .) C ALLISTUS annos quinque, men- ses duos dies decem. Fuit tempo- ribus Macrini et Heliogabali, a Consulatu Antonini et Adventi, usque Antonino III et Alexandro. U RBANUS annos octo, menses un- decim, dies duodecim. Fuit tempo- ribus Alexandri a Consulatu Maxi- mi et AEliani, usque Agricola et Clementino. P ONTIANUS annis quinque, men- sibus duobus, diebus septem.
他生於安東尼與康茂德的時代,自維魯斯與赫倫尼阿努斯任執政官之年,直到帕特爾努斯與布拉都阿之年。(此處又缺厄留德羅,他們認為他在位十五年。)維克托,九年二月十日。自撒杜爾尼努斯與加魯斯任執政官之年,直到普雷森斯與厄斯特里卡都斯之年。(同樣缺則斐林,他們給他十八年。)卡利斯都,五年二月十日。他生於馬克里努斯與厄拉伽巴路斯的時代,自安東尼與阿德文都斯任執政官之年,直到安東尼第三任與亞歷山大之年。烏爾巴努斯,八年十一月十二日。他生於亞歷山大的時代,自馬克西穆斯與埃利阿努斯任執政官之年,直到阿格里科拉與克勒門提努斯之年。彭謙,五年二月七日。
He lived in the times of Antoninus and Commodus, from the consulship of Verus and Herennianus to that of Paternus and Bradua. (Here again Eleutherius is lacking, whom they would have to have sat fifteen years.) Victor, nine years, two months, ten days. From the consulship of Saturninus and Gallus to that of Praesens and Extricatus. (Likewise Zephyrinus is lacking, to whom they assign eighteen years.) Callistus, five years, two months, ten days. He lived in the times of Macrinus and Heliogabalus, from the consulship of Antoninus and Adventus, to the third of Antoninus and the consulship of Alexander. Urbanus, eight years, eleven months, twelve days. He lived in the times of Alexander, from the consulship of Maximus and Aelianus to that of Agricola and Clementinus. Pontianus, five years, two months, seven days.
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Fuit temporibus Alexandri, a Consulatu Pompeiam et Peligniani. Eo tem- pore Nepotianus 1 Episcopus et Hipolitus Presbyter exules sunt deportati in insulam nocivam Sar- diniam, Severo et Quintiano Con- sulibus. In eadem insula discinctus est IV Kalendas Decembris, Consu- libus SS. A NTEROS mense uno, diebus de- cem. Dormit III . Nonas Januarii, Maximo et Africano Consulibus. F ABIANUS annos quatuordecim, mensem unum, dies decem. Fuit temporibus Maximini, et Gordiani, et Philippi. A Consulatu Maximini et Africani, usque Decio II, et Gra- to. Passus XII . Kalendas februarii. Hic regiones divisit Diaconibus : et multas fabricas per coemeteria fieri jussit.
他生於亞歷山大的時代,自龐培亞努斯與貝利尼阿努斯任執政官之年起。那時,主教涅波提阿努斯與司鐸希波律陀被流放,押解到撒丁島那有害之地,時當塞維魯與昆提阿努斯任執政官之年。在同一島上,他於十二月朔前第四日被革去職分,由前述者任執政官之時。安特羅,一月十日。他於一月初五日前第三日安息,時當馬克西穆斯與阿非利加努斯任執政官之年。法比安,十四年一月十日。他生於馬克西米努斯、戈爾迪安與斐理伯的時代。自馬克西米努斯與阿非利加努斯任執政官之年,直到德修第二任與格拉都斯之年。他於二月朔前第十二日受難。他將各教區分配給諸執事,又命人在各墓地廣建許多建築。
He lived in the times of Alexander, from the consulship of Pompeianus and Pelignianus. At that time Bishop Nepotianus and the priest Hippolytus were exiled, deported to the noxious island of Sardinia, in the consulship of Severus and Quintianus. On that same island he was deprived of his office on the fourth day before the Kalends of December, in the consulship of the same. Anteros, one month, ten days. He fell asleep on the third day before the Nones of January, in the consulship of Maximus and Africanus. Fabianus, fourteen years, one month, ten days. He lived in the times of Maximinus, and of Gordian, and of Philip. From the consulship of Maximinus and Africanus to the second of Decius and the consulship of Gratus. He suffered on the twelfth day before the Kalends of February. He divided the regions among the deacons, and ordered many structures to be built throughout the cemeteries.
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Post passionem ejus, Moyses et Maximus Presbyteri, et Nico- stratus Diaconus comprehensi sunt, et in carcerem missi. Eo tempore supervenit Novatus ex Africa; et separavit de Ecclesia Novatianum, et quosdam confessores, postquam Moyses in carcere defunctus est, qui fuit ibi menses undecim, dies undecim. C ORNELIUS annos duos, menses tres, dies decem. A Consulibus Decio IV. et Decio II. usque Gallo et Volusiano. Sub Episcopatu ejus Novatus extra Ecclesiam ordinavit Novatianum in urbe Roma, et Ni- costratum in Africa. Hoc facto, Confessores qui se separaverunt a Cornelio, cum Maximo Presbytero, qui cum Moyse fuit, ad Ecclesiam sunt reversi; post hoc Centumcellis expulsi.
在他殉道之後,司鐸梅瑟斯與馬克西穆斯,以及執事尼科斯特拉都斯,被捕並下在監裡。那時,諾瓦圖斯從非洲前來,在梅瑟斯死於獄中(他在那裡共十一月十一日)之後,便將諾瓦提安連同某些宣信者從教會中分裂出去。高爾乃略,二年三月十日。自德修第四任與德修第二任任執政官之年,直到加魯斯與沃路西阿努斯之年。在他任主教期間,諾瓦圖斯在教會之外於羅馬城祝聖了諾瓦提安,又在非洲祝聖了尼科斯特拉都斯。此事既成,那些曾與高爾乃略分離的宣信者,連同曾與梅瑟斯一起的司鐸馬克西穆斯,便都回到教會;此後他們被放逐到琴圖姆切萊。
After his passion, the priests Moyses and Maximus, and the deacon Nicostratus, were seized and cast into prison. At that time Novatus came over from Africa, and separated Novatian from the Church, together with certain confessors, after Moyses had died in prison, having been there eleven months and eleven days. Cornelius, two years, three months, ten days. From the fourth consulship of Decius and the second of Decius, to that of Gallus and Volusianus. Under his episcopate Novatus, outside the Church, ordained Novatian in the city of Rome, and Nicostratus in Africa. This done, the confessors who had separated themselves from Cornelius, together with the priest Maximus who had been with Moyses, returned to the Church; after this they were banished to Centumcellae.
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Ibi cum gloria dormitio- nem accepit. L UCIUS annos tres, menses octo, dies decem. Fuit temporibus Galli et Volusiani, usque Valeriano III, et Gallieno II. Hic exul fuit, et postea nutu Dei incolumis ad Ec- clesiam reversus est 1 , tertio Nonas Martias, Consulibus SS. S TEPHANUS annos quatuor, men- ses duos, dies viginti unum. Fuit temporibus Valeriani et Gallieni, a Consulatu Volusiani et Maximini, usque Valeriano III et Gallieno II. S IXTUS annis duobus, mensibus undecim, diebus sex. Coepit a Con- sulatu Maximi et Glabrionis, usque Tuseo et Basso; et passus est VIII Idus Augusti, a Consulatu Tusci et Bassi, usque in die XII Kalendas Augusti, AEmiliano et Basso Con- sulibus.
他在那裡得享榮耀的安息。路求,三年八月十日。他生於加魯斯與沃路西阿努斯的時代,直到瓦肋良第三任與加里恩努斯第二任之年。他曾被流放,後來藉天主的旨意平安無恙地回到教會,時當三月初七日前第三日,由前述者任執政官之時。斯德望,四年二月二十一日。他生於瓦肋良與加里恩努斯的時代,自沃路西阿努斯與馬克西米努斯任執政官之年,直到瓦肋良第三任與加里恩努斯第二任之年。西斯篤,二年十一月六日。他自馬克西穆斯與格拉布里奧任執政官之年起,直到圖斯庫斯與巴蘇斯之年;他於八月望前第八日受難,自圖斯庫斯與巴蘇斯任執政官之年,直到八月朔前第十二日,由埃米利阿努斯與巴蘇斯任執政官之時。
There he received his falling-asleep in glory. Lucius, three years, eight months, ten days. He lived in the times of Gallus and Volusianus, down to the third of Valerian and the second of Gallienus. He was an exile, and afterward, by God's will, was restored unharmed to the Church, on the third day before the Nones of March, in the consulship of the same. Stephanus, four years, two months, twenty-one days. He lived in the times of Valerian and Gallienus, from the consulship of Volusianus and Maximinus, down to the third of Valerian and the second of Gallienus. Sixtus, two years, eleven months, six days. He began from the consulship of Maximus and Glabrio, down to that of Tuscus and Bassus; and he suffered on the eighth day before the Ides of August, from the consulship of Tuscus and Bassus to the day twelve before the Kalends of August, in the consulship of Aemilianus and Bassus.
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D IONYSIUS annis octo, mensibus duobus, diebus quatuor. Fuit tem- poribus Gallieni. ex die undecimo Kalendarum Augusti, AEmiliano et Basso Consulibus, usque in diem septimum Kalendas Januarii, Con- sulibus Claudio et Paterno. F ELIX annis quinque, mensibus undecim, diebus viginti quinque. Fuit temporibus Claudii et Aure- liani : a Consulam Claudii et Pa- terni, usque in Consulatum Aure- liani II. et Capitolini. E UTYCHIANUS annis octo, mensi- bus undecim, diebus tribus. Fuit temporibus Aureliani, a Consulatu Aureliani III et Marcellini, usque in diem VII Idus Decembris, Caro II et Carino Consulibus. C AIUS annis duodecim, mensibus quatuor, diebus septem.
狄約尼削,八年二月四日。他生於加里恩努斯的時代,自八月朔前第十一日、由埃米利阿努斯與巴蘇斯任執政官之時起,直到一月朔前第七日、由克勞狄與帕特爾努斯任執政官之時。斐理斯,五年十一月二十五日。他生於克勞狄與奧勒良的時代:自克勞狄與帕特爾努斯任執政官之年,直到奧勒良第二任與卡皮托利努斯任執政官之年。歐迪基安,八年十一月三日。他生於奧勒良的時代,自奧勒良第三任與馬爾切利努斯任執政官之年,直到十二月望前第七日,由卡魯斯第二任與卡里努斯任執政官之時。蓋約,十二年四月七日。
Dionysius, eight years, two months, four days. He lived in the times of Gallienus, from the eleventh day before the Kalends of August, in the consulship of Aemilianus and Bassus, to the seventh day before the Kalends of January, in the consulship of Claudius and Paternus. Felix, five years, eleven months, twenty-five days. He lived in the times of Claudius and Aurelian: from the consulship of Claudius and Paternus, to the second consulship of Aurelian and that of Capitolinus. Eutychianus, eight years, eleven months, three days. He lived in the times of Aurelian, from the third consulship of Aurelian and that of Marcellinus, to the seventh day before the Ides of December, in the consulship of Carus (his second) and Carinus. Caius, twelve years, four months, seven days.
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Fuit tem- poribus Cari et Carini, ex die XVI Kalendas Januarii, Consulibus Ca- ro II et Carino, usque in X Ka- lendas Maii, Diocletiano VI et Constantio II Consulibus. M ARCELLINUS annis octo, mensi- bus tribus diebus viginti quinque. Fuit temporibus Diocletiani et Maxi- miani, ex die pridie Kalendas Ju- lias. a Consulibus Diocletiano VI, et Coustantio II, usque in Consula- tum Diocletiani IX, et Maximiani VIII. Quo tempore fuit persecutio et cessavit Episcopatus annis VII 1 , mensibus VI , diebus XXV . M ARCELLUS anno uno, mensibus septem, diebus viginti. Fuit tem- poribus Maxentii, a Consulatu X et Maximiano 2 , usque post Con- sulatum X, et septimum.
他生於卡魯斯與卡里努斯的時代,自一月朔前第十六日、由卡魯斯第二任與卡里努斯任執政官之時,直到五月朔前第十日、由戴克里先第六任與君士坦提烏斯第二任任執政官之時。馬爾切利努斯,八年三月二十五日。他生於戴克里先與馬克西米安的時代,自七月朔前一日、自戴克里先第六任與君士坦提烏斯第二任任執政官之年起,直到戴克里先第九任與馬克西米安第八任任執政官之年。其時發生了一場迫害,主教職分中斷了七年六月二十五日。馬爾切魯斯,一年七月二十日。他生於馬克森提烏斯的時代,自第十任執政官與馬克西米安之年,直到第十任與第七任執政官之後。
He lived in the times of Carus and Carinus, from the sixteenth day before the Kalends of January, in the consulship of Carus (his second) and Carinus, to the tenth day before the Kalends of May, in the consulship of Diocletian (his sixth) and Constantius (his second). Marcellinus, eight years, three months, twenty-five days. He lived in the times of Diocletian and Maximian, from the day before the Kalends of July, from the consulship of Diocletian (his sixth) and Constantius (his second), to the consulship of Diocletian (his ninth) and Maximian (his eighth). At which time there was a persecution, and the episcopate ceased for seven years, six months, and twenty-five days. Marcellus, one year, seven months, twenty days. He lived in the times of Maxentius, from the tenth consulship and that of Maximian, to after the tenth and seventh consulship.
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E USEBIUS menses quatuor, dies sedecim, a XIV . Kalendas Maias, us- que in diem XVI Kalendas Septem- bris. M ILTIADES annis tribus, mensi- bus sex, diebus novem, ex die sexto Nonas Julias, a Consulatu Maximiano VIII solo; quod fuit mense septembri, Volusiano et Rufino, usque in III Idus Januarii, Volusiano et Anniano Consulibus. S ILVESTER annis viginti uno, mensibus undecim. Fuit tempori- bus Constantini, a Consulatu Velu- siani et Anniani, ex die pridie Ka- lendas Februarii, usque in diem Kalendarum Januariarum, Con- stantio et Albino Consulibus. M ARCUS menses octo, dies vi- ginti.
歐瑟伯,四月十六日,自五月朔前第十四日,直到九月朔前第十六日。米爾弟亞德,三年六月九日,自七月初五日前第六日、自馬克西米安第八任獨任執政官之時起(那是在九月),直到沃路西阿努斯與魯非努斯之年,再到一月望前第三日、由沃路西阿努斯與安尼阿努斯任執政官之時。西爾物斯特,二十一年十一月。他生於君士坦丁的時代,自沃路西阿努斯與安尼阿努斯任執政官之年、二月朔前一日起,直到一月朔之日、由君士坦提烏斯與阿爾比努斯任執政官之時。馬爾谷,八月二十日。
Eusebius, four months, sixteen days, from the fourteenth day before the Kalends of May to the sixteenth day before the Kalends of September. Miltiades, three years, six months, nine days, from the sixth day before the Nones of July, from the consulship of Maximian (his eighth) alone—which was in the month of September—to that of Volusianus and Rufinus, down to the third day before the Ides of January, in the consulship of Volusianus and Annianus. Silvester, twenty-one years, eleven months. He lived in the times of Constantine, from the consulship of Volusianus and Annianus, from the day before the Kalends of February, to the day of the Kalends of January, in the consulship of Constantius and Albinus. Marcus, eight months, twenty days.
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Et hic fuit temporibus Con- stantini, Nepotiano et Facundo Consulibus ex die XV Kalendas Februarias, usque in die Nonarum Octobrium, Consulibus SS. J ULIUS annos quindecim, mensem unum, dies undecim. Fuit tempo- ribus Constantini, a Consulatu Fe- liciani et Titiani, ex dic VIII . Idus Februarii, in diem pridie Idus Apri- lis, Constantio V, et Constantio Caesare Consulibus. Hic multas fa- bricas fecit : Basilicam in via Por- tense, milliario III . Basilicam in via Flaminia, milliario II . quae ap- pellatur Valentini. Basilicam Ju- liam, quae est regione VII , juxta fo- rum Divi Trajani : Basilicam trans Tiberim, regione XIV juxta Cal- listum :
他也生於君士坦丁的時代,由涅波提阿努斯與法昆都斯任執政官之時,自二月朔前第十五日,直到十月初五日、由前述者任執政官之時。儒略,十五年一月十一日。他生於君士坦丁的時代,自費利基阿努斯與提提阿努斯任執政官之年、二月望前第八日,直到四月望前一日、由君士坦提烏斯第五任與君士坦提烏斯·凱撒任執政官之時。他建造了許多建築:在波爾圖恩斯大道第三里程碑處的一座大殿;在弗拉米尼烏斯大道第二里程碑處、稱為瓦倫提尼之大殿的一座大殿;位於第七區、毗鄰已神化的圖拉真廣場的儒略大殿;位於第十四區、毗鄰卡利斯都之地、橫跨台伯河的一座大殿。
And he too lived in the times of Constantine, in the consulship of Nepotianus and Facundus, from the fifteenth day before the Kalends of February to the day of the Nones of October, in the consulship of the same. Julius, fifteen years, one month, eleven days. He lived in the times of Constantine, from the consulship of Felicianus and Titianus, from the eighth day before the Ides of February, to the day before the Ides of April, in the consulship of Constantius (his fifth) and Constantius Caesar. He made many structures: a basilica on the Portuensian Way, at the third milestone; a basilica on the Flaminian Way, at the second milestone, which is called Valentini's; the Julian Basilica, which is in the seventh region, beside the forum of the deified Trajan; a basilica across the Tiber, in the fourteenth region, beside Callistus.
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Basilicam in via Aurelia, milliario III ad Callistum. L IBERIUS fuit temporibus Con- stantii, ex die XI . Kal. Junias, in diem...... a consulibus Con- stantio V, et Constantio C.aesare. ( Omnia pene haec opuscula desi- nunt his Coss. unde apparet anno isto, Christi 354, scripta aut circiter .) Acta Sanctor. Aprilis, tom. I .- Diatriba praeliminaris in Catalo- gos veteres Rom. Pontificum, ex antiquissimis codicibus mss. ac- ceptos , pag. 4. Imperante Tiberio Caesare pas- sus est Dominus noster Jesus Chri- stus, duobus Geminis Consulibus, VIII Kalendas Aprilis, et post as censum ejus, Beatissimus Petrus Episcopatum suscepit.
在奧勒良大道第三里程碑處、靠近卡利斯都的一座大殿。利伯略生於君士坦提烏斯的時代,自六月朔前第十一日,直到……之日,自君士坦提烏斯第五任與君士坦提烏斯·凱撒任執政官之年。(這些小著作幾乎全部止於這幾位執政官,由此可見它們是在那一年、即主後354年,或約略其時所寫。)《四月聖徒傳記》,第一冊。——〈論羅馬教宗古目錄之預備論辯,取自最古老的手稿抄本〉,第4頁。在提庇留·凱撒在位時,我們的主耶穌基督受難,時當二格米尼烏斯任執政官之年,四月朔前第八日;在祂升天之後,至福的伯多祿承受了主教職分。
A basilica on the Aurelian Way, at the third milestone, near Callistus. Liberius lived in the times of Constantius, from the eleventh day before the Kalends of June, to the day...... from the consulship of Constantius (his fifth) and Constantius Caesar. (Almost all these little works end with these consuls, whence it appears that they were written in that year, A.D. 354, or thereabouts.) Acta Sanctorum of April, vol. I.—Preliminary Diatribe on the ancient Catalogues of the Roman Pontiffs, taken from the most ancient manuscript codices, page 4. In the reign of Tiberius Caesar our Lord Jesus Christ suffered, in the consulship of the two Gemini, on the eighth day before the Kalends of April; and after His ascension the most blessed Peter received the episcopate.
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Ex quo tem- pore per successionem dispositum, quis Episcopus, et quot annis prae- fuit, vel quo imperante. Petrus annis viginti quinque, mense uno, diebus novem. Fuit temporibus Tiberii Caesaris, et Caii, et Tiberii Claudii, et Neronis; a Consulatu Vinicii et Longini, us- que Nervae et Vestini. Passus au- tem cum Paulo die tertia Kalendas Julias. Consulibus supradictis, im- perante Nerone. Linus annis duodecim, mensibus quatuor, diebus decem. Fuit tem- poribus Neronis a Consulatu Sa- turnini et Scipionis usque Capitone et Rufo. Clemens annis novem, mensibus undecim, diebus duodecim. Fuit temporibus Galbae et Vespasiani, a Consulatu Trachali et Italici, usque Vespasiano VII et Tito.
自那時起,便按繼承順序記載:誰為主教、在位幾年、又當誰在位之時。伯多祿,二十五年一月九日。他生於提庇留·凱撒、蓋約、提庇留·克勞狄與尼祿的時代;自維尼基烏斯與隆基努斯任執政官之年,直到涅爾瓦與維斯提努斯之年。他與保祿一同受難,時當七月朔前第三日,由前述執政官任職、尼祿在位之時。理諾,十二年四月十日。他生於尼祿的時代,自撒杜爾尼努斯與西庇阿任執政官之年,直到卡皮托與魯弗斯之年。革利免,九年十一月十二日。他生於加爾巴與維斯帕先的時代,自特拉卡魯斯與意大利庫斯任執政官之年,直到維斯帕先第七任與提多任執政官之年。
From that time it was set down by succession who was bishop, and for how many years he presided, and under whose reign. Peter, twenty-five years, one month, nine days. He lived in the times of Tiberius Caesar, of Caius, of Tiberius Claudius, and of Nero; from the consulship of Vinicius and Longinus to that of Nerva and Vestinus. And he suffered, together with Paul, on the third day before the Kalends of July, in the consulship aforesaid, under the reign of Nero. Linus, twelve years, four months, ten days. He lived in the times of Nero, from the consulship of Saturninus and Scipio to that of Capito and Rufus. Clement, nine years, eleven months, twelve days. He lived in the times of Galba and Vespasian, from the consulship of Trachalus and Italicus to the seventh of Vespasian and the consulship of Titus.
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Cletus annis sex, mensibus duo- bus, diebus septem. Fuit tempori- bus. Vespasiani et Titi, et initio Domitiani, a Consulibus Vespa- siano VIII et Domitiano VI, usque Domitiano IX et Rufo. Anacletus annis duodecim, men- sibus decem, diebus tribus. Fuit temporibus Domitiani, a Consuli- bus Domitiano X et Sabino, usque Domitiano XVII et Clemente. Evaristus annis tredecim, men- sibus septem, diebus duobus. Fuit temporibus novissimis Domitiani, et Nervae et Trajani; a Consulatu Valentis et Veri, usque Gallo et Bradua. Alexander annis octo, mensibus duobus, die uno. Fuit temporibus Trajani, a Consulatu Palmae et Tulli, usque AEliano et Vetere.
克勒圖斯,六年二月七日。他生於維斯帕先與提多,並多米田初年的時代,自維斯帕先第八任與多米田第六任,直到多米田第九任與魯弗斯任執政官之年。亞那克勒圖斯,十二年十月三日。他生於多米田的時代,自多米田第十任與撒比努斯任執政官之年,直到多米田第十七任與革利免任執政官之年。厄瓦理斯多,十三年七月二日。他生於多米田末年,並涅爾瓦與圖拉真的時代;自瓦倫斯與維魯斯任執政官之年,直到加魯斯與布拉都阿之年。亞歷山大,八年二月一日。他生於圖拉真的時代,自帕爾瑪與圖魯斯任執政官之年,直到埃利阿努斯與維魯斯之年。
Cletus, six years, two months, seven days. He lived in the times of Vespasian and Titus and at the beginning of Domitian, from the eighth consulship of Vespasian and the sixth of Domitian, to the ninth of Domitian and the consulship of Rufus. Anacletus, twelve years, ten months, three days. He lived in the times of Domitian, from the consulship of Domitian (his tenth) and Sabinus, to the seventeenth of Domitian and the consulship of Clemens. Evaristus, thirteen years, seven months, two days. He lived in the latest times of Domitian, and of Nerva and Trajan; from the consulship of Valens and Verus to that of Gallus and Bradua. Alexander, eight years, two months, one day. He lived in the times of Trajan, from the consulship of Palma and Tullus to that of Aelianus and Verus.
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Sixtus annis decem, mensibus tribus, diebus viginti uno. Fuit temporibus Hadriani, a Consulatu Nigri et Aproniani, usque Vero III, et Ambibulo. Telesphorus annis undecim mensibus tribus, diebus tribus. Fuit temporibus Hadriani, a Con- sulatu Titiani et Gallicani, usque Caesare et Balbino. Hyginus, annis duodecim, men- sibus tribus, diebus sex. Fuit tem- poribus........ Anicetus annis ..... a Consu- latu Gallicani et Veteris, usque Praesente et Rufino. Pius annis XV , mensibus IV , die- bus XX . Fuit temporibus Antonini Pii, a Consulatu Clari et Severi us- que duobus Augustis.
西斯篤,十年三月二十一日。他生於哈德良的時代,自尼革爾與阿普羅尼阿努斯任執政官之年,直到維魯斯第三任與安比布魯斯之年。德肋斯佛羅,十一年三月三日。他生於哈德良的時代,自提提阿努斯與加利卡努斯任執政官之年,直到凱撒與巴爾比努斯之年。希吉努斯,十二年三月六日。他生於……的時代。安尼克都,……年,自加利卡努斯與維魯斯任執政官之年,直到普雷森斯與魯非努斯之年。庇護,十五年四月二十日。他生於安東尼·庇護的時代,自克拉魯斯與塞維魯任執政官之年,直到兩位奧古斯都之年。
Sixtus, ten years, three months, twenty-one days. He lived in the times of Hadrian, from the consulship of Niger and Apronianus to the third of Verus and the consulship of Ambibulus. Telesphorus, eleven years, three months, three days. He lived in the times of Hadrian, from the consulship of Titianus and Gallicanus to that of Caesar and Balbinus. Hyginus, twelve years, three months, six days. He lived in the times of...... Anicetus, ... years, from the consulship of Gallicanus and Verus to that of Praesens and Rufinus. Pius, fifteen years, four months, twenty days. He lived in the times of Antoninus Pius, from the consulship of Clarus and Severus to that of the two Augusti.
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Sub hujus Episcopatu frater ejus Hermes li- brum scripsit, in quo mandatur contineturque quod ei praecepit Angelus, cum venit ad eum in ha- bitu pistoris. Soter annis novem, mensibus tribus, diebus duobus. Fuit tempo- ribus.......... Eleutherius annis...Fuit tem- poribus Antonini et Commodi, a Consulatu Veri et Erenniani, usque Paterno et Bradua. Victor annis novem, mensibus duobus, diebus decem.... ............ Zephyrinus annis .... A Con- sulatu Saturnini et Galli, usque Praesente et Extricato. Callistus annos quinque, menses duos, dies decem. Fuit temporibus Macrini et Heliogabali, a Consulatu Antonini et Adventi, usque Anto- nino III et Alexandro.
在他任主教期間,他的弟兄黑馬寫了一卷書,其中載明並包含了那位天使在牧人裝束中來見他時所吩咐他的話。索德爾,九年三月二日。他生於……的時代。厄留德羅,……年。他生於安東尼與康茂德的時代,自維魯斯與赫倫尼阿努斯任執政官之年,直到帕特爾努斯與布拉都阿之年。維克托,九年二月十日……。則斐林,……年。自撒杜爾尼努斯與加魯斯任執政官之年,直到普雷森斯與厄斯特里卡都斯之年。卡利斯都,五年二月十日。他生於馬克里努斯與厄拉伽巴路斯的時代,自安東尼與阿德文都斯任執政官之年,直到安東尼第三任與亞歷山大任執政官之年。
Under his episcopate his brother Hermas wrote a book, in which is enjoined and contained that which the Angel commanded him when he came to him in the garb of a shepherd. Soter, nine years, three months, two days. He lived in the times of...... Eleutherius, ... years. He lived in the times of Antoninus and Commodus, from the consulship of Verus and Herennianus to that of Paternus and Bradua. Victor, nine years, two months, ten days...... Zephyrinus, ... years. From the consulship of Saturninus and Gallus to that of Praesens and Extricatus. Callistus, five years, two months, ten days. He lived in the times of Macrinus and Heliogabalus, from the consulship of Antoninus and Adventus, to the third of Antoninus and the consulship of Alexander.
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Urbanus annos octo, menses un- decim, dies duodecim. Fuit tem- poribus Alexandri a Consulatu Maximi et AEliani, usque Agricola et Clementino. Pontianus annos quinque, men- ses duos, dies septem. Fuit tempo- ribus Alexandri, a Consulatu Pom- peiani et Peligniani. Eo tempore Pontianus Episcopus et Hippolitus Presbyter exules sunt deportati in insulam nocivam Sardiniam, Se- vero et Quintiano Consulibus. In eadem insula discinctus 2 est IV Kalendas Octobris, et loco ejus or- dinatus est Anteros XI Kalendas Decemb. Consulibus suprascriptis. Anteros mense uno, diebus de- cem. Dormit III Nonas Januarii, Maximino et Africano Consulibus. Fabianus annos quatuordecim, menses undecim, dies decem.
烏爾巴努斯,八年十一月十二日。他生於亞歷山大的時代,自馬克西穆斯與埃利阿努斯任執政官之年,直到阿格里科拉與克勒門提努斯之年。彭謙,五年二月七日。他生於亞歷山大的時代,自龐培亞努斯與貝利尼阿努斯任執政官之年起。那時,主教彭謙與司鐸希波律陀被流放,押解到撒丁島那有害之地,時當塞維魯與昆提阿努斯任執政官之年。在同一島上,他於十月朔前第四日被革去職分,並在他的位上祝聖了安特羅,時當十二月朔前第十一日、由前述者任執政官之時。安特羅,一月十日。他於一月初五日前第三日安息,時當馬克西米努斯與阿非利加努斯任執政官之年。法比安,十四年十一月十日。
Urbanus, eight years, eleven months, twelve days. He lived in the times of Alexander, from the consulship of Maximus and Aelianus to that of Agricola and Clementinus. Pontianus, five years, two months, seven days. He lived in the times of Alexander, from the consulship of Pompeianus and Pelignianus. At that time Bishop Pontianus and the priest Hippolytus were exiled, deported to the noxious island of Sardinia, in the consulship of Severus and Quintianus. On that same island he was deprived of his office on the fourth day before the Kalends of October, and in his place was ordained Anteros, on the eleventh day before the Kalends of December, in the consulship aforesaid. Anteros, one month, ten days. He fell asleep on the third day before the Nones of January, in the consulship of Maximinus and Africanus. Fabianus, fourteen years, eleven months, ten days.
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Fuit temporibus Maximini et Gordiani et Philippi, a Consulatu Maximini et Africani, usque Decio II et Gra- to. Passus XIII Kalend. Februarii. Hic regiones divisit Diaconibus, et multas fabricas per coemeteria fieri jussit. Post passionem ejus, Moyses et Maximus Presbyteri et Nicostra- tus Diaconus comprehensi sunt, et in carcerem missi. Eo tempore su- pervenit Novatos ex Africa, et se- paravit de Ecclesia Novatianum et quosdam confessores, postquam Moyses in carcere defunctus est : qui fuit ibi menses undecim, dies undecim. Cornelius annos duos, menses tres; dies decem, a Consulibus De- cio II et Decio, usque Gallo et Vo- lusiano.
他生於馬克西米努斯、戈爾迪安與斐理伯的時代,自馬克西米努斯與阿非利加努斯任執政官之年,直到德修第二任與格拉都斯任執政官之年。他於二月朔前第十三日受難。他將各教區分配給諸執事,又命人在各墓地廣建許多建築。在他殉道之後,司鐸梅瑟斯與馬克西穆斯,以及執事尼科斯特拉都斯,被捕並下在監裡。那時,諾瓦圖斯從非洲前來,在梅瑟斯死於獄中(他在那裡共十一月十一日)之後,便將諾瓦提安連同某些宣信者從教會中分裂出去。高爾乃略,二年三月十日,自德修第二任與德修任執政官之年,直到加魯斯與沃路西阿努斯之年。
He lived in the times of Maximinus and Gordian and Philip, from the consulship of Maximinus and Africanus to the second of Decius and the consulship of Gratus. He suffered on the thirteenth day before the Kalends of February. He divided the regions among the deacons, and ordered many structures to be built throughout the cemeteries. After his passion, the priests Moyses and Maximus and the deacon Nicostratus were seized and cast into prison. At that time Novatus came over from Africa, and separated Novatian from the Church, along with certain confessors, after Moyses had died in prison—who had been there eleven months and eleven days. Cornelius, two years, three months, ten days, from the consulship of Decius (his second) and Decius, to that of Gallus and Volusianus.
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Sub Episcopatu ejus No- vatus extra Ecclesiam ordinavit Novatianum in urbe Roma, et Ni- costratum in Africa, Hoc facto. Confessores qui se separaverunt a Cornelio, cum Maximo Presbytero, qui cum Moyse fuit, ad Ecclesiam sunt reversi. Post hoc Centumcellis expulsus, ibi cum gloria dormitio- nem accepit. Lucius annos tres, menses octo, dies decem. Fuit temporibus Galli et Volusiani, usque Valeriano III et Gallieno II. Hic exul fuit et postea nutu Dei ad Ecclesiam reversus. (Decessit) Tertio nonas Martii, Consulibus suprascriptis. Stephanus annos quatuor, men- ses duos, dies viginti unum.
在他任主教期間,諾瓦圖斯在教會之外於羅馬城祝聖了諾瓦提安,又在非洲祝聖了尼科斯特拉都斯。此事既成,那些曾與高爾乃略分離的宣信者,連同曾與梅瑟斯一起的司鐸馬克西穆斯,便都回到教會。此後他被放逐到琴圖姆切萊,並在那裡得享榮耀的安息。路求,三年八月十日。他生於加魯斯與沃路西阿努斯的時代,直到瓦肋良第三任與加里恩努斯第二任之年。他曾被流放,後來藉天主的旨意回到教會。(他逝世)於三月初七日前第三日,由前述者任執政官之時。斯德望,四年二月二十一日。
Under his episcopate Novatus, outside the Church, ordained Novatian in the city of Rome, and Nicostratus in Africa. This done, the confessors who had separated themselves from Cornelius, together with the priest Maximus who had been with Moyses, returned to the Church. After this he was banished to Centumcellae, and there received his falling-asleep in glory. Lucius, three years, eight months, ten days. He lived in the times of Gallus and Volusianus, down to the third of Valerian and the second of Gallienus. He was an exile, and afterward, by God's will, returned to the Church. (He died) on the third day before the Nones of March, in the consulship aforesaid. Stephanus, four years, two months, twenty-one days.
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Fuit temporibus Valeriani et Gallieni, a Consulatu Volusiani et Maximini, usque Valeriano III et Gallieno II. Sixtus annis duobus, mensibus undecim, diebus sex. Coepit a Con- sulatu Maximi et Glabrionis, usque Tusco et Basso, et passus est VIII Idus Augusti (et presbyteri prae- fuerum) a Consulatu Tusci et Bassi usque in diem XII Kalendas Au- gusti, AEmiliano et Basso Consu- libus. Dionysius annis octo, mensibus duobus, diebus quatuor. Fuit tem- poribus Gallieni ex die undecimo Kalendarum Augusti, AEmiliano et Basso Consulibus, usque in diem septimum Kalendas Januarii, Con- sulibus Claudio et Paterno. Felix annis quinque, mensibus undecim, diebus viginti quinque.
他生於瓦肋良與加里恩努斯的時代,自沃路西阿努斯與馬克西米努斯任執政官之年,直到瓦肋良第三任與加里恩努斯第二任之年。西斯篤,二年十一月六日。他自馬克西穆斯與格拉布里奧任執政官之年起,直到圖斯庫斯與巴蘇斯之年;他於八月望前第八日受難(其間由諸司鐸主理),自圖斯庫斯與巴蘇斯任執政官之年,直到八月朔前第十二日,由埃米利阿努斯與巴蘇斯任執政官之時。狄約尼削,八年二月四日。他生於加里恩努斯的時代,自八月朔前第十一日、由埃米利阿努斯與巴蘇斯任執政官之時起,直到一月朔前第七日、由克勞狄與帕特爾努斯任執政官之時。斐理斯,五年十一月二十五日。
He lived in the times of Valerian and Gallienus, from the consulship of Volusianus and Maximinus, down to the third of Valerian and the second of Gallienus. Sixtus, two years, eleven months, six days. He began from the consulship of Maximus and Glabrio, down to that of Tuscus and Bassus, and he suffered on the eighth day before the Ides of August (and the priests presided), from the consulship of Tuscus and Bassus to the day twelve before the Kalends of August, in the consulship of Aemilianus and Bassus. Dionysius, eight years, two months, four days. He lived in the times of Gallienus, from the eleventh day before the Kalends of August, in the consulship of Aemilianus and Bassus, to the seventh day before the Kalends of January, in the consulship of Claudius and Paternus. Felix, five years, eleven months, twenty-five days.
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Fuit temporibus Claudii et Aure- liani, a Consulam Claudii et Pa- terni, usque in Consulatum Aure- liani II et Capitolini. Eutychianus annis octo, mensi- bus undecim, diebus tribus. Fuit temporibus Aureliani, a Consulatu Aureliani III et Marcellini, usque in diem VII Idus Decembris, Caro II et Carino Consulibus. Caius annos duodecim, mensi- bus quatuor, diebus septem. Fuit temporibus Cari et Carini, ex die XVI Kalendas Januarii, Consulibus Caro II ex Carino, usque in X Ka- lendas Maii, Diocletiano VI et Con- stantio II Consulibus. Marcellinus annis octo, mensi- bus tribus, diebus viginti quinque.
他生於克勞狄與奧勒良的時代,自克勞狄與帕特爾努斯任執政官之年,直到奧勒良第二任與卡皮托利努斯任執政官之年。歐迪基安,八年十一月三日。他生於奧勒良的時代,自奧勒良第三任與馬爾切利努斯任執政官之年,直到十二月望前第七日,由卡魯斯第二任與卡里努斯任執政官之時。蓋約,十二年四月七日。他生於卡魯斯與卡里努斯的時代,自一月朔前第十六日、由卡魯斯第二任與卡里努斯任執政官之時,直到五月朔前第十日、由戴克里先第六任與君士坦提烏斯第二任任執政官之時。馬爾切利努斯,八年三月二十五日。
He lived in the times of Claudius and Aurelian, from the consulship of Claudius and Paternus, to the second consulship of Aurelian and that of Capitolinus. Eutychianus, eight years, eleven months, three days. He lived in the times of Aurelian, from the third consulship of Aurelian and that of Marcellinus, to the seventh day before the Ides of December, in the consulship of Carus (his second) and Carinus. Caius, twelve years, four months, seven days. He lived in the times of Carus and Carinus, from the sixteenth day before the Kalends of January, in the consulship of Carus (his second) and Carinus, to the tenth day before the Kalends of May, in the consulship of Diocletian (his sixth) and Constantius (his second). Marcellinus, eight years, three months, twenty-five days.
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Fuit temporibus Diocletiani et Maximiani, ex die pridie Kalendas Julias, a Consulibus Diocletiano VI et Constantio II, usque in Consu- latum Diocletiani IX et Maxi- miani VIII. Quo tempore fuit per- secutio et cessavit Episcopatus an- nos IV , mensibus sex, diebus vi- ginti quinque. Marcellus anno uno mensibus septem, dies viginti. Fuit tempori- bus Maxentii a Consulatu (Maxi- miani Herculei) X et Maximiani (Ga- leri) VII, usque post Consula- tum X et VII. Eusebius menses quatuor, dies sedecim, a XIV Kalend. Malas us- que in diem XVI Kalendas Septem- bris.
他生於戴克里先與馬克西米安的時代,自七月朔前一日、自戴克里先第六任與君士坦提烏斯第二任任執政官之年起,直到戴克里先第九任與馬克西米安第八任任執政官之年。其時發生了一場迫害,主教職分中斷了四年六月二十五日。馬爾切魯斯,一年七月二十日。他生於馬克森提烏斯的時代,自馬克西米安·赫庫利烏斯第十任與馬克西米安·加肋里烏斯第七任任執政官之年,直到第十任與第七任執政官之後。歐瑟伯,四月十六日,自五月朔前第十四日,直到九月朔前第十六日。
He lived in the times of Diocletian and Maximian, from the day before the Kalends of July, from the consulship of Diocletian (his sixth) and Constantius (his second), to the consulship of Diocletian (his ninth) and Maximian (his eighth). At which time there was a persecution, and the episcopate ceased for four years, six months, twenty-five days. Marcellus, one year, seven months, twenty days. He lived in the times of Maxentius, from the consulship of Maximian Herculius (his tenth) and Maximian Galerius (his seventh), to after the tenth and seventh consulship. Eusebius, four months, sixteen days, from the fourteenth day before the Kalends of May to the sixteenth day before the Kalends of September.
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Miltiades annis tribus, mensibus sex, diebus novem 3 , et die sexto Nonas Julias, a Consulatu Maxi- miano VIII solo, quod fuit mense Septembri, Volusiano et Rufino, usque in III Idus Januarii, Volu- siano et Aniano Coss. Silvester annis viginti uno, men- sibus undecim. Fuit temporibus Constantini, a Consulatu Voluslani et Anniani, ex die pridie Kalendas Februarii, usque in diem (pridie) Kalendarum Januariarum, Constan- tino et Albino Coss. Marcus menses VIII , dies XX . Fuit temporibus Constantini, Ne- potiano et Facundo Consulibus; ex die XV Kalendas Februarii, usque in diem Nonarum Octobrium, Con- sulibus supradictis. Julianus annos quindecim, men- ses duos, dies sex.
米爾弟亞德,三年六月九日,自七月初五日前第六日、自馬克西米安第八任獨任執政官之時起(那是在九月),直到沃路西阿努斯與魯非努斯之年,再到一月望前第三日、由沃路西阿努斯與安尼阿努斯任執政官之時。西爾物斯特,二十一年十一月。他生於君士坦丁的時代,自沃路西阿努斯與安尼阿努斯任執政官之年、二月朔前一日起,直到一月朔前一日、由君士坦丁與阿爾比努斯任執政官之時。馬爾谷,八月二十日。他生於君士坦丁的時代,由涅波提阿努斯與法昆都斯任執政官之時;自二月朔前第十五日,直到十月初五日、由前述者任執政官之時。儒略,十五年二月六日。
Miltiades, three years, six months, nine days, from the sixth day before the Nones of July, from the consulship of Maximian (his eighth) alone—which was in the month of September—to that of Volusianus and Rufinus, down to the third day before the Ides of January, in the consulship of Volusianus and Annianus. Silvester, twenty-one years, eleven months. He lived in the times of Constantine, from the consulship of Volusianus and Annianus, from the day before the Kalends of February, to the day before the Kalends of January, in the consulship of Constantine and Albinus. Marcus, eight months, twenty days. He lived in the times of Constantine, in the consulship of Nepotianus and Facundus; from the fifteenth day before the Kalends of February to the day of the Nones of October, in the consulship aforesaid. Julius, fifteen years, two months, six days.
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Fuit temporibus Constantis, a Consulatu Feliciani et Titiani, ex die VIII Idus Februa- rii, in diem pridie Idus Aprilis, Constantio V et Constantio Caesare Consulibus. Hic multas fabricas fecit, basilicam in via Portuensi, milliario III ; basilicam in via Fla- minia, milliario II , quae vocatur Valentini; basilicam Juliam, quae est regione VII , juxta forum Divi Trajani; basilicam trans Tiberim, regione XIV , juxta Callistum; basi- licam in via Aurelia, milliario III ad Callistum. Liberius fuit temporibus Con- stantii, ex die XI Kalendas Junias, in diem..... a Consulibus Constantio V et Constantio Caesare. Antiquitas Ecclesiae illustrata, tom, I , pag. 402.
他生於君士坦斯的時代,自費利基阿努斯與提提阿努斯任執政官之年、二月望前第八日,直到四月望前一日、由君士坦提烏斯第五任與君士坦提烏斯·凱撒任執政官之時。他建造了許多建築:在波爾圖恩斯大道第三里程碑處的一座大殿;在弗拉米尼烏斯大道第二里程碑處、稱為瓦倫提尼之大殿的一座大殿;位於第七區、毗鄰已神化的圖拉真廣場的儒略大殿;位於第十四區、毗鄰卡利斯都、橫跨台伯河的一座大殿;在奧勒良大道第三里程碑處、靠近卡利斯都的一座大殿。利伯略生於君士坦提烏斯的時代,自六月朔前第十一日,直到……之日,自君士坦提烏斯第五任與君士坦提烏斯·凱撒任執政官之年。《教會古制圖釋》(Antiquitas Ecclesiae Illustrata),第一冊,第402頁。
He lived in the times of Constans, from the consulship of Felicianus and Titianus, from the eighth day before the Ides of February, to the day before the Ides of April, in the consulship of Constantius (his fifth) and Constantius Caesar. He made many structures: a basilica on the Portuensian Way, at the third milestone; a basilica on the Flaminian Way, at the second milestone, which is called Valentini's; the Julian Basilica, which is in the seventh region, beside the forum of the deified Trajan; a basilica across the Tiber, in the fourteenth region, beside Callistus; a basilica on the Aurelian Way, at the third milestone, near Callistus. Liberius lived in the times of Constantius, from the eleventh day before the Kalends of June, to the day..... from the consulship of Constantius (his fifth) and Constantius Caesar. Antiquitas Ecclesiae Illustrata, vol. I, page 402.
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Juxta antiquiorem catalogum Bi- blioth. Caesareae, ad MS . exem- plar et editionem Cuspiniani . Imperante Tiberio Caesare, pas- sus est Dominus noster Jesus Chri- stus duobus Geminis Consulibus, VIII Kal. Aprilis, et post ascensum ejus Beatissimus Petrus Episcopa- tum suscipit. Ex quo tempore per successionem dispositum, quis Epi- scopus, quot annis praefuit, vel quo imperante. Petrus annis 25, mense 1, die- bus 9. Fuit temporibus Tiberii Cae- saris, et Caii, et Tiberii Claudii, et Neronis a Consulatu Vinicii et Longini, usque Neronis et Veteris : passus autem cum Paulo die 3. Kal. Julias, Consulibus suprascri- ptis, imperante Nerone. Linus annis duodecim, mensi- bus 4, diebus 12.
依照帝國圖書館較古的目錄,按庫斯皮尼安的手稿原本與刊本而錄。在提庇留·凱撒在位時,我們的主耶穌基督受難,時當二格米尼烏斯任執政官之年,四月朔前第八日;在祂升天之後,至福的伯多祿承受了主教職分。自那時起,便按繼承順序記載:誰為主教、在位幾年、又當誰在位之時。伯多祿,二十五年一月九日。他生於提庇留·凱撒、蓋約、提庇留·克勞狄與尼祿的時代,自維尼基烏斯與隆基努斯任執政官之年,直到尼祿與維魯斯之年:他與保祿一同受難,時當七月朔前第三日,由前述執政官任職、尼祿在位之時。理諾,十二年四月十二日。
According to the more ancient catalogue of the Imperial Library, after the manuscript exemplar and the edition of Cuspinian. In the reign of Tiberius Caesar, our Lord Jesus Christ suffered, in the consulship of the two Gemini, on the eighth day before the Kalends of April; and after His ascension the most blessed Peter received the episcopate. From that time it was set down by succession who was bishop, for how many years he presided, and under whose reign. Peter, twenty-five years, one month, nine days. He lived in the times of Tiberius Caesar, of Caius, of Tiberius Claudius, and of Nero, from the consulship of Vinicius and Longinus to that of Nero and Verus: and he suffered, together with Paul, on the third day before the Kalends of July, in the consulship aforesaid, under the reign of Nero. Linus, twelve years, four months, twelve days.
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Fuit temporibus Neronis a Consulatu Saturnini, et Scipionis, usque Capitone et Rufo. Clemens annis IX , mensibus XI , diebus XII . Fuit temporibus Galbae et Vespasiani, a Consulatu Tra- chali et Italici, usque Vespasiano VII et Tito. ( Clemens tertio, Cletus quarto loco ponuntur, qua vero ratione ignoratur : cum canon Missae Tra- ditionem Ecclesiae Romanae his verbis exhibeat : Lini, Cleti, Clementis.) Cletus annis 6. mensibus 2. die- bus 10. Fuit temporibus Vespa- siani et Titi, et initio Domitiani a Consulibus Vespasiano VIII et Do- mitiano V, usque Domitiano IX et Rufo. Anacletus annis 12. mensibus 10. diebus 3.
他生於尼祿的時代,自撒杜爾尼努斯與西庇阿任執政官之年,直到卡皮托與魯弗斯之年。革利免,九年十一月十二日。他生於加爾巴與維斯帕先的時代,自特拉卡魯斯與意大利庫斯任執政官之年,直到維斯帕先第七任與提多任執政官之年。(革利免被列為第三、克勒圖斯為第四,然而出於何種緣由則無從得知:因為彌撒典經以如下言詞陳述羅馬教會的傳統:「理諾、克勒圖斯、革利免。」)克勒圖斯,六年二月十日。他生於維斯帕先與提多,並多米田初年的時代,自維斯帕先第八任與多米田第五任,直到多米田第九任與魯弗斯任執政官之年。亞那克勒圖斯,十二年十月三日。
He lived in the times of Nero, from the consulship of Saturninus and Scipio to that of Capito and Rufus. Clement, nine years, eleven months, twelve days. He lived in the times of Galba and Vespasian, from the consulship of Trachalus and Italicus to the seventh of Vespasian and the consulship of Titus. (Clement is placed third, Cletus fourth, but for what reason is unknown: whereas the canon of the Mass sets forth the Tradition of the Roman Church in these words: 'Linus, Cletus, Clement.') Cletus, six years, two months, ten days. He lived in the times of Vespasian and Titus and at the beginning of Domitian, from the eighth consulship of Vespasian and the fifth of Domitian, to the ninth of Domitian and the consulship of Rufus. Anacletus, twelve years, ten months, three days.
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Fuit temporibus Domi- tiani, a Consulibus Domitiano X et Sabino, usque Domitiano XVII et Clemente. Evaristus annis 13. mensibus 7. diebus 2. Fuit temporibus novissi- mis Domitiani, et Nervae, et Tra- jani, a Consulatu Valentis et Veri, usque Gallo et Bradua. Alexander annis septem, mensi- bus duobus, die uno. Fuit tempo- ribus Trajani, a Consulatu Palmae et Tulli, usque AEliano et Vetere. Sixtus annis decem, mensibus tribus, diebus viginti uno. Fuit temporibus Hadriani, a Consulatu Nigri et Aproniani, usque Veronio et Ambibulo. Telesphorus annis undecim mensibus tribus, diebus tribus. Fuit temporibus Antonini Macrini 3 , a Consulatu Titiani et Gallicani, usque Caesare et Albino.
他生於多米田的時代,自多米田第十任與撒比努斯任執政官之年,直到多米田第十七任與革利免任執政官之年。厄瓦理斯多,十三年七月二日。他生於多米田末年,並涅爾瓦與圖拉真的時代,自瓦倫斯與維魯斯任執政官之年,直到加魯斯與布拉都阿之年。亞歷山大,七年二月一日。他生於圖拉真的時代,自帕爾瑪與圖魯斯任執政官之年,直到埃利阿努斯與維魯斯之年。西斯篤,十年三月二十一日。他生於哈德良的時代,自尼革爾與阿普羅尼阿努斯任執政官之年,直到維羅尼烏斯與安比布魯斯之年。德肋斯佛羅,十一年三月三日。他生於安東尼·馬克里努斯的時代,自提提阿努斯與加利卡努斯任執政官之年,直到凱撒與阿爾比努斯之年。
He lived in the times of Domitian, from the consulship of Domitian (his tenth) and Sabinus, to the seventeenth of Domitian and the consulship of Clemens. Evaristus, thirteen years, seven months, two days. He lived in the latest times of Domitian, and of Nerva, and of Trajan, from the consulship of Valens and Verus to that of Gallus and Bradua. Alexander, seven years, two months, one day. He lived in the times of Trajan, from the consulship of Palma and Tullus to that of Aelianus and Verus. Sixtus, ten years, three months, twenty-one days. He lived in the times of Hadrian, from the consulship of Niger and Apronianus to that of Veronius and Ambibulus. Telesphorus, eleven years, three months, three days. He lived in the times of Antoninus Macrinus, from the consulship of Titianus and Gallicanus to that of Caesar and Albinus.
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Hyginus annis duodecim, men- sibus tribus, diebus sex. Fuit tem- poribus 4 ......... Anicetus annis..... a Con- sulatu Gallicani et Veteris, usque Praesente et Rufino. Pius annis viginti, mensibus quatuor, diebus viginti uno. Fuit temporibus Antonini Pii, a Consu- latu Clari et Severi, usque duobus Augustis. Sub hujus Episcopatu frater ejus Hermes librum scripsit, in quo mandatum continetur quod ei praecepit Angelus, cum venit ad eum in habitu pastoris. Soter annis novem, mensibus tribus. Fuit temporibus 5 .... ............ ............ Eleutherius annis..... Fuit temporibus Antonini Commodi a Consulatu Veri et Ereniani, usque Paterno et Bradua.
希吉努斯,十二年三月六日。他生於……的時代。安尼克都,……年,自加利卡努斯與維魯斯任執政官之年,直到普雷森斯與魯非努斯之年。庇護,二十年四月二十一日。他生於安東尼·庇護的時代,自克拉魯斯與塞維魯任執政官之年,直到兩位奧古斯都之年。在他任主教期間,他的弟兄黑馬寫了一卷書,其中載有那位天使在牧人裝束中來見他時所給他的命令。索德爾,九年三月。他生於……的時代。厄留德羅,……年。他生於安東尼·康茂德的時代,自維魯斯與赫倫尼阿努斯任執政官之年,直到帕特爾努斯與布拉都阿之年。
Hyginus, twelve years, three months, six days. He lived in the times of...... Anicetus, ... years, from the consulship of Gallicanus and Verus to that of Praesens and Rufinus. Pius, twenty years, four months, twenty-one days. He lived in the times of Antoninus Pius, from the consulship of Clarus and Severus to that of the two Augusti. Under his episcopate his brother Hermas wrote a book, in which is contained the command that the Angel gave him when he came to him in the garb of a shepherd. Soter, nine years, three months. He lived in the times of...... Eleutherius, ... years. He lived in the times of Antoninus Commodus, from the consulship of Verus and Herennianus to that of Paternus and Bradua.
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Victor annis decem, mensibus duobus, diebus decem..... ............ ............ Zephyrinus annis.... a Con- sulatu Saturnini et Galli, usque Praesente et Extricato. Callistus annos 5. menses 2. dies 10. Fuit temporibus Macrini et Heliogabali, a Consulatu Anto- nini et Adventi, usque Antonino III et Alexandro. Urbanus annus octo, menses 11, dies 12. Fuit temporibus Alexandri a Consulatu Maximi et AEliani, us- que Agricola cl Clementino. Pontianus annos quinque, men- ses duos, dies septem. Fuit tempo- ribus Alexandri, a Consulatu Pom- peiam et Peligniani.
維克托,十年二月十日……。則斐林,……年,自撒杜爾尼努斯與加魯斯任執政官之年,直到普雷森斯與厄斯特里卡都斯之年。卡利斯都,五年二月十日。他生於馬克里努斯與厄拉伽巴路斯的時代,自安東尼與阿德文都斯任執政官之年,直到安東尼第三任與亞歷山大任執政官之年。烏爾巴努斯,八年十一月十二日。他生於亞歷山大的時代,自馬克西穆斯與埃利阿努斯任執政官之年,直到阿格里科拉與克勒門提努斯之年。彭謙,五年二月七日。他生於亞歷山大的時代,自龐培亞努斯與貝利尼阿努斯任執政官之年起。
Victor, ten years, two months, ten days...... Zephyrinus, ... years, from the consulship of Saturninus and Gallus to that of Praesens and Extricatus. Callistus, five years, two months, ten days. He lived in the times of Macrinus and Heliogabalus, from the consulship of Antoninus and Adventus, to the third of Antoninus and the consulship of Alexander. Urbanus, eight years, eleven months, twelve days. He lived in the times of Alexander, from the consulship of Maximus and Aelianus to that of Agricola and Clementinus. Pontianus, five years, two months, seven days. He lived in the times of Alexander, from the consulship of Pompeianus and Pelignianus.
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Eo tempore Pontianos Episcopus et Hippolitus Presbyter exules sunt deportati in insulam nocivam Sardiniam, Se- vero et Quintino Consulibus : in eadem insula discinctus est IV . Kal. Octobris, et loco ejus ordinatus est Anteros XI . Kal. Decembris Consu- libus suprascriptis. Anteros mense uno, diebus de- cem. Dormit III Nonas Januarii, Maximino et Africano Consulibus. Fabianus annos quatuordecim, mensem unum, dies decem. Fuit temporibus Maximini, et Gordiani, et Philippi, a Consulatu Maximini et Africani, usque Decio II et Grato. Passus XIII . Kal. Februarias. Hic regiones divisit Diaconibus, et mul- tas fabricas per coemeteria fieri jussit.
那時,主教彭提安努斯與長老希波律陀被流放至有害的撒丁島,時值塞維魯與昆提努斯任執政官;彭提安努斯就在同一島上於十月朔前第四日被罷免,安泰羅斯遂於前述執政官任內、十二月朔前第十一日受按立繼任。安泰羅斯在位一個月零十日。他於正月初五前第三日逝世,時值馬克西米努斯與阿非黎加努斯任執政官。法比安努斯在位十四年一個月零十日。他生於馬克西米努斯、戈爾迪安努斯與腓力時代,自馬克西米努斯與阿非黎加努斯執政官之年,直到德修斯(第二次)與格拉圖斯之年。他於二月朔前第十三日殉道。他將各區分配給眾執事,並下令在各墓園中建造許多建築。
At that time Bishop Pontianus and the Presbyter Hippolytus were deported as exiles to the noxious island of Sardinia, in the consulship of Severus and Quintinus; on that same island Pontianus was deposed on the fourth day before the Kalends of October, and in his place Anteros was ordained on the eleventh day before the Kalends of December, under the consuls named above. Anteros held the office one month and ten days. He died on the third day before the Nones of January, in the consulship of Maximinus and Africanus. Fabianus held it fourteen years, one month, and ten days. He lived in the times of Maximinus, Gordianus, and Philippus, from the consulship of Maximinus and Africanus down to that of Decius (second time) and Gratus. He suffered martyrdom on the thirteenth day before the Kalends of February. He divided the regions among the deacons, and ordered many structures to be built throughout the cemeteries.
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Post passionem ejus, Moyses et Maximus Presbyteri et Nicostra- tus Diaconus comprehensi sunt et ili carcerem sunt missi. Eo tem- pore supervenit Novatus ex Africa, et separavit de Ecclesia Novatia- num, et quosdam Confessores, postquam Moyses defunctus est, qui fuit ibi menses undecim, dies undecim. Cornelius annos duos, menses tres, dies decem, a Consulibus De- cio IV et Decio II usque Gallo et Volusiano. Sub Episcopatu ejus Novatus extra Ecclesiam ordinavit Novatianum in urbe Roma, et Ni- costratum in Africa. Hoc facto, confessores qui se separaverunt a Cornelio cum Maximo Presbytero, qui cum Moyse fuit, ad Ecclesiam sunt reversi.
在他殉道之後,長老摩西與馬克西穆斯,以及執事尼科斯特拉圖斯被逮捕並下入監牢。那時諾瓦圖斯從非洲前來,在摩西死後,將諾瓦提安努斯連同某些認信者從教會中分離出去;摩西在獄中共十一個月零十一日。哥尼流在位兩年三個月零十日,自德修斯(第四次)與德修斯(第二次)執政官之年,直到迦路斯與沃路西安努斯之年。在他任主教期間,諾瓦圖斯在教會之外,於羅馬城按立諾瓦提安努斯,又在非洲按立尼科斯特拉圖斯。此事既成,那些連同曾與摩西在一起的長老馬克西穆斯一同脫離哥尼流的認信者們,便重返教會。
After his martyrdom, the Presbyters Moyses and Maximus and the Deacon Nicostratus were arrested and cast into prison. At that time Novatus arrived from Africa and separated Novatianus from the Church, together with certain confessors, after Moyses had died, who had been there eleven months and eleven days. Cornelius held the office two years, three months, and ten days, from the consulship of Decius (fourth time) and Decius (second time) down to that of Gallus and Volusianus. Under his episcopate Novatus, outside the Church, ordained Novatianus in the city of Rome and Nicostratus in Africa. When this had been done, the confessors who had separated themselves from Cornelius along with the Presbyter Maximus, who had been with Moyses, returned to the Church.
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Post hoc Centumcel- lis expulsus, ibi cum gloria dor- mitionem accepit. Lucius annos tres, menses octo, dies decem. Fuit temporibus Galli et Volusiani, usque Valeriano III et Gallieno II. Hic exul fuit, et postea nutu Dei, incolumis ad Ec- clesiam reversus est. Decessit 3 Nonas Martii, Coss. suprascriptis. Stephanus annos quatuor, men- ses duos, dies viginti unum. Fuit temporibus Valeriani et Gallieni, a Consulatu Volusiani et Maximini, usque Valeriano III et Gallieno II. Sixtus annis duobus, mensibus undecim, diebus sex. Coepit a Con- sulatu Maximi et Glabrionis, usque Tusco et Basso, et passus est VIII Idus Augusti..........
此後,他被驅逐至琴圖姆切萊,並在那裡於榮耀中安息。路修斯在位三年八個月零十日。他生於迦路斯與沃路西安努斯時代,直到瓦勒良(第三次)與迦利埃努斯(第二次)之年。他曾被流放,後來藉著神的旨意,平安無恙地返回教會。他於三月初七前第三日逝世,時值前述執政官在任。司提反在位四年兩個月零二十一日。他生於瓦勒良與迦利埃努斯時代,自沃路西安努斯與馬克西米努斯執政官之年,直到瓦勒良(第三次)與迦利埃努斯(第二次)之年。西斯篤在位兩年十一個月零六日。他自馬克西穆斯與格拉布里奧執政官之年開始,直到圖斯庫斯與巴蘇斯之年,於八月望前第八日殉道。
After this, having been expelled to Centumcellae, he there received his rest in glory. Lucius held the office three years, eight months, and ten days. He lived in the times of Gallus and Volusianus, down to Valerianus (third time) and Gallienus (second time). He was an exile, and afterwards, by the will of God, returned unharmed to the Church. He died on the third day before the Nones of March, under the consuls named above. Stephanus held the office four years, two months, and twenty-one days. He lived in the times of Valerianus and Gallienus, from the consulship of Volusianus and Maximinus down to that of Valerianus (third time) and Gallienus (second time). Sixtus held it two years, eleven months, and six days. He began from the consulship of Maximus and Glabrio down to that of Tuscus and Bassus, and suffered martyrdom on the eighth day before the Ides of August.
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a Consulatu Tusci et Bassi, usque in diem XII Kalendas Augusti, AEmi- llano et Basso Consulibus. Dionysius annis octo, mensibus duobus, diebus quatuor. Fuit tem- poribus Gallieni ex die XI Kalen- darum Augusti, AEmiliano et Basso Consulibus, usque in diem septi- mum Kalendar. Januarii, Consuli- bus Claudio et Paterno. Felix annis V , mensibus XI , die- bus XXV . Fuit temporibus Claudii et Aureliani, a Consulatu Claudii et Paterni, usque in Consulatum Au- reliani II, et Capitolini. Eutychianus annis octo, mensi- bus undecim, diebus tribus. Fuit temporibus Aurelium III, et Mar- cellini, usque in diem IV Idus De- cembris, Caro II et Carino Consu- libus.
自圖斯庫斯與巴蘇斯執政官之年,直到八月朔前第十二日,時值埃米利安努斯與巴蘇斯任執政官。狄奧尼修斯在位八年兩個月零四日。他生於迦利埃努斯時代,自八月朔前第十一日、埃米利安努斯與巴蘇斯執政官之日,直到正月朔前第七日、克勞狄烏斯與帕特爾努斯執政官之日。斐理斯在位五年十一個月零二十五日。他生於克勞狄烏斯與奧勒良時代,自克勞狄烏斯與帕特爾努斯執政官之年,直到奧勒良(第二次)與卡皮托利努斯執政官之年。歐提基安努斯在位八年十一個月零三日。他生於奧勒良(第三次)與馬爾切利努斯時代,直到十二月望前第四日,時值卡魯斯(第二次)與卡里努斯任執政官。
From the consulship of Tuscus and Bassus down to the twelfth day before the Kalends of August, in the consulship of Aemilianus and Bassus. Dionysius held the office eight years, two months, and four days. He lived in the times of Gallienus, from the eleventh day before the Kalends of August, in the consulship of Aemilianus and Bassus, down to the seventh day before the Kalends of January, in the consulship of Claudius and Paternus. Felix held it five years, eleven months, and twenty-five days. He lived in the times of Claudius and Aurelianus, from the consulship of Claudius and Paternus down to the consulship of Aurelianus (second time) and Capitolinus. Eutychianus held the office eight years, eleven months, and three days. He lived in the times of Aurelianus (third time) and Marcellinus, down to the fourth day before the Ides of December, in the consulship of Carus (second time) and Carinus.
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Caius annis XII , mensibus IV , diebus VII . Fuit temporibus Cari et Carini ex die XVI Kalendas Janua- rii, Consulibus Caro II et Carino, usque in X Kalendas Mad, Diocle- tiano VI et Constantio II Consu- libus. Marcellinus annis octo, mensibus tribus, diebus viginti quinque. Fuit temporibus Diocletiani et Maxi- miani, ex die pridie Kalendas Ju- lias, a Consulibus Diocletiano VI, et Constantio II, usque in Consula- tum Diocletiani IX et Maximiani VIII. Quo tempore fuit persecutio et cessavit Episcopatus annos VII 4 , mens. VI , dies XXV . Marcellus anno I , mensibus VI , diebus XX .
迦猶在位十二年四個月零七日。他生於卡魯斯與卡里努斯時代,自正月朔前第十六日、卡魯斯(第二次)與卡里努斯執政官之日,直到五月朔前第十日、戴克里先(第六次)與君士坦提烏斯(第二次)執政官之日。馬爾切利努斯在位八年三個月零二十五日。他生於戴克里先與馬克西米安時代,自七月朔前一日、戴克里先(第六次)與君士坦提烏斯(第二次)執政官之日,直到戴克里先(第九次)與馬克西米安(第八次)執政官之年。在那時發生了逼迫,主教職位中斷了七年六個月零二十五日。馬爾切盧斯在位一年六個月零二十日。
Caius held the office twelve years, four months, and seven days. He lived in the times of Carus and Carinus, from the sixteenth day before the Kalends of January, in the consulship of Carus (second time) and Carinus, down to the tenth day before the Kalends of May, in the consulship of Diocletianus (sixth time) and Constantius (second time). Marcellinus held it eight years, three months, and twenty-five days. He lived in the times of Diocletianus and Maximianus, from the day before the Kalends of July, from the consulship of Diocletianus (sixth time) and Constantius (second time) down to the consulship of Diocletianus (ninth time) and Maximianus (eighth time). At that time there was the persecution, and the episcopate ceased for seven years, six months, and twenty-five days. Marcellus held the office one year, six months, and twenty days.
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Fuit temporibus Maxen- til a Consulatu Maximiani Hercu- lei X et Maximiani Galerii VII, us- que post Consulatum X et VII. Eusebius menses IV , dies XVI , a XIV Kalendas Mali, usque in diem XVI Kalendas Septembris. Miltiades annis tribus, mensibus sex, diebus octo, a die sexto Nonas Julias; a Consulatu Maximiano VIII solo, quod fuit mense Septembri, Volusiano et Rufino, usque in III Idus Januarii, Volusiano et Aniano Consulibus. Sylvester annis viginti uno, men- sibus undecim. Fuit temporibus Constantini, a Consulatu Volusiani et Aniani, et die pridie Kalendas Februarii, usque in diem pridie Kalendarum Januariarum Constan- tino et Albino Consulibus. Marcus menses VIII , dies XX .
他生於馬克森提烏斯時代,自馬克西米安·赫庫利烏斯(第十次)與馬克西米安·迦列里烏斯(第七次)執政官之年,直到那第十次與第七次執政官任期之後。優西比烏斯在位四個月零十六日,自五月朔前第十四日,直到九月朔前第十六日。米爾提阿德斯在位三年六個月零八日,自七月初五前第六日起;自馬克西米安(第八次)獨任執政官(即九月間,沃路西安努斯與魯非努斯任內),直到正月望前第三日、沃路西安努斯與阿尼安努斯執政官之日。西爾維斯特在位二十一年零十一個月。他生於君士坦丁時代,自沃路西安努斯與阿尼安努斯執政官之年、及二月朔前一日,直到正月朔前一日、君士坦丁與阿爾比努斯執政官之日。馬爾庫斯在位八個月零二十日。
He lived in the times of Maxentius, from the consulship of Maximianus Herculeus (tenth time) and Maximianus Galerius (seventh time), down to after the consulship of those tenth and seventh terms. Eusebius held the office four months and sixteen days, from the fourteenth day before the Kalends of May down to the sixteenth day before the Kalends of September. Miltiades held it three years, six months, and eight days, from the sixth day before the Nones of July; from the consulship of Maximianus (eighth time) alone, which fell in the month of September, in the consulship of Volusianus and Rufinus, down to the third day before the Ides of January, in the consulship of Volusianus and Anianus. Sylvester held the office twenty-one years and eleven months. He lived in the times of Constantinus, from the consulship of Volusianus and Anianus, and from the day before the Kalends of February, down to the day before the Kalends of January, in the consulship of Constantinus and Albinus. Marcus held the office eight months and twenty days.
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Fuit temporibus Constantini, Ne- potiano et Facundo Consulibus, ex dic XV Kalend. Februarii usque in diem Nonarum Octobrium, Consu- libus supradictis. Julius annos quindecim, mensem unum, dies undecim. Fuit tempori- bus Constantini, a Consulatu Feli- ciani et Titiani ex die VIII Idus Fe- bruarii, in diem pridie Idus Apri- lis, Constantio V, et Constantio Caesare Consulibus. Hic multas fa- bricas fecit.—Basilicam in via Portuensi milliario III . Basilicam in via Flaminia milliario II , quae vo- catur Valentini; Basilicam Juliam, quae est regione VII . juxta forum D. Trajani, Basilicam trans Tibe- rim, regione XIV , juxta Calistum, Basilicam in via Aurelia, milliario tertio ad Calistum.
他生於君士坦丁時代,時值內波提安努斯與法昆杜斯任執政官,自二月朔前第十五日,直到十月初七之日,前述執政官在任。猶利烏斯在位十五年一個月零十一日。他生於君士坦丁時代,自費理西安努斯與提提安努斯執政官之年,自二月望前第八日,直到四月望前一日、君士坦提烏斯(第五次)與凱撒君士坦提烏斯執政官之日。他建造了許多建築:在波爾圖恩西斯大道第三里程碑處的一座聖殿;在弗拉米尼亞大道第二里程碑處的一座聖殿,稱為瓦倫提努斯聖殿;猶利亞聖殿,位於第七區、神化的圖拉真廣場旁;台伯河對岸第十四區、卡里斯圖斯墓園旁的一座聖殿;以及奧勒利亞大道第三里程碑、卡里斯圖斯附近的一座聖殿。
He lived in the times of Constantinus, in the consulship of Nepotianus and Facundus, from the fifteenth day before the Kalends of February down to the day of the Nones of October, under the consuls named above. Julius held the office fifteen years, one month, and eleven days. He lived in the times of Constantinus, from the consulship of Felicianus and Titianus, from the eighth day before the Ides of February to the day before the Ides of April, in the consulship of Constantius (fifth time) and Constantius Caesar. He built many structures: a basilica on the Via Portuensis at the third milestone; a basilica on the Via Flaminia at the second milestone, which is called the basilica of Valentinus; the Basilica Julia, which is in the seventh region, beside the Forum of the deified Trajan; a basilica across the Tiber, in the fourteenth region, beside the cemetery of Calixtus; and a basilica on the Via Aurelia at the third milestone, near Calixtus.
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Liberius fuit temporibus Con- stantini, ex die XI Kalend. Junias, in diem.... a Consulibus Con- stantio V, et Constantio Caesare. Postquam hunc catalogum sub oculos lectoris po- suere, sequentia subjungunt eruditi Benedictini : Telle est la Chronique des Pontifes Romains con- nue sous le nom de catalogue de Libere. Anant d’en établir l’autorité, nous avons d'abord à examiner l’époque à laquelle elle aura été rédigée, et l’auteur à qui il serait possible de l’attribuer. De tous les savants qui se sont occupés de ce mo- nument, nous ne connaissons que Dodwel qui l’ait voulu faire plus récent que l’époque de Libere, et il a été refuté par Tillemont lui-même.
利貝里烏斯生於君士坦提烏斯時代,自六月朔前第十一日,直到……之日,時值君士坦提烏斯(第五次)與凱撒君士坦提烏斯任執政官。在將此目錄陳於讀者眼前之後,博學的本篤會學者附加如下說明:這就是以「利貝里目錄」之名為人所知的羅馬教宗編年史。在確立其權威性之前,我們首先須查考它編纂的年代,以及它可能歸屬的作者。在所有研究過此文獻的學者中,我們所知唯有多德威爾曾試圖將其定為晚於利貝里烏斯時代的作品,而他已被提勒蒙本人所駁倒。
Liberius lived in the times of Constantius, from the eleventh day before the Kalends of June, down to the day... in the consulship of Constantius (fifth time) and Constantius Caesar. After having set this catalogue before the reader's eyes, the learned Benedictines append the following: This is the Chronicle of the Roman Pontiffs known under the name of the Liberian catalogue. Before establishing its authority, we must first examine the period in which it would have been compiled, and the author to whom it might be attributed. Of all the scholars who have concerned themselves with this monument, we know of none but Dodwell who has sought to make it more recent than the epoch of Liberius, and he was refuted by Tillemont himself.
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Sans parler de l’argument qu'on doit naturellement tirer de la coincidence de date dece monument avec les quatre autres opuscules qui l’accompagnent sur les divers manuscrits, circonstance qui suffit à elle seule pour en préciser l’époque, n’y ayant dans le texte du ca- talogue rien qui contredise cette antiquité, cette chronique ne porte-t-elle pas irrécusablement la date de sa redaction dans ces dernières lignes : Li- berius fuit temporibus Constantii, ex die XI Kalend. Junias, in diem... a consulibus Constantio V. et Caesare.
且不論人們自然會從以下情況中得出的論據:此文獻與在各抄本中伴隨它的其他四篇小著作日期相吻合——這一情況本身就足以確定其年代,因為目錄的文本中並無任何與此古老性相矛盾之處——這部編年史豈不是在其末尾數行中無可辯駁地標明了它撰成的日期嗎:「利貝里烏斯生於君士坦提烏斯時代,自六月朔前第十一日,直到……之日,時值君士坦提烏斯(第五次)與凱撒任執政官」?
Not to mention the argument that one must naturally draw from the coincidence of date of this monument with the four other little works that accompany it in the various manuscripts, a circumstance which alone suffices to fix its epoch, since there is nothing in the text of the catalogue to contradict this antiquity, does not this chronicle bear irrefutably the date of its composition in these last lines: 'Liberius lived in the times of Constantius, from the eleventh day before the Kalends of June, down to the day... in the consulship of Constantius (fifth time) and Caesar'?
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« Cette fin, comme le dit Tillemont, convient bien moins à un copiste arrêté par quelque accident, qu’à un auteur qui sa vait le commencement de Li- bère, mais qui n’en savait pas la fin parce qu’elle n’était pas encore arrivée » ( a ). Mais il est un autre argument plus invincible en- core. Outre le catalogue des Papes dit de Libère, il en existe un autre composé au sixième siècle et s’ar- rêtant à Félix IV.
提勒蒙說:「這樣的結尾,與其說適合一位因某種意外而被迫中斷的抄寫者,不如說更適合一位知道利貝里烏斯任期之始、卻不知其終的作者,因為那結局尚未到來」(甲)。但還有另一個更為不可駁倒的論據。除了被稱為「利貝里」的教宗目錄外,還存在另一部於六世紀編成、止於斐理斯四世的目錄。
'This ending,' as Tillemont says, 'suits far less a copyist halted by some mishap than an author who knew the beginning of Liberius's pontificate but did not know its end, because that end had not yet come' (a). But there is another argument still more invincible. Besides the catalogue of the Popes called the Liberian, there exists another one composed in the sixth century and stopping at Felix IV.
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Or, ce second catalogue, que Dod- wel voudrait faire passer pour le plus ancien, tan- dis que celui de Libère n’en serait que l’abrégé ( b ), le second, disons-nous, insère textuellement les fas- tes consulaires établis dans le premier pour les an- nées de chaque Pape, et, arrivé à l’époque de Libère, il cesse de les donner, il n’y supplée en aucune fa- çon et ne les reprend que plus d’un siècle après l’é- poque où s’arrête la Chronique Libérienne. Pour- quoi, sinon parce que le monument qu’il transcrivait n’allait pas au delà du consulat de Constance quinto et Constance César? Or, quel peut être ce monument, si ce n’est celui qui fait l’objet de la présente dis- cussion?
如今這第二部目錄——多德威爾想使它被當作更古老的,而把利貝里目錄當作它的節略本(乙)——我們說,這第二部逐字插入了第一部中為每位教宗在位年代所定的執政官紀年表,而當它抵達利貝里烏斯的時代時,便停止提供這些紀年,毫不補充,直到利貝里編年史所止之年代的一個多世紀之後才重新開始。若非因為它所抄錄的那份文獻並未延伸至君士坦提烏斯(第五次)與凱撒君士坦提烏斯的執政官年之外,又是為何?那麼,這份文獻若不是本討論所論及的那一份,又能是什麼呢?
Now this second catalogue, which Dodwell would have pass for the more ancient, while that of Liberius would be only its abridgement (b)—this second one, we say, inserts textually the consular fasti established in the first for the years of each Pope, and, having reached the epoch of Liberius, it ceases to give them, supplies them in no way, and only resumes them more than a century after the epoch at which the Liberian Chronicle stops. Why, if not because the monument it was transcribing did not extend beyond the consulship of Constantius the fifth time and Constantius Caesar? Now, what can this monument be, if not the very one that is the object of the present discussion?
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Il est donc antérieur à la Chronique de Fé- lix IV, dont lui seul peut même expliquer l’étrange lacune. Pearson n'a pas craint d’en faire la remar- que ( c ),et Tillemont, presque aussi sévère dans l’examen des traditions catholiques, observe judi- cieusement que les conjectures de Dodwel pour faire du catalogue de Libère un simple abrégé de monu- ments du sixième siècle, sont renversées par l’expé- riencedes critiques, qui, dit-il, ont toujours observé que ces sortes d’ouvrages vont plutôt en augmentant qu'en diminuant, comme on le, voit par expérience (d ). La question de savoir quel est l’auteur du catalogue de Libère est loin d’être aussi facile à éclaircir.
因此它早於斐理斯四世的編年史,而唯有它才能解釋後者那奇異的缺漏。皮爾遜不憚於指出這一點(丙),而提勒蒙——在審查天主教傳統時幾乎同樣嚴格——明智地指出,多德威爾那欲將利貝里目錄視為六世紀文獻之單純節略本的臆測,已被諸評論家的經驗所推翻;他說,這些評論家始終觀察到,此類著作往往是增多而非減少,正如經驗所示(丁)。至於利貝里目錄作者為誰的問題,則遠不那麼容易釐清。
It is therefore prior to the Chronicle of Felix IV, whose strange lacuna it alone can even explain. Pearson did not fear to make this remark (c), and Tillemont, almost as severe in examining Catholic traditions, judiciously observes that Dodwell's conjectures, which would make the Liberian catalogue a mere abridgement of sixth-century monuments, are overturned by the experience of critics, who, he says, have always observed that works of this kind tend rather to grow than to diminish, as one sees by experience (d). The question of who is the author of the Liberian catalogue is far from being as easy to clarify.
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Hens- chenius a prétendu que la première partie de la Chronique qui va de saint Pierre à saint Urbain au- rait été rédigée par saint Anteros et le reste jusqu’à Libere par saint Damase. Papebrock, dans son Cona- tus Chronico-historicus ad Catalogos Romanorum Pon- tificum, a même été plus loin, cherchant à prouver que la seconde partie de ce Catalogue offre des traces de quatre maius différentes. Schelstrate combat vi- goureusement ce système ( e ), qui nous semble, à nous aussi, donner beaucoup trop à la conjecture;
亨申尼烏斯主張,這部編年史的第一部分——從聖彼得到聖烏爾巴努斯——是由聖安泰羅斯所編纂的,而其餘直到利貝里烏斯的部分則由聖達瑪蘇斯所編。帕佩布羅赫在其《羅馬教宗目錄之編年史考》中走得更遠,試圖證明此目錄的第二部分顯出四種不同筆跡的痕跡。謝爾斯特拉特強烈反對這種論說(戊),而在我們看來,這論說也賦予臆測太多分量。
Henschenius claimed that the first part of the Chronicle, which goes from Saint Peter to Saint Urban, would have been compiled by Saint Anteros, and the rest down to Liberius by Saint Damasus. Papebroch, in his Conatus Chronico-historicus ad Catalogos Romanorum Pontificum, went even further, seeking to prove that the second part of this Catalogue shows traces of four different hands. Schelstrate vigorously combats this system (e), which seems to us also to grant far too much to conjecture.
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mais si nous sommes portés à suivre cet auteur lors- qu’il fait voir qu’on ne saurait nommer avec préci- sion les rédacteurs de ce Catalogue, ni les multiplier ainsi a fantaisie, sans courir le risque de procéder un peu au hasard, il nous paraît que ses arguments, pour prouver l’idenlité de style dans toutes les par- ties de cette Chronique, sont loin d'ètre concluants. Quand on y regar dede près, il est difficile de ne pas apercevoir dans les differentes parties une grande diversité de forme; mais ne serait-il pas possible de l’expliquer en considérant ce monument comme l’as- semblage, la compilation de notes ou mémoires ré- digés à plusieurs époques?
然而,當這位作者表明:人們無法精確指名此目錄的編者,也不能如此隨意地增添其人數,否則便有幾分隨機行事之虞——在這一點上我們雖傾向於追隨他,但對他用以證明這部編年史各部分風格一致的論據,我們卻認為遠非確鑿。當人們仔細審視時,便難以不在各個部分中察覺出形式上的極大差異;然而,豈不可能藉著把這份文獻視為在若干不同時代所撰寫之筆記或紀錄的彙集、編纂,而對此加以解釋嗎?
But although we are inclined to follow this author when he shows that one cannot name with precision the redactors of this Catalogue, nor multiply them thus at will, without running the risk of proceeding somewhat at random, it seems to us that his arguments for proving the identity of style in all the parts of this Chronicle are far from being conclusive. When one looks closely, it is difficult not to perceive in the different parts a great diversity of form; but would it not be possible to explain this by regarding this monument as the assemblage, the compilation of notes or memoirs drawn up at several epochs?
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Rien ne ressemble mieux à une serie d’inscriptions enregistrées à la suite les unes des autres, que ce Catalogue qui ne présente d'unité que dans la pensée qui a présidé à son arrangement en manière de Chronique. Maintenant quel aurait été le rédacteur, le com- pilateur de cet ensemble? Tillemont et Pagi en attri- bueraient volontiers l’honneur à saint Damase, et nous somnies très-portés a nous ranger nous-mêmes dece parti. Toutefois nous n’appuyons pas notre sentiment sur les deux fameuses lettres, dont l’une est attribuée à ce saint Pape et l’autre à saint Jérôme, et qui ont agité en sens divers les savants qui les ont jugées..
沒有什麼比這部目錄更像是一連串先後記錄下來的碑銘了;它所呈現的唯一統一性,僅在於那以編年史方式統攝其編排的構想之中。如今,這整部作品的編者、彙編者會是誰呢?提勒蒙與帕吉樂於將此榮譽歸於聖達瑪蘇斯,而我們也極傾向於站到那一邊。然而,我們並不把自己的看法建立在那兩封著名的書信上——其中一封歸於這位聖教宗,另一封歸於聖耶柔米——這兩封信曾使評斷它們的學者們眾說紛紜。
Nothing more closely resembles a series of inscriptions recorded one after another than this Catalogue, which presents unity only in the thought that presided over its arrangement in the manner of a Chronicle. Now, who would have been the redactor, the compiler, of this whole? Tillemont and Pagi would willingly attribute the honour of it to Saint Damasus, and we are very much inclined to range ourselves on that side. However, we do not base our opinion on the two famous letters, one of which is attributed to this holy Pope and the other to Saint Jerome, and which have stirred in various directions the scholars who have judged them.
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Elles paraissent abandonnées aujourd’hui de tout le monde, et cependant, suivant nous, les ar- guments que produit en leur faveur Ciampini dans son Examen Libri Pontificalis , sont loin d’ètre me- prisables. Quoi qu’il en soit, nous nous abstenons de les citer dans cette discussion, nous contentant de les placer en note sous les yeux du lecteur, afin de ne rien omettre de tout ce qui peut rendre plus complet notre travail sur les origines de la Pa- pauté ( f ).
如今這兩封信似乎已被眾人棄置;然而依我們看來,恰皮尼在其《教宗書考》中為其辯護所提出的論據,卻遠非可鄙。無論如何,我們在本討論中不引用它們,僅滿足於將其置於註腳中陳於讀者眼前,以免遺漏任何可使我們關於教宗職起源之研究更臻完備的材料(己)。
They appear today abandoned by everyone; and yet, in our view, the arguments that Ciampini produces in their favour in his Examen Libri Pontificalis are far from contemptible. Be that as it may, we abstain from citing them in this discussion, contenting ourselves with placing them in a note before the reader's eyes, so as to omit nothing of all that may render more complete our work on the origins of the Papacy (f).
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Si donc nous attribuons a saint Damase la rédac- tion du catalogue de Libère, ce n’est point sur la foi de ces deux lettres, mais sur le témoignage de nombre d’auteurs qui, depuis le septième ou hui- tième siècle environ, n’ont cessé de considérer ce Pape comme auteur d’une Chronique des Pontifes Romains. Comme nous ne pouvons faire saint Da- mase auteur du Liber Pontificalis , ni mème du Cata- logue de Félix IV, monuments d’un style trop dif- férent du sien, on est essentiellement conduit à lui laisser la Chronique de Libère. Ici encore, quoique par une route totalement différente, nous nous ren- contrerons avec Tillemont, qui s’exprime ainsi, dans le passage que nous avons cité plus haut :
因此,若我們將利貝里目錄的撰作歸於聖達瑪蘇斯,這並非倚仗這兩封書信,而是基於眾多作者的見證——自大約第七或第八世紀以來,他們始終視這位教宗為一部羅馬教宗編年史的作者。既然我們不能使聖達瑪蘇斯成為《教宗書》的作者,甚至也不能使他成為斐理斯四世目錄的作者——這些文獻的風格與他自己的相去太遠——人們便基本上不得不把利貝里編年史留歸於他。在此,我們雖循著一條截然不同的途徑,卻仍與提勒蒙不期而遇;他在我們上文所引的段落中如此表達:
If, then, we attribute to Saint Damasus the composition of the Liberian catalogue, it is not on the strength of these two letters, but on the testimony of a number of authors who, since about the seventh or eighth century, have not ceased to regard this Pope as the author of a Chronicle of the Roman Pontiffs. Since we cannot make Saint Damasus the author of the Liber Pontificalis, nor even of the Catalogue of Felix IV—monuments of a style too different from his own—one is essentially led to leave him the Chronicle of Liberius. Here again, though by a wholly different route, we shall meet with Tillemont, who expresses himself thus, in the passage we have cited above:
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« Je ne vois pas pourquoi on dit que c’est faussement qu’on attribue à saint Damase ce catalogue, et pourquoi il ne l’aura pas pu dresser, étant diacre en 353, lorsque le pape Libère fut banni, et le catalogue paraît fait I’an 354, sous le pape Libere » ( a ). C’est en vain que dom Ceilier objecte que, dans la notice des écrits de saint Damase, saint Jérôme ne nomme point ce Catalogue ( b ); car ce Catalogue, qui ne semble d’ailleurs rédigé que dans un intérèt de localité, n’est pas véritablement un livre, et il est naturel de supposer qu’il n’a pas pénétré jusqu'en Orient, où écrivait saint Jérôme, quand on voit qu’en Occident même on n’a commencé à s’en occuper qu’au seizième siècle.
「我不明白人們為何說將此目錄歸於聖達瑪蘇斯是錯誤的,也不明白他為何不可能編成此目錄;他在三五三年、即教宗利貝里烏斯被放逐時身為執事,而此目錄似乎是於三五四年、利貝里烏斯任教宗時編成的」(甲)。塞利耶神父反對說,在聖耶柔米所列聖達瑪蘇斯著作目錄中並未提及此目錄(乙),但這反對是徒然的;因為此目錄——而且它似乎只是出於地方性的關注而編成——並非真正的一部書,因此很自然地可以推想:當人們看到甚至在西方本身也要到十六世紀才開始注意它時,它並未傳到聖耶柔米寫作所在的東方。
'I do not see why one says that it is wrongly that this catalogue is attributed to Saint Damasus, and why he could not have drawn it up, being a deacon in 353, when Pope Liberius was banished, and the catalogue appears to have been made in the year 354, under Pope Liberius' (a). It is in vain that Dom Ceillier objects that, in the notice of Saint Damasus's writings, Saint Jerome does not name this Catalogue (b); for this Catalogue, which moreover seems to have been compiled only in a local interest, is not truly a book, and it is natural to suppose that it did not penetrate as far as the East, where Saint Jerome was writing, when one sees that even in the West itself people only began to concern themselves with it in the sixteenth century.
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L’autre difficulté de dom Cei- lier, que saint Damase n’a pas mis son nom à cet opuscule, ainsi qu'il l’a mis à presque toutes ses épi- grammes et ses inscriptions, n’est pas plus sérieuse. D'abord, c'est déjà convenir qu’il ne l’a pas mis à tout ce qui est sorti de sa plume; ensuite, com- mem saint Damase aurait-il songé à mettre son nom en tète d’une Chronique qui n’est autre chose que la compilation en deux pages d’une suite de notes et d’inscriptions? Concluons dono que le sentiment qui fait ce saint Pape auteur de la Chronique de Li- bère est appuyé sur de solides fondements.
塞利耶神父所提的另一個困難,即聖達瑪蘇斯未在此小著作上署名——他卻幾乎在自己所有的銘詩與碑文上署了名——這同樣不足為慮。首先,這已經是承認他並未在出自其筆下的一切作品上署名;其次,聖達瑪蘇斯又怎會想到在一部不過是把一連串筆記與碑文彙編於兩頁之中的編年史之首署上自己的名字呢?因此,讓我們作出結論:那認定這位聖教宗為利貝里編年史作者的看法,乃是建立在堅實的基礎之上。
The other difficulty raised by Dom Ceillier, that Saint Damasus did not put his name to this little work, as he put it to almost all his epigrams and inscriptions, is no more serious. First, it is already to admit that he did not put it to everything that came from his pen; next, how would Saint Damasus have thought of putting his name at the head of a Chronicle which is nothing but the compilation, in two pages, of a series of notes and inscriptions? Let us conclude, then, that the opinion which makes this holy Pope the author of the Liberian Chronicle rests upon solid foundations.
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Une autre question bien autrement grave, celle de la vérité des faits contenus dans ce catalogue, réclame main- tenant toute notre attention. Les faits contenus dans le Catalogue de Libère sont simplement les fastes consulaires correspon- dants à l’avénement et à la mort de chaque Pape, le compte des années, des mois et des jours de son pontificat, enfin quelques détails historiques, en petit nombre et fort succincts, ainsi qu’on a pu le remarquer ci-dessus. Nous allons examiner successi- vement quel degré d’autorité nous devons donner à ces différents détails. Commençons par les fastes consulaires.
另一個性質遠為重大的問題——即此目錄所載史實之真確性——如今要求我們傾注全部的注意力。利貝里目錄所載的史實,不過是與每位教宗即位和逝世相對應的執政官紀年表、其任期年月日的計算,最後是若干歷史細節——數量極少且極為簡略,正如上文所能注意到的。我們將依次查考:對這些各樣細節,我們應賦予何等程度的權威。讓我們從執政官紀年表開始。
Another question, of an altogether more grave nature—that of the truth of the facts contained in this catalogue—now demands all our attention. The facts contained in the Liberian Catalogue are simply the consular fasti corresponding to the accession and death of each Pope, the reckoning of the years, months, and days of his pontificate, and finally a few historical details, few in number and very succinct, as one could note above. We are going to examine in turn what degree of authority we ought to give to these various details. Let us begin with the consular fasti.
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L’antiquité du Catalogue de Libère une fois éta- blie, il nous semble évident que I’on doit recon- naitre une vérilable autorité aux indications de consuis qu’il renferme, à moins que l’on ne puisse démontrer deux choses, savoir : que les Chrétiens de Rome, qui, comme on ne peut en douter d’après tout ce que nous avons prouvé dans les précédents chapitres, avaient conservé les nonis de leurs évê- ques, ne se servaient point des fastes consulaires pour marquer les années de leur siége; et, en se- cond lieu, que, s'ils en usaient ainsi, il eût été im- possible en 354 de recueillir les monuments de ce genre dressés par eux durant les trois premiers siècles.
利貝里目錄的古老性既已確立,在我們看來顯然必須承認其所含執政官紀年標記具有真正的權威——除非人們能證明兩件事,即:羅馬的基督徒——根據我們在前幾章所證明的一切,無可置疑地,他們曾保存其主教們的名字——並未使用執政官紀年表來標記其教座的年代;其次,即便他們確曾如此使用,到了三五四年也已不可能蒐集到他們在頭三個世紀中所編成的此類文獻。
The antiquity of the Liberian Catalogue once established, it seems evident to us that one must recognise a genuine authority in the indications of consuls that it contains, unless one can demonstrate two things, namely: that the Christians of Rome—who, as cannot be doubted from all that we have proved in the preceding chapters, had preserved the names of their bishops—did not make use of the consular fasti to mark the years of their see; and, in the second place, that, even if they did so use them, it would have been impossible in 354 to gather the monuments of this kind drawn up by them during the first three centuries.
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Or nous défions qui que, ce soit d’administrer la plus légère preuve à l’appui de ces deux asser- tione, et il faudrait pourtant commencer par les dé- montrer, avant d'attaquer l’autorité du Catalogue de Libère sur la vérité des supputationi consolaires qu’il contient. En attendant, nous espérons prouver que les deux thèses opposées sont certaines. Premièrement, les chrétiens de Rome se servaient des fastes consulaires pour compter les années des Papes. Nos lecteurs ne peuvent ignorer que pendant toute la durée de l’empire romain, la manière la plus usitée et la plus nationale de mesurer le temps et de classer les événements historiques était de le faire par les consuis.
如今,我們敢於向任何人挑戰,要他為這兩項斷言提出哪怕最微小的證據;然而,在攻擊利貝里目錄關於其所含執政官紀年之真確性的權威之前,人們本應先證明這兩項斷言。與此同時,我們希望證明那兩個相反的論題乃是確鑿的。第一,羅馬的基督徒曾使用執政官紀年表來計算諸教宗的在位年代。我們的讀者不能不知道,在整個羅馬帝國存續期間,計量時間和編排歷史事件最常用、最具民族特色的方式,便是依照執政官來進行。
Now we defy anyone whatsoever to furnish the slightest proof in support of these two assertions, and yet one would have to begin by demonstrating them before attacking the authority of the Liberian Catalogue regarding the truth of the consular reckonings it contains. Meanwhile, we hope to prove that the two opposite theses are certain. First, the Christians of Rome made use of the consular fasti to count the years of the Popes. Our readers cannot be unaware that, throughout the whole duration of the Roman empire, the most usual and most national way of measuring time and of classifying historical events was to do so by the consuls.
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Non-seulement cet usage était reçu pour les faits intéressant l’ordre public, mais les circonstances de la vie privée y étaient sou- mises; les contrats entre particuliers, tout, jus- qu’aux détails du ménage les plus familiers, rece- vaient cette sanction aussi bien que les actes mêmes du pouvoir gouvernant. Ainsi l’avaient établi de concert les lois et la coutume; et peut-être cet usage étail-il d’autant plus volontiers observé, qu’en même temps qu’il offrait un moyen de se rappeler les faits, moins abstrait que la suppulation par les chiffres, il flattait l’orgueil des particuliers, en associant en quelque sorte les faits de leur exi- stence avec les destinées de l’empire.
這一慣例不僅在關乎公共秩序的事務中被採用,連私生活的種種情形也受其支配;私人之間的契約,乃至家務中最尋常的細節,都與掌權者的法令文書同樣領受這種認可。法律與習俗就是這樣協同確立了它;而這一慣例之所以也許更被人樂於遵守,或許正因為:它一面提供了一種比用數字計算更不抽象的記憶事實的方法,一面又滿足了私人的自尊心,在某種意義上將他們生活中的事實與帝國的命運聯繫了起來。
Not only was this usage received for matters concerning public order, but the circumstances of private life were subject to it; contracts between private persons, everything down to the most familiar details of the household, received this sanction just as much as the very acts of the governing power. Thus had the laws and custom together established it; and perhaps this usage was the more willingly observed in that, while it offered a means of recalling facts less abstract than reckoning by figures, it flattered the pride of private persons, by associating in a manner the facts of their existence with the destinies of the empire.
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Le christianisme trouva cette pratique établie lorsqu’il parut en ce monde; et comme elle ne pré- sentait rien de contraire à ses dogmes ni à sa morale, les premiers fidèles, qui étaient dans l’usage de l’employer dans la vie civile pour donner autorité à leurs actes, durent naturellement la transporter avec tous ses avantages dans les supputatione de la religion. Que pouvait-il en effet y avoir pour eux de plus important, de plus digne de mémoire, que la suite et les années des successeurs de saint Pierre, dans lesquels cet apôtre continuait toujours d’eu- seigner et de régir l’Église?
基督教降臨於世時,發現這一慣例已然確立;而既然它對基督教的信條或道德毫無牴觸,那些習於在民事生活中運用它以使自己的行為具有效力的初代信徒,自然必把它連同其一切益處一併移用於宗教的紀年之中。事實上,對他們而言,還有什麼比聖彼得繼任者的承接與年代——這位使徒藉著這些繼任者始終繼續施教並治理教會——更為重要、更值得紀念的呢?
Christianity found this practice established when it appeared in the world; and since it presented nothing contrary to its dogmas or its morality, the first faithful, who were accustomed to employ it in civil life to give authority to their acts, must naturally have transferred it, with all its advantages, into the reckonings of religion. Indeed, what could have been for them more important, more worthy of memory, than the succession and the years of the successors of Saint Peter, in whom this apostle continued ever to teach and to govern the Church?
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Y avait-il un sujet plus digne d'émouvoir ce sentiment de nationalité qu’éprouve toujours davantage une société, en pro- portion du degré de spiritualisme dont elle fait profession, que le désir de conserver pures et certaines les annales de ces Pontifes si humbles, si obscurs, et pourtant dépositaires d’une autorité doni les effets, comme on peut en voir plusieurs exemples dans Eusèbe, retentissaient jusqu’aux ex- trémités de I’Orient, et dont la puissance, tout en- fouie qu’elle était sons les arceaux de Rome souter- raine, s’élevait, dès le troisième sièclo, assez rivale des Césars pour qu’un Décius la redoutât à l’égal d’un compétiteur à l’empire ( a )?
還有什麼題材,比那渴望使這些教宗——他們如此卑微、如此隱沒,卻是一種權威的承載者——的紀年保持純淨而確鑿,更能激起一個社會(其所秉持的屬靈程度愈高,便愈強烈地感受到的那種民族情感)的呢?這權威的果效,正如人們在優西比烏斯著作中可見的若干例證所示,遠播至東方的盡頭;而它的能力,雖深埋於地下羅馬的拱頂之下,卻自第三世紀起便已昂然而立,足以與諸凱撒匹敵,以致一位德修斯竟畏之如畏帝國的競爭者(甲)。
Was there a subject more worthy of stirring that sentiment of national feeling which a society always experiences the more, in proportion to the degree of spiritualism it professes, than the desire to keep pure and certain the annals of those Pontiffs so humble, so obscure, and yet the depositaries of an authority whose effects—as one may see in several examples in Eusebius—resounded even to the extremities of the East, and whose power, buried though it was beneath the arches of subterranean Rome, rose, from the third century onward, rival enough to the Caesars for a Decius to dread it as much as a competitor for the empire (a)?
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N’en doutons pas, les chrétiens firent bien pour conserver la mémoire des chefs de l'Eglise ce qu’ils faisaient chaque jour dans l’intêrêt de leurs affaires domestiques; et quand bien même les dernières traces en seraient aujour- d’hui effacées, ne soyons point si ignorants de la nature humaine pour croire que les premiers chré- tiens auront laissé passer tant de gloire, et d’une gloire si pure, sans rien faire pour en conserver le souvenir. Dira-t-on que cette manière de compter par les consuls leur aura semblé trop profane, trop sécu- lière, contraire même â l’austêre dignité d'unc reli- gion qui ne prenait acte des particularités de la vie présente que pour les mépriser?
讓我們不要懷疑:基督徒為保存教會領袖的記憶,所行的正如他們每日為家務之利益所行的一般;縱然其最後的痕跡今日已被抹去,我們也不該如此不通人性,竟以為初代基督徒會任憑如此之多的榮耀——而且是如此純淨的榮耀——白白逝去,卻毫不設法保存其記憶。難道有人會說,這種依執政官計算的方式,在他們看來會顯得過於世俗、過於塵世,甚至有違於一種宗教那嚴峻的尊嚴——這宗教唯有為了輕看今生種種特殊情形,才去留意它們?
Let us not doubt it: the Christians did well, to preserve the memory of the heads of the Church, what they did every day in the interest of their domestic affairs; and even were the last traces of it today effaced, let us not be so ignorant of human nature as to believe that the first Christians would have let so much glory—and a glory so pure—pass by without doing anything to preserve the memory of it. Will it be said that this manner of counting by the consuls would have seemed to them too profane, too secular, even contrary to the austere dignity of a religion which took note of the particulars of the present life only in order to despise them?
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A cela nous répon- drons que bien loiin de la, le Christianisme leur fai- sait une sorte de devoir d’employer ce mode de supputation. Persono e sans doute n’ignore le respect souverain qu’avaient les premiers fides pour les Ecritures saintes, le zèle qu’ils mettaient à en re- produire le génie et les circonstances dans leurs habitudes, dans leur langage. Non-seulement les cérémonies du culte y prenaient leur origine, mais les usages de la vie privée en étaient comme impré- gnés : ils ne pensaient, ile ne s‘exprimaient que par ces livres divins.
對此我們將回答說:基督教非但不以此為忌,反而使他們把採用這種計算方式視為一種義務。無疑無人不知道初代信徒對聖經所懷的至高敬意,以及他們在習慣和言語中竭力重現聖經之精神與情境的熱忱。不僅敬拜的禮儀以此為源,連私生活的種種習俗也彷彿被它浸透:他們唯藉這些神聖之書來思想、來表達自己。
To this we shall reply that, far from it, Christianity made it for them a kind of duty to employ this mode of reckoning. No one, doubtless, is unaware of the sovereign respect which the first faithful had for the Holy Scriptures, of the zeal with which they reproduced their spirit and their circumstances in their habits and in their language. Not only did the ceremonies of worship take their origin therein, but the usages of private life were as it were impregnated with them: they thought, they expressed themselves, only through these divine books.
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Leur style, leurs images embellis- saient les écrits des Tertullien et des Origene, en meme temps que leurs sentences renforcaient, les reponses déjà si sublimes des martyrs. Or, ces livres eux-mémes, tout celestes, tout surnaturels, ne dédaignaient point de se servir, dans la supputa- tion des événements divins, du mode en usage pour les calculs terrestres. Ils procedaient à l’uide des fastes de l’humanité comme à la lueur d’un flam- beau, et la parole de Dieu empruntait en quelque sorte sa certitude de fait aux événements de cette demeure mortelle.
聖經的文體、其意象妝點了德爾圖良與奧利金等人的著作,同時其格言也強化了殉道者本已如此崇高的答辯。如今,這些書卷本身雖全屬天上、全屬超自然,卻不屑於不在計算神聖事件時採用那為塵世計算所通用的方式。它們藉著人類執政官紀年表的幫助,如同藉著火炬之光而行;神的話語在某種意義上,竟向這必死居所的種種事件借取了它在事實上的確定性。
Their style, their images adorned the writings of the Tertullians and the Origens, at the same time as their sentences reinforced the already so sublime replies of the martyrs. Now, these books themselves, wholly heavenly, wholly supernatural, did not disdain to make use, in the reckoning of divine events, of the mode in use for earthly calculations. They proceeded by the aid of the fasti of humanity as by the light of a torch, and the word of God borrowed, in a manner, its certainty of fact from the events of this mortal dwelling.
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Pour n'en rappeler ici que quelques exemples, ou- vres d'abord I’Ancien Testament, à l’article des pro- phéties, ces phénoménes tout spirituels de l’infusion premiere du Verbe divin par l’Esprit-Saint dans l’hu- manité, vous y trouverez les années passagéres des rois de la terre accolées comme un sceau necessaire aux oracles de la Sagesse éternelle. Choisissons eu- tre mille exemples : « La vision l’saie fils d’Amos sur Juda et Jérusalem. en les jours d’Ozias, Joathan, Achaz et Ezéchius, rois de Juda (b) . Plus loin : En (??)année que mourut le roi Ozias, je vis le Seigneur assis sur un trone , ete. (c).
在此僅舉數例:先翻開舊約論預言之處——那些藉聖靈將神聖之道初次注入人類的、全屬屬靈的現象——你便會在那裡發現,地上君王短暫的年代,被當作必要的印記附在永恆智慧的神諭之上。讓我們從千例中選取幾個:「亞摩斯之子以賽亞,在猶大王烏西雅、約坦、亞哈斯、希西家年間,所見關於猶大和耶路撒冷的異象」(乙)。再往下:「當烏西雅王崩的那年,我看見主坐在寶座上」云云(丙)。
To recall here only a few examples: open first the Old Testament, at the article of the prophecies, those wholly spiritual phenomena of the first infusion of the divine Word by the Holy Spirit into humanity, and you will there find the transient years of the kings of the earth affixed as a necessary seal to the oracles of eternal Wisdom. Let us choose among a thousand examples: 'The vision of Isaiah son of Amos concerning Judah and Jerusalem, in the days of Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, kings of Judah' (b). Further on: 'In the year that king Uzziah died, I saw the Lord seated upon a throne,' etc. (c).
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Paroles de Jérémie fils d'Hel- cias, (??)un des prétres qui furent en Anathoth, en la terre de Benjamin. La parole du Seigneur fut sur lui en les jours de Josias fils d'Amon roi de Juda, en la treizieme année de son régne (d). Parole qui fut donnée à Jérémie, touchant le peuple de Juda, en la quatrieme année de Joakim fils de Josias roi de Juda, laquelle est la premiere année de Nabuchodonosor roi de Baby- lone (e). En la premiére année de Baltazar roi de Ba· bylone, Daniel vit un songe , etc. ( f). En la troisieme année du régne de Baltasar (g). En la premiére année de Darius fils d’Assuérus, de la race des Médes, qui régna sut l’empire des Chaldéens , etc. ( h).
「便雅憫地亞拿突城眾祭司中、希勒家之子耶利米的言語。猶大王亞們之子約西亞在位第十三年,耶和華的話臨到他」(丁)。「猶大王約西亞之子約雅敬第四年,論猶大百姓的話臨到耶利米;那年正是巴比倫王尼布甲尼撒元年」(戊)。「巴比倫王伯沙撒元年,但以理見了一夢」云云(己)。「伯沙撒王在位第三年」(庚)。「瑪代族亞哈隨魯之子大利烏元年,他治理迦勒底人的國」云云(辛)。
'The words of Jeremiah son of Hilkiah, one of the priests who were in Anathoth, in the land of Benjamin. The word of the Lord came to him in the days of Josiah son of Amon king of Judah, in the thirteenth year of his reign' (d). 'The word that was given to Jeremiah concerning the people of Judah, in the fourth year of Jehoiakim son of Josiah king of Judah, which is the first year of Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon' (e). 'In the first year of Belshazzar king of Babylon, Daniel saw a dream,' etc. (f). 'In the third year of the reign of Belshazzar' (g). 'In the first year of Darius son of Ahasuerus, of the race of the Medes, who reigned over the empire of the Chaldeans,' etc. (h).
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En l’année troisiéme de Cyrus roi des Perses, la parole fut révélée à Daniel , etc. ( i ). C’est assez sans doute et nous pouvons nous dispenser de citer les petits Prophetes, qui fournissent un bien plus grand nombre d'exem- ples de cette panicularité. Passons au Nouveau Tes- tament. Aux jours d’Hérode, roi de Juda, il y eut un prétre nommé Zacharie , etc. ( j ). Ainsi commence le récit de l’histoire evangélique dans saint Luc. Au chapitre suivant : En ces jours-la il sortit un edit de Cesar Au· guste pour le dénombrement de tout l’univers. Ce dé- nombrement fui fait, Cyrinus étant gouverneur de Syrie (k ). Saint Matthieu parlant de la venue det mages :
「波斯王古列第三年,有事顯給但以理」云云(壬)。此誠已足,我們大可免去援引小先知書——它們提供了遠多於此特色的例證。讓我們轉到新約。「當猶大王希律年間,有一位祭司名叫撒迦利亞」云云(癸)。聖路加福音的記敘便如此開始。在下一章:「當那些日子,凱撒奧古斯都有旨意下來,叫普天下的人都報名上冊。這報名上冊的事是在居里扭作敘利亞巡撫的時候行的」(子)。聖馬太論及博士的來到:
'In the third year of Cyrus king of the Persians, the word was revealed to Daniel,' etc. (i). This is doubtless enough, and we may dispense with citing the minor Prophets, who furnish a far greater number of examples of this particularity. Let us pass to the New Testament. 'In the days of Herod, king of Judah, there was a priest named Zacharias,' etc. (j). Thus begins the narrative of the gospel history in Saint Luke. In the following chapter: 'In those days there went out an edict from Caesar Augustus for the enrolment of the whole world. This enrolment was made when Cyrinus was governor of Syria' (k). Saint Matthew, speaking of the coming of the Magi:
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Jésus étant né en Bethléem de Juda, en les jours du roi Hérode, voici que des Mages vinrent d'O- rient à Jérusalem (l ). Saint Luc voulant annoncer la predication de saint Jean, solennel prélude de celle du Christ, en détermine aussi l’epoque par celle des princes du temps : En l’année quinziéme de l’empire de Tibére César, Pence Pilate étant gouverneur de Ju· dée, Philippe son frere tétrarque de Fl’llurée et de la région de Thrachonite, et Lysanias d' Abilène, sous les princes des prêtres Anne et Caïphe, la parole du Sei- gneur fui sur Jean fils de Zacharie, dans le désert , etc. ( m ).
「當希律王的時候,耶穌生在猶大的伯利恆。有幾個博士從東方來到耶路撒冷」(丑)。聖路加欲宣告聖約翰的傳道——那是基督傳道莊嚴的前奏——同樣以當時君王的年代來定其時期:「凱撒提庇留在位第十五年,本丟彼拉多作猶太巡撫,希律的兄弟腓力作以土利亞和特拉可尼地方的分封王,呂撒聶作亞比利尼的分封王,亞那和該亞法作大祭司,那時撒迦利亞之子約翰在曠野裡,神的話臨到他」云云(寅)。
'Jesus being born in Bethlehem of Judah, in the days of king Herod, behold, Magi came from the East to Jerusalem' (l). Saint Luke, wishing to announce the preaching of Saint John, the solemn prelude to that of Christ, likewise determines its epoch by that of the princes of the time: 'In the fifteenth year of the empire of Tiberius Caesar, Pontius Pilate being governor of Judea, Philip his brother tetrarch of Ituraea and of the region of Trachonitis, and Lysanias of Abilene, under the high priests Annas and Caiaphas, the word of the Lord came upon John son of Zacharias, in the desert,' etc. (m).
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Voilà certes plus qu’il ne fallait pour excuser les premiers chrétiens à leurs propres yeux, lorsqu’ils se servaient des fastes consulaires pour fixer les an- nées des Pontifes Romains; et afin qua l’on ne pense pas que ces observatione soient le fruit d'une recherche systématique plus ingénieuse que con- cluante, nous ne résistons pas au désir de citer ici le passage suivant de saint Ambroise, qui a vu la chose du même point de vue, et qui commente de la manière suivante l’un des textes que nous ve- nons de citer :
這當然綽綽有餘,足以使初代基督徒在自己眼中為他們使用執政官紀年表來確定羅馬教宗的年代而辯解;而為免有人以為這些觀察乃是一種與其說確鑿、不如說巧妙的系統研究之成果,我們無法抑制這一願望,要在此援引聖安波羅修以下的一段話——他從同樣的角度看待此事,並對我們方才所引的一段經文作如下評論:
This is certainly more than enough to excuse the first Christians in their own eyes when they made use of the consular fasti to fix the years of the Roman Pontiffs; and lest one think that these observations are the fruit of a systematic research more ingenious than conclusive, we cannot resist the desire to cite here the following passage of Saint Ambrose, who saw the matter from the same point of view, and who comments in the following manner on one of the texts we have just cited:
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« Le dénombremenT dont parte saint Luc eut lieu Cyrinus étant gouverneur de Syrie, comme si l’Evangéliste eùt voulu mettre à son livre, comme un sceau, une sorte d’indication consulaire. En effet, si l’on marque les consuls sur les contrats d’achat, quoi de plus juste que d,employer cette sup- putation de temps pour fixer l,époque du rachat uni· versel? Vous avez ici tout ce que l’on a coutume de placer sur les contrats : d’ordinaire, on y met le nom du dépositaire de l’autorité souveraine, le jour, le lieu, la cause, les témoins. Le Christ a voulu aussi faire servir ces différentes marques à certifier sa na- tivité et sa génération suivant la chair, lui qui a dit à ses apôtres :
「聖路加所述的報名上冊,發生在居里扭作敘利亞巡撫之時,彷彿福音書作者欲在其書上加蓋如同印記一般的某種執政官標記。實在,若人們在買賣契約上標明執政官,那麼用這種時間的計算來確定普世救贖的時期,又有什麼比這更為合宜呢?你在此擁有人們慣於置於契約上的一切:通常那裡列有掌握至高權柄者之名、日期、地點、緣由、見證人。基督也願意使這些不同的標記用以證實祂按肉體的降生與世系——祂曾對使徒們說:
'The enrolment of which Saint Luke speaks took place when Cyrinus was governor of Syria, as if the Evangelist had wished to set upon his book, like a seal, a kind of consular indication. Indeed, if one marks the consuls upon contracts of purchase, what is more fitting than to employ this reckoning of time to fix the epoch of the universal redemption? You have here all that one is accustomed to place upon contracts: ordinarily one sets there the name of the holder of sovereign authority, the day, the place, the cause, the witnesses. Christ too willed to make these various marks serve to certify his nativity and his generation according to the flesh—he who said to his apostles:
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Soyez-moi témoins en présence de Jé- rusalem » ( a ). II n’y a donc pas lieu de s’étonner que les pre- miers fidèles transportassent dans les faits de la re- ligion une manière de compter que le génie des livres saints leur rendait sacrée, en mème temps que les usages du temps n'en laissaient pas même une autre à leur disposition. Ainsi s’explique ce passage de Tertullien, dans le livre de la Couronne du Soldat : « Le vulgaire a ses fêtes et ses couronnes, tantôt en l’honneur de la fortune des princes, tantôt pour les solennités particulières de la cité, et la luxure fait le fond de toutes ces joies publiques.
在耶路撒冷面前作我的見證」(甲)。因此,不必驚訝初代信徒竟把一種計算方式移用於宗教之事——這種方式既因聖書的精神而對他們成為神聖,同時那時代的慣例又未給他們留下哪怕另一種可供支配的方式。德爾圖良在《士兵的冠冕》一書中的這段話便由此得到解釋:「凡俗之眾有其節慶與冠冕,有時為尊崇君王的命運,有時為城邦特別的盛典,而淫逸構成了這一切公眾歡慶的根基。
Be my witnesses in the presence of Jerusalem' (a). There is therefore no reason to be astonished that the first faithful transported into the facts of religion a manner of counting which the genius of the holy books rendered sacred to them, at the same time as the usages of the age left them not even another one at their disposal. Thus is explained this passage of Tertullian, in the book of the Soldier's Crown: 'The common crowd has its feasts and its crowns, sometimes in honour of the fortune of princes, sometimes for the particular solemnities of the city, and lust forms the foundation of all these public rejoicings.
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Toi, chrétien, tu es étranger à ce monde, citoyen de la céleste Jé- rusalem, comme dit l’Apôtre : Notre cité est le ciel. Mais n’as-tu pas aussi tes listes? N’as-tu pas a ussi tes fastes ( b )? » Après avoir montré que l’existence de fastes chré- tiens, durant les trois premiers siècles, ne présente rien que de très-naturel, nous n’aurons pas de peine à faire voir qu’on pouvait lire encore en 354 ceux que les chrétiens de Rome eussent rédigés sur les années des papes. Une seule raison eût rendu cette lecture impossible : ce serait le cas où ils eussent tous péri avant cette époque, mais cette supposition est inadmissible.
你,基督徒,乃是這世界的客旅,是天上耶路撒冷的公民,正如使徒所說:我們的城邦在天上。但你豈不也有你的名錄嗎?你豈不也有你的紀年表嗎?」(乙)。在表明了基督徒的紀年表在頭三個世紀中的存在毫無不自然之處後,我們將毫不費力地表明:到三五四年,人們仍可讀到羅馬基督徒所編纂的關於諸教宗在位年代的紀年表。唯一能使此種閱讀成為不可能的理由,便是它們在此年代之前全部毀滅的情形;然而這種假設是不能成立的。
You, Christian, are a stranger to this world, a citizen of the heavenly Jerusalem, as the Apostle says: Our city is heaven. But have you not also your lists? Have you not also your fasti?' (b). After having shown that the existence of Christian fasti, during the first three centuries, presents nothing but what is most natural, we shall have no difficulty in showing that one could still read in 354 those which the Christians of Rome had drawn up concerning the years of the Popes. A single reason would have rendered this reading impossible: it would be the case where they had all perished before this epoch; but this supposition is inadmissible.
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Sans doute les persécutions, la der- nière surtout, détruisirent unc grande quantité de monuments; mais le petit nombre qui nous en est resté, et qui devait être nécessairement plus consi- dérable encore au quatrième siècle, suffit pour prou- ver que tout n’avait pas péri : nous allons fortifier par des faits ces conjectures inattaquables d’ail- leurs. Prenons pour exemple les Actes des Martyrs, mo- numents si importants dans les moeurs de l’Eglise primitive, et sur lesquels naturellement les chrétiens devaient inscrire les consuls pour fixer l’époque de la glorieuse confession. Tout le monde sait que la plus grande partie de ces actes précieux s’est perdue;
無疑那些逼迫——尤其是最後一次——摧毀了大量的文獻;但留存至今的那少數文獻——而它們在第四世紀必然還要可觀得多——已足以證明並非一切都已毀滅:我們將以事實來鞏固這些本就無可辯駁的臆測。讓我們以《殉道者行傳》為例——這在初代教會的習俗中是何等重要的文獻——基督徒自然必在其上標明執政官,以確定那光榮認信的時期。眾所周知,這些珍貴行傳的絕大部分都已散佚;
Doubtless the persecutions, the last one above all, destroyed a great quantity of monuments; but the small number that has remained to us of them, and which must necessarily have been still more considerable in the fourth century, suffices to prove that not everything had perished: we are going to fortify by facts these conjectures, unassailable moreover. Let us take for example the Acts of the Martyrs, monuments so important in the customs of the primitive Church, and upon which the Christians naturally must have inscribed the consuls in order to fix the epoch of the glorious confession. Everyone knows that the greatest part of these precious acts has been lost;
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mais telle est la certitude de notre assertion, qu’un seul coup d’oeil sur les débris qui nous sont restés suffira pour montrer aux moins clairvoyants, qu’à l’époque de Libère, on pouvait bien mieux encore constater, à l’aide du flambeau consulaire, les actes ecclésiastiques des trois siècles précédents. Nous ne citerons point ici les actes des martyrs, jugés authen- tiques par les Bollandistes dans leur immense com- pilation, ni dans plusieurs autres recueils posté- rieurs à celui de dom Ruinart :
然而我們斷言的確鑿性是如此,以致對流傳至今的殘篇看上一眼,便足以向最缺乏洞察力的人表明:在利貝里烏斯的時代,人們藉著執政官紀年的火炬,更能確證此前三個世紀的教會行傳。我們在此不引用波蘭德派學者在其浩繁彙編中判為真確的殉道者行傳,也不引用若干晚於呂納神父彙編的其他文集:
but such is the certainty of our assertion that a single glance at the remains that have come down to us will suffice to show even the least clear-sighted that, at the epoch of Liberius, one could establish still much better, by the aid of the consular torch, the ecclesiastical acts of the three preceding centuries. We shall not cite here the acts of the martyrs judged authentic by the Bollandists in their immense compilation, nor in several other collections later than that of Dom Ruinart:
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arrêtons-nous simple- ment à la collection de célui - ci comme la' plus répandue, et lisons-y tout aussitôt ce qu’ou pouvait bien mieux encore lire au quatrième siècle sur tant de monuments que le temps et l’incurie de ceux qui les devaient mieux conserver, joints aux ravages des barbares, ont fait disparaître de la terre. Prenons à livre ouvert dans les Acta sincera du savant et très- impartial bénédictin. En l’an de Jésus-Christ CVII , les actes de saint Ignace d’Antioche : Facta autem sunt haec die ante XIII Kalendas Januarias, praesidentibus apud Romanos Sy- rio et Senecio secundo. En l’an CC, les actes procon- sulatres des martyrs Scillitains :
讓我們僅以後者的文集為限——因它流傳最廣——並立即在其中讀到那在第四世紀人們更能在如此眾多文獻上讀到的內容;這些文獻已因時光的流逝、及那些本應更妥善保存它們之人的疏忽,再加上蠻族的劫掠,而從地上消失。讓我們從那位博學而極為公正的本篤會學者的《純正行傳》中隨手摘取。主後一〇七年,安提阿的聖依納爵行傳:「這些事發生在正月朔前第十三日,敘魯斯與塞涅基奧第二次在羅馬人中任執政官時。」主後二〇〇年,西利人殉道者的總督庭行傳:
let us simply confine ourselves to the collection of the latter, as the most widely diffused, and let us read in it forthwith what one could still much better read in the fourth century upon so many monuments which time and the negligence of those who ought to have better preserved them, joined to the ravages of the barbarians, have made disappear from the earth. Let us take at random from the Acta sincera of the learned and most impartial Benedictine. In the year of Jesus Christ 107, the acts of Saint Ignatius of Antioch: 'Now these things were done on the day before the thirteenth of the Kalends of January, Syrus and Senecio for the second time presiding among the Romans.' In the year 200, the proconsular acts of the Scillitan martyrs:
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In diebus illis prae- sidente bis Claudiano consule XVI Kal. August. En l’an CCL, le martyre de S. Pionius : Acta sunt haec sub Proconsule Julio Proclo et Quintiliano consule, Imperatore Gaio, mense quinto, Traiano Decio et Vi- zeto Grato, et, ut Romani dicunt, IIII Idus Martii, et, ut Asiani dicunt, mense sexto, die sabbati, hora deci- ma. En l’an CCLVIII, les actes proconsulaires de saint Cyprien : Imperatore Valeriano quartum et Gal- lieno tertium Consulibus, tertio Kalendarum Septem- brium, etc. En l’an CCLIX, les actes des saints martyrs Fructuosus, Augurius et Eulogius : Valeriano et Gal- lieno imperatoribus, AEmiliano et Basso coss. XVII Kal. Februarii, die Dominico, etc.
「在那些日子裡,當克勞狄安努斯第二次任執政官時,於八月朔前第十六日。」主後二五〇年,聖皮奧尼烏斯的殉道:「這些事發生於總督猶利烏斯·普羅克路斯與執政官昆提利安努斯任內,皇帝為迦猶,於第五個月,時值圖拉真·德修斯與維圖斯·格拉圖斯任執政官;按羅馬人的說法是三月望前第四日,按亞細亞人的說法是第六個月、安息日、第十時辰。」主後二五八年,聖居普良的總督庭行傳:「當皇帝瓦勒良第四次與迦利埃努斯第三次任執政官時,於九月朔前第三日」云云。主後二五九年,聖殉道者弗魯克圖奧蘇斯、奧古里烏斯與歐羅吉烏斯的行傳:「瓦勒良與迦利埃努斯為皇帝、埃米利安努斯與巴蘇斯為執政官時,於二月朔前第十七日、主日」云云。
'In those days, when Claudianus was for the second time consul, on the sixteenth day before the Kalends of August.' In the year 250, the martyrdom of Saint Pionius: 'These things were done under the proconsul Julius Proclus and the consul Quintilianus, the emperor being Gaius, in the fifth month, in the consulship of Trajanus Decius and Vetus Gratus, and, as the Romans say, on the fourth day before the Ides of March, and, as the Asians say, in the sixth month, on the Sabbath day, at the tenth hour.' In the year 258, the proconsular acts of Saint Cyprian: 'In the consulship of the emperor Valerianus for the fourth time and Gallienus for the third time, on the third day before the Kalends of September,' etc. In the year 259, the acts of the holy martyrs Fructuosus, Augurius, and Eulogius: 'Valerianus and Gallienus being emperors, Aemilianus and Bassus being consuls, on the seventeenth day before the Kalends of February, on the Lord's day,' etc.
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En l’an CCLXXXV, les actes des saints martyrs Claude et Asterius : Ha- bita est passio haec in civitate AEgea, sub Lysia praeside. X Kalendas Septembris, Augusto et Aristobolo consu- libus, etc. En l’an CCXCV, les actes de S. Maximi- lien : Tusco et Anulino consulibus, IV Id. Martii, Teveste, etc. En l’an CCCIII, les actes de S. Felix évèque : Diocletiano octies et Maximiano septies con- sulibus, Augustis, etc. Eu l’an CCCIV, les actes des saintes Agape, Chionie, Irène, etc., in consulatu Diocletiani Augusti nono, Maximiani autem August. octavo, Kalendis Aprilis, etc Même année, les actes de S. Euplus, diacre :
在二八五年,聖殉道者克勞狄與阿斯特里烏斯行傳:「此殉道發生於埃該亞城,在總督呂西亞斯之下,九月朔前第十日,奧古斯都與亞里斯托布魯斯為執政官之年」等等。在二九五年,聖瑪克西米利安行傳:「圖斯庫斯與阿努利努斯為執政官,三月望前第四日,於特維斯特」等等。在三〇三年,聖斐理斯主教行傳:「戴克里先第八次、瑪克西米安第七次任執政官,二位奧古斯都」等等。在三〇四年,聖女阿加佩、基俄尼亞、伊雷妮等行傳:「於戴克里先奧古斯都第九任、瑪克西米安奧古斯都第八任執政官之年,四月朔日」等等。同年,聖執事歐普盧斯行傳:
In the year 285, the acts of the holy martyrs Claudius and Asterius: 'This passion took place in the city of Aegea, under the governor Lysias, on the tenth of the Kalends of September, in the consulship of Augustus and Aristobulus,' etc. In the year 295, the acts of St Maximilian: 'In the consulship of Tuscus and Anulinus, on the fourth of the Ides of March, at Theveste,' etc. In the year 303, the acts of St Felix the bishop: 'In the consulship of Diocletian for the eighth time and Maximian for the seventh time, the Augusti,' etc. In the year 304, the acts of the holy women Agape, Chionia, Irene, etc.: 'in the ninth consulship of Diocletian Augustus and the eighth of Maximian Augustus, on the Kalends of April,' etc. In the same year, the acts of St Euplus the deacon:
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Diocletiano novies, et Maxi- miano octies consulibus, pridie Idus Augusti, in Ca- tanensium civitate, etc. Nous nous arrêtons enfin; mais nous voulions mettre le lecteur à portée de juger par lui-même que la critique la plus exigeante ne saurait rejeter la chronologie consulaire du Catalogue de Libère, pour cette raison seule que cet opuscule n’a é(??)é rédigé qu’au quatrième siècle. Or, le Catalogue de Libère ne se borne pas à indiquer les consuls correspondants à l’avénement et à la mort des Pontiles Romains, il donne aussi les années, les mois et les jours de leur siége. Examinons maintenant la certitude de ces détails.
「戴克里先第九次、瑪克西米安第八次任執政官,八月望前一日,於卡塔尼亞城」等等。我們終於在此停筆;但我們的目的是要使讀者能親自判斷:最嚴苛的批評也不能僅憑「此小著作直到四世紀才編成」這一理由,便否定利貝里烏斯目錄的執政官年代學。如今,利貝里烏斯目錄不僅指出與羅馬眾教宗的繼位與離世相對應的執政官,更記載了他們在位的年、月、日。現在讓我們考察這些細節的確實性。
'In the consulship of Diocletian for the ninth time and Maximian for the eighth time, on the day before the Ides of August, in the city of Catania,' etc. Here at last we pause; but our aim was to put the reader in a position to judge for himself that the most exacting criticism could not reject the consular chronology of the Catalogue of Liberius for this reason alone, that this little work was composed only in the fourth century. Now, the Catalogue of Liberius does not confine itself to indicating the consuls corresponding to the accession and death of the Roman pontiffs; it also gives the years, the months and the days of their reign. Let us now examine the certainty of these particulars.
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Après avoir fail observer au lecteur que ces assi- gnations d'années, de mois et de jours, ont dû prêter aux erreurs des copistes, à travers les siècles, plus en- core que les fastes consulaires eux-mêmes, et que par conséquent nous n’entendons point répondre de tous les chiffres dont est rempli le Catalogue de Libère, nous disons que rien n’est moins étonnant en soi que la conservation de ces détails chronologiques à Rome, au quatrième siècle. Les monumenta de l’his- toire, et Dodwel en est lui-même couvenu ( a ), n’ont- ils pas conservé, malgré la distance des temps, les années, les mois et les jours des empereurs?
我們已向讀者指出:這些年、月、日的標定,歷經數世紀,必然比執政官年表本身更易受抄寫者之誤;因此我們絕不擔保利貝里烏斯目錄中充斥的每一個數字。話雖如此,我們仍要說:四世紀時這些年代細節在羅馬得以保存,本身實在毫不足奇。歷史的紀念碑——連多德威爾本人也承認此事——不正是儘管時隔久遠,仍保存了眾皇帝的年、月、日嗎?
After having remarked to the reader that these assignments of years, months and days must, across the centuries, have been even more exposed to the errors of copyists than the consular fasti themselves, and that consequently we do not at all undertake to vouch for every one of the figures with which the Catalogue of Liberius is filled, we say that nothing is in itself less astonishing than the preservation of these chronological details at Rome in the fourth century. Have not the monuments of history—and Dodwell himself agreed to this—preserved, despite the distance of time, the years, months and days of the emperors?
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Pour faire la même chose dans b chronique des Papes, dont les années étaient déjà déterminées par les con- suls, fallait-il donc de si grands efforts? et lorsque les volumineux écrits des Clément d’Alexandrie et des Origène traversaient sains et saufs de si désas- treuses tempêtes, avait-il été si impraticable de sau- ver la page sur laquelle on avait écrit les années, les jours et les mois qu'avaient siégé environ trente évêques, surtout quand le contenu de cette page était si populaire, qu’il était, parlà même, impossible qu'il se perdit? Car les faits viennent encore ici à l’appui de ce qu’on pourrait appeler nos conjectures, et voici de quelle manière.
既然眾教宗的在位年份早已由執政官確定,要在教宗紀事中做同樣的事,難道需要如此巨大的努力嗎?當亞歷山大的革利免與俄利根那卷帙浩繁的著作都能安然無恙地度過如此慘烈的風暴,難道要保存那一頁——記載著約三十位主教在位的年、日、月——竟會如此難以做到嗎?尤其當那一頁的內容如此廣為人知,正因如此便絕無可能失傳?因為事實在此也支持我們所謂的推測,其情形如下。
To do the same thing in the chronicle of the Popes, whose years were already determined by the consuls, did it then require such great efforts? And when the voluminous writings of Clement of Alexandria and of Origen passed safe and sound through such disastrous tempests, would it have been so impracticable to save the page on which had been written the years, days and months that some thirty bishops had reigned—especially when the contents of that page were so popular that for that very reason it was impossible for it to be lost? For the facts here too come to the support of what one might call our conjectures, and this is in what manner.
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N’est-il pas vrai que si nous pouvons prouver que les chrétiens connaissaient naturellement le jour du décès de la plupart des anciens Papes, il leur était par là même, facile de supputer non-seule- ment les années de leur Pontificat déjà désignées par les consuls, mais même d’une certaine manière les mois et les jours, indépendamment des mémoires que l’Église devait conserver sur toutes ces choses? Or c’est ce que personne ne peut révoquer en doute, avec la plus légère teinture de l’antiquité ecclésias- tique. Dès l’origine du christianisme, le jour de la mort des saints fui consacré par une fète en leur honneur sous le beau nom de naissance, Natalis, conservé dans la liturgie romaine.
這豈非確實:若我們能證明基督徒自然知道大多數古代教宗的離世之日,那麼他們便極易推算出——不僅是已由執政官標定的教宗在位年份,甚至在某種程度上連月與日——這還未計教會本當保存的、有關這一切事的紀錄?如今,凡略具教會古事知識者,無人能對此存疑。自基督教肇始之初,眾聖徒的離世之日便藉著一個敬奉他們的節日而被分別為聖,並冠以「誕辰」這美名,即拉丁文的 Natalis,至今仍保存於羅馬禮儀之中。
Is it not true that, if we can prove that the Christians naturally knew the day of the death of most of the ancient Popes, it was thereby easy for them to compute not only the years of their pontificate, already designated by the consuls, but even in a certain manner the months and the days—quite apart from the records that the Church was bound to preserve concerning all these things? Now this is what no one, possessing the slightest tincture of ecclesiastical antiquity, can call into doubt. From the very origin of Christianity, the day of the death of the saints was consecrated by a feast in their honour, under the beautiful name of 'birthday,' Natalis, preserved in the Roman liturgy.
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Ainsi, des l’an 107, dans la circulaire partie de Rome pour annoncer la confession de saint Ignace d’Antioche, on disait aux Églises : « Nous vous indiquons le jour et le temps, afin qu’à l’anniversaire de son martyre, nous nous réunissions tous en l’honneur d’un si généreux athlète et témoin du Christ ( b ). » Telle était la tra- dition apostolique. Lorsque l’Église Romaine adres- sait un message aux autres Églises pour leur notifier le trépas sublime de son Pontife ( c ), elle n'oubliait jamais de transmettre en même temps, pour qu’on l’enregistàt, le jour ou le sacrifice avait été offert. « Vous saurez, écrit saint Cyprien à Successus, un des évèques de sa province;
於是,早在一〇七年,從羅馬發出、宣告安提阿的聖伊格那丟認信的通函中,便對眾教會說:「我們將那日與那時告知你們,好叫在他殉道的週年之日,我們眾人能聚集,以敬奉這位如此慷慨的鬥士與基督的見證者。」這便是使徒的傳統。當羅馬教會向其他教會發信,通知其教宗崇高的離世時,總不忘同時傳達那獻上祭物之日,以便記錄在案。聖居普良致書於其省內的一位主教蘇克塞蘇斯,寫道:「你們當知道,
Thus, as early as the year 107, in the circular letter that went out from Rome to announce the confession of St Ignatius of Antioch, the Churches were told: 'We make known to you the day and the time, so that on the anniversary of his martyrdom we may all gather in honour of so generous an athlete and witness of Christ.' Such was the apostolic tradition. When the Roman Church sent a message to the other Churches to notify them of the sublime passing of its pontiff, it never failed to transmit at the same time, that it might be recorded, the day on which the sacrifice had been offered. 'You shall know,' writes St Cyprian to Successus, one of the bishops of his province;
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vous saurez que Sixte a été mis à mort dans le cimetière, le huit des ides d’août »( d ). On conservait donc à Rome, au moyen des mé- moires et commémorations des martyrs, le jour pré- cis où chaque Pape avait terminé sa carrière; et c’est ici le lieu de mettre sous les yeux du lecteur le fameux calendrier ecclésiastique de l’Église Ro- maine, qui, rédigé aussi vers l’an 354, faisait partie des quatre opuscules que Cuspinien et le P. Boucher trouvèrent sur le même manuscrit à côté du Catalogue de Libère.
你們當知道,克西斯圖斯已在墓園被處死,於八月望前第八日。」如此,羅馬便藉著眾殉道者的紀錄與紀念,保存了每位教宗結束其路程的確切之日;正是在此處,我們當把羅馬教會那著名的教會曆置於讀者眼前——此曆同樣編成於約三五四年,乃是庫斯皮尼安與布謝爾神父在同一份手稿中、緊鄰利貝里烏斯目錄所發現的四部小著作之一。
you shall know that Xystus was put to death in the cemetery, on the eighth of the Ides of August.' Thus there was preserved at Rome, by means of the records and commemorations of the martyrs, the precise day on which each Pope had ended his course; and this is the place to set before the reader's eyes the famous ecclesiastical calendar of the Roman Church which, likewise drawn up around the year 354, formed part of the four little works that Cuspinian and Father Boucher found in the same manuscript alongside the Catalogue of Liberius.
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On y verra les anniversaires des di vers martyrs dont Rome chrétienne célébrait la fête au quatrième siècle, et l’inspection de ce monument ne servira pas peu à faire toucher au doigt la vérité de nos assetions. Nous donnons ce calendrier, non d'après Dum Ruinart, qui n’a fait que reproduire la leçou du P. Boucher, mais d’après le P. Conrad Janning, qui l’a publié en 1717 ( e ), sans rien changer à la leçon originale, comme l’avait fait le P. Boucher en quelques endroits. VI Kal. Januar . III Kal. Jan . Prid. Kal. Jan . IV Idus Jan . XVIII Kal. Febr . III Non. Mart . X Kal. Mai . IV Non. Aug . VI Kal. Octobr . VI Idus Decembr . Non. Octobr . Prid. idus April . Dionisi, in Calisti.
在其中可見基督教的羅馬於四世紀所慶祝的眾殉道者的週年;而審視這座紀念碑,對於使我們論斷的真理顯而易見,貢獻實非微小。我們所引此曆,不依魯伊納爾神父——他不過重印了布謝爾神父的讀法——而是依康拉德·揚寧神父,後者於一七一七年將其刊行,毫未更動原始讀法,不像布謝爾神父在若干處所做的那樣。九月朔前第六日。一月朔前第三日。一月朔前一日。一月望前第四日。二月朔前第十八日。三月初九前第三日。五月朔前第十日。八月初九前第四日。十月朔前第六日。十二月望前第六日。十月初九日。四月望前一日。狄奧尼修,葬於卡利斯圖斯墓園。
In it will be seen the anniversaries of the various martyrs whose feast Christian Rome celebrated in the fourth century, and the inspection of this monument will not contribute a little to making the truth of our assertions palpable. We give this calendar not according to Dom Ruinart, who merely reproduced Father Boucher's reading, but according to Father Conrad Janning, who published it in 1717 without altering anything of the original reading, as Father Boucher had done in some places. VI Kal. Januar. III Kal. Jan. Prid. Kal. Jan. IV Idus Jan. XVIII Kal. Febr. III Non. Mart. X Kal. Mai. IV Non. Aug. VI Kal. Octobr. VI Idus Decembr. Non. Octobr. Prid. idus April. Dionysius, in [the cemetery] of Calixtus.
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Felicis, in Calisti. Silvester, in Priscillae. Miltiades, in Calisti. Marcellini, in Priscillae ( f ). Luci, in Calisti. Gai, in Calisti. Steffani, in Calisti. Eusebii, in Calisti. Eutichiani, in Calisti. Marci, in Balbinae. Julii, in via Aurelia, milliario III , in Calisti. VIII Kal. Jan . Natus Christus in Betleem Judeae. MENSE JANUARIO . XIII Kal. Febr . Fabiani, in Calisti; et Sebastiani in Catacumbis. XII Kal. Feb . Agnetis, in Nomentana. MENSE FEBRUARIO . VIII i. Natale Petri de Catedra. MENSE MARTIO . Non. Martii . Perpetuae et Felicitatis, Africae. MENSE ΜΑΙΟ . XIV Kal. Jun . Partheni et Caloceri, in Calisti, Dio- cletiano VIII et Maximiano VIII Coss. MENSE JUNIO . III Kal. Julii .
斐理斯,葬於卡利斯圖斯墓園。西爾維斯特,葬於普里斯基拉墓園。彌爾提亞德斯,葬於卡利斯圖斯墓園。瑪爾切利努斯,葬於普里斯基拉墓園。盧基烏斯,葬於卡利斯圖斯墓園。蓋烏斯,葬於卡利斯圖斯墓園。斯德望,葬於卡利斯圖斯墓園。歐西比烏斯,葬於卡利斯圖斯墓園。歐提基安努斯,葬於卡利斯圖斯墓園。瑪爾庫斯,葬於巴爾比娜墓園。猶利烏斯,葬於奧勒里亞大道第三里程碑處,卡利斯圖斯墓園。一月朔前第八日。基督生於猶大的伯利恆。一月份。二月朔前第十三日。法比安紀念,於卡利斯圖斯墓園;塞巴斯蒂安紀念,於地下墓穴。二月朔前第十二日。亞妮絲紀念,於諾門塔納大道。二月份。三月朔前第八日。彼得寶座節。三月份。三月初九日。珀爾佩圖亞與斐麗綺達斯紀念,於非洲。五月份。六月朔前第十四日。帕爾特尼烏斯與卡洛克魯斯紀念,於卡利斯圖斯墓園,戴克里先第八次、瑪克西米安第八次任執政官之年。六月份。七月朔前第三日。
Felix, in [the cemetery] of Calixtus. Silvester, in [that] of Priscilla. Miltiades, in [that] of Calixtus. Marcellinus, in [that] of Priscilla. Lucius, in [that] of Calixtus. Gaius, in [that] of Calixtus. Stephanus, in [that] of Calixtus. Eusebius, in [that] of Calixtus. Eutychianus, in [that] of Calixtus. Marcus, in [that] of Balbina. Julius, on the Aurelian Way at the third milestone, in [that] of Calixtus. VIII Kal. Jan. Christ was born in Bethlehem of Judaea. IN THE MONTH OF JANUARY. XIII Kal. Febr. Of Fabian, in [the cemetery] of Calixtus; and of Sebastian, in the Catacombs. XII Kal. Feb. Of Agnes, on the Nomentan Way. IN THE MONTH OF FEBRUARY. VIII [Kal. Mart.] The festival of Peter's Chair. IN THE MONTH OF MARCH. Nones of March. Of Perpetua and Felicitas, in Africa. IN THE MONTH OF MAY. XIV Kal. Jun. Of Parthenius and Calocerus, in [the cemetery] of Calixtus, in the consulship of Diocletian for the eighth time and Maximian for the eighth time. IN THE MONTH OF JUNE. III Kal. Julii.
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Petri, in Catacumbas; et Pauli, Ostense; Tusco et Basso. Coss. MENSE JULIO . VI Idus . Felicis et Filippi, in Priscillae; et in Jor- danorum, Martialis, Vitalis, Alexandri : et in Maximi, Silani; hunc Silanum martyrem Novali ( a ) furati sunt : et in Praetextati, Januari. III Kal. Aug . Abdos et Semnes, in Pontiani, quod est ad Ursum Piliatum. MENSE AUGUSTO . VIII Idus Aug . Xysti, in Calisti; et in Praetextati, Agapiti et Felicissimi. VII Idus Aug . Secundi, Carpoferi, Victorini et Se- veriani, Albano et Ostense. VI Ballistaria ( b ) Cyriaci, Largi, Crescentiani, Memmiae, Julianetis et Ixmaracdi. IIII Idus Aug . Laurenti, in Tiburtina. Ib. Aug . Ypoliti, in Tiburtina; et Pontiani, in Cal.
彼得紀念,於地下墓穴;保羅紀念,於奧斯提亞大道;圖斯庫斯與巴蘇斯任執政官之年。七月份。七月望前第六日。斐理斯與斐理伯紀念,於普里斯基拉墓園;於約爾達尼墓園,瑪爾提亞利斯、維塔利斯、亞歷山大紀念;於瑪克西穆斯墓園,西拉努斯紀念——此西拉努斯乃殉道者,諾窪天派將其遺骸盜走;於普雷特克斯塔圖斯墓園,雅努阿里烏斯紀念。八月朔前第三日。阿布東與森嫩紀念,於彭提安努斯墓園,即「戴帽之熊」處。八月份。八月望前第八日。克西斯圖斯紀念,於卡利斯圖斯墓園;於普雷特克斯塔圖斯墓園,阿加皮圖斯與斐理切西穆斯紀念。八月望前第七日。塞昆都斯、卡爾波佛魯斯、維克托里努斯與塞維里安努斯紀念,於阿爾巴諾與奧斯提亞大道。八月望前第六日,於彈砲場:基里亞庫斯、拉爾古斯、克雷斯肯提安努斯、門米亞、猶利亞娜與斯瑪拉格都斯紀念。八月望前第四日。勞倫提烏斯紀念,於提布爾提納大道。八月望日,希波呂圖斯紀念,於提布爾提納大道;彭提安努斯紀念,於卡利斯圖斯墓園。
Of Peter, in the Catacombs; and of Paul, on the Ostian Way; in the consulship of Tuscus and Bassus. IN THE MONTH OF JULY. VI Idus [Julii]. Of Felix and Philip, in [the cemetery] of Priscilla; and in [that] of the Jordani, of Martialis, Vitalis, Alexander; and in [that] of Maximus, of Silanus—this Silanus, a martyr, the Novatianists stole away; and in [that] of Praetextatus, of Januarius. III Kal. Aug. Of Abdon and Sennen, in [the cemetery] of Pontianus, which is at the 'Bear in the Cap.' IN THE MONTH OF AUGUST. VIII Idus Aug. Of Xystus, in [the cemetery] of Calixtus; and in [that] of Praetextatus, of Agapitus and Felicissimus. VII Idus Aug. Of Secundus, Carpophorus, Victorinus and Severianus, at Albano and on the Ostian Way. VI [Idus Aug.], the Ballistaria: of Cyriacus, Largus, Crescentianus, Memmia, Juliana and Smaragdus. IIII Idus Aug. Of Laurentius, on the Tiburtine Way. On the Ides of August, of Hippolytus, on the Tiburtine Way; and of Pontianus, in [the cemetery] of Calixtus.
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XI Kal. Sept . Timothei, Ostense. v Kal. Sept . Hermetis, in Basillae, Salaria vetere. MENSE SEPTEMBRE . Non Sept . Aconti, in Porto, et Nonni et Herculani et Taurini. v Idus Sept . Gorgoni, in Labicana. III Idus Sept . Proti et Jacincti, in Basillae. XVIII Kal. Octob. Cypriani, Africae; Romae cele- bratur in Calisti. x Kal. Octob . Basillae, Salaria vetere; Diocletiano VIIII , Maximiano VIII Coss. MENSE OCTOBRE . Prid. idus Octobr. Calisti, in via Aurelia milliario III . MENSE NOVEMBRE . VI Idus Novemb. Clementis, Semproniani, Claui ( c ), Nitrati, in comitatum. III Kal. Decemb. Saturnini, in Trasonis. MENSE DECEMBRE . Idus Decemb . Ariston, in Pontum.
九月朔前第十一日。提摩太紀念,於奧斯提亞大道。九月朔前第五日。赫爾梅斯紀念,於巴西拉墓園,舊薩拉利亞大道。九月份。九月初九日。阿孔提烏斯紀念,於港口,並儂努斯、赫爾庫拉努斯、陶利努斯紀念。九月望前第五日。哥爾哥尼烏斯紀念,於拉比卡納大道。九月望前第三日。普羅圖斯與許亞欽圖斯紀念,於巴西拉墓園。十月朔前第十八日。居普良紀念,於非洲;在羅馬則於卡利斯圖斯墓園慶祝。十月朔前第十日。巴西拉紀念,於舊薩拉利亞大道;戴克里先第九次、瑪克西米安第八次任執政官之年。十月份。十月望前一日。卡利斯圖斯紀念,於奧勒里亞大道第三里程碑處。十一月份。十一月望前第六日。革利免、森普羅尼安努斯、克拉烏斯、尼科斯特拉圖斯紀念,於侍從之列。十二月朔前第三日。撒圖爾尼努斯紀念,於特拉松墓園。十二月份。十二月望日,亞里斯托紀念,於港口。
XI Kal. Sept. Of Timothy, on the Ostian Way. V Kal. Sept. Of Hermes, in [the cemetery] of Basilla, on the Old Salarian Way. IN THE MONTH OF SEPTEMBER. Nones of Sept. Of Acontius, at Portus, and of Nonnus and Herculanus and Taurinus. V Idus Sept. Of Gorgonius, on the Labican Way. III Idus Sept. Of Protus and Hyacinthus, in [the cemetery] of Basilla. XVIII Kal. Octob. Of Cyprian, in Africa; at Rome he is celebrated in [the cemetery] of Calixtus. X Kal. Octob. Of Basilla, on the Old Salarian Way; in the consulship of Diocletian for the ninth time and Maximian for the eighth time. IN THE MONTH OF OCTOBER. The day before the Ides of October, of Calixtus, on the Aurelian Way at the third milestone. IN THE MONTH OF NOVEMBER. VI Idus Novemb. Of Clement, Sempronianus, Clavus, Nicostratus, in the retinue. III Kal. Decemb. Of Saturninus, in [the cemetery] of Trason. IN THE MONTH OF DECEMBER. The Ides of December, of Ariston, at Portus.
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Dom Mabillon a publié au troisième volume de ses Analecta un calendrier du même genre et presque du même âge, à l’usage de l’Église de Carthage. Nous le reproduisons ci-dessous dans une note comme complément de celui de Rome ( d ). Le lecteur sera par là à méme de juger comment, au moyen de la confrontation des calendriers des diverses églises, il » devint aise de rédiger ce fameux martyrologe de I’Έ- glise Romaine dont parle saint Grégoire le Grand à Eulogins, et dans lequel il dit expressément qu’on trouvait le jour précis auquel chaque martyr avait souffert ( a ).
馬比雍神父在其《拾遺集》第三卷中刊行了一份同類的、且幾乎同時代的曆書,供迦太基教會之用。我們將其作為羅馬曆的補充,在下面以註腳形式重印。讀者由此便能判斷:藉著比對各教會的曆書,要編纂羅馬教會那著名的殉道錄——大額我略向歐羅吉烏斯所提及、並明言其中載有每位殉道者受難的確切之日的那部殉道錄——是如何變得容易的。
Dom Mabillon published, in the third volume of his Analecta, a calendar of the same kind and almost of the same age, for the use of the Church of Carthage. We reproduce it below in a note, as a complement to that of Rome. The reader will thereby be in a position to judge how, by comparing the calendars of the various churches, it became easy to compile that famous martyrology of the Roman Church of which St Gregory the Great speaks to Eulogius, and in which he expressly says that one found the precise day on which each martyr had suffered.
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Enfin tous ces détails que nous nous plaisons à accumuler auromt abondamment servi à prouver que l’on no saurait sans témérté prétendre qu’il etait impossible au quatrième siècle de déter- miner dans le détail les menues circonstances du temps de chaque pontificat : nous allons maintenant répondre à nos adversaires protestants.
最後,我們樂於累積的這一切細節,已充分證明:人若無魯莽之心,便不能聲稱四世紀時不可能詳細確定每一任教宗在位時期的細微情狀。現在我們將答覆我們新教的論敵。
Finally, all these details which we have taken pleasure in accumulating will have amply served to prove that one cannot, without rashness, claim that it was impossible in the fourth century to determine in detail the minute circumstances of the time of each pontificate. We shall now reply to our Protestant adversaries.
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La première objection, qui est commune à Dod- wel ( b ) et à Pearson ( c ), est que saint Irenée et saint Epiphane qui om cité la succession des Pontifes Ro- mains dans leurs traités contre les héré(??)iques, Eu- sèbe, Rufin, saint Prosper et les autres historiens et chroniqueurs qui l’ont insérée dans leurs récits, n’ont point, ni les uns ni les autres, déterminé dans le meme détail que le Catalogue de Libére les [an- nées, les mois et les jours du siége de ces évéques de Rome. Rien n’est plus aisé à résondre que cette difficulté. Pourquoi les saints docteurs Irénée et Epi- phane, auxquels on eut pu joindre encore saint Op- tat et saint Augustin.
第一個反對,乃多德威爾與皮爾遜所共持,即:聖愛任紐與聖厄琵法尼烏斯——他們在駁斥異端者的論著中引述了羅馬眾教宗的傳承;以及歐西比烏、魯非努斯、聖普羅斯佩爾,並其他將此傳承納入其記述的歷史家與編年家——這些人無論哪一方,都未曾像利貝里烏斯目錄那樣,詳細確定這些羅馬主教在位的年、月、日。再沒有比這更易解決的難處了。聖博士愛任紐與厄琵法尼烏斯——人還可在其上添加聖奧普塔圖斯與聖奧古斯丁——
The first objection, which is common to Dodwell and to Pearson, is that St Irenaeus and St Epiphanius, who cited the succession of the Roman pontiffs in their treatises against the heretics; Eusebius, Rufinus, St Prosper, and the other historians and chroniclers who inserted it into their accounts—none of them, neither the one nor the other, determined, in the same detail as the Catalogue of Liberius, the years, months and days of the reign of these bishops of Rome. Nothing is easier to resolve than this difficulty. Why should the holy doctors Irenaeus and Epiphanius—to whom one might further add St Optatus and St Augustine—
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eussent-ils cité si minuticuse- ment aux hérétiques les mois et les jours des Pon- tifes Romains, tandis qu’ils n’avaient besoin que d’en montrer simplement la succession pour fermer la bouche à tous les novateurs? Quant aux chroni- queurs, qui ne voit que ce détail si multiplié de mois et de jours les eut fait sortir du genre de leur travail, qui consiste uniquement à tracer les princi- pales lignes chonologiques et non point à sonder ces particularités in differentes?
他們既然只需單純展示這傳承的延續,便足以堵住一切標新立異者之口,又何必向異端者如此瑣碎地引述羅馬眾教宗的月與日呢?至於那些編年家,誰看不出這如此繁複的月日細節會使他們超出其著作的體裁——其體裁僅在於勾勒主要的年代線索,而絕非鑽研這些無關緊要的瑣事?
why should they have cited to the heretics, so minutely, the months and days of the Roman pontiffs, when all they needed was simply to show their succession in order to close the mouths of all the innovators? As for the chroniclers, who does not see that this so multiplied detail of months and days would have taken them outside the genre of their work, which consists solely in tracing the principal chronological lines and not at all in probing these indifferent particularities?
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Enfin, quand bien méme la nature du travail historique que s’etaient imposé Socrate, Sozoméne, Theodoret, eût exigé qu’ils en- trassent dans ces minuties que doit négliger la chro- nique, quoi d'étonnant que ces auteurs les eussent ignorées dans l’Orient où ils écrivaient, tandis que Rome gardait en toute certitude ces traditions do- mestiques? Pearson, qni a été frappé comme nous de l’argu- ment qu’on peut former en faveur des supputations de mois et de jours dans le Catalogue de Libére par la consideration des usages de t’ancienne Eglise qui conservait soigneusement les mémoires anniver- saires des martyrs, fait tous ses efforts pour échap- per aux conséquences que nous en tirons ( d ).
最後,即便承認蘇格拉底、索佐門、狄奧多勒所自定的歷史著作之性質要求他們進入這些紀事本當忽略的瑣節,那麼這些作者在他們寫作的東方對此一無所知,又有何足奇?而羅馬卻以完全的確實性保存了這些本地的傳統。皮爾遜與我們一樣,也被那可從古代教會習俗——即細心保存眾殉道者週年紀錄的習俗——出發、為利貝里烏斯目錄中月日推算所構成的論證所觸動,於是竭盡全力,企圖逃避我們由此引出的結論。
Finally, even granting that the nature of the historical work which Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret had set themselves had required them to enter into these minutiae which a chronicle ought to neglect, what is astonishing if these authors had been ignorant of them in the East where they wrote, while Rome kept with full certainty these domestic traditions? Pearson, who like us has been struck by the argument that can be formed in favour of the reckonings of months and days in the Catalogue of Liberius from the consideration of the customs of the ancient Church, which carefully preserved the anniversary records of the martyrs, makes every effort to escape the consequences we draw from it.
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II re- garde comme nous le calendrier romain que nous venons de citer comme un monumet fort respec- table et très-important pour la chronologie des Papes doni il renferme les jours de Déposition ; mais il se jette dans une assertion toute gratuite, lorsqu’il pre- tend que l’anteur du Catalogue dc Libère n’a pas eu d’auters memoires pour dresser le compte des mois et des jours qu’il a assignes aux différents Papes, et que, comme ce calendrier, suivant Pearson, ne ren- ferme la Déposition que de donze Papes, de saint Lucius à saint Jules, le rédaceour du Catalogue n dû prendre nécessairement dans son imagination les cir- constances de temps qu’il a attribées aux pontificats précédents.
他和我們一樣,將我們方才所引的羅馬曆視為一座極可敬、且對於眾教宗年代學極為重要的紀念碑,其中載有他們的安葬之日;但當他聲稱利貝里烏斯目錄的作者除此之外別無紀錄可資編製他分配給各教宗的月日帳目,又聲稱——依皮爾遜之見——既然此曆只載有從聖盧基烏斯到聖猶利烏斯共十二位教宗的安葬,那麼目錄的編者便必然是憑空想像出他歸於先前各任教宗的時間情狀,此時他便陷入了一個全然無據的論斷。
He regards, as we do, the Roman calendar we have just cited as a most respectable and very important monument for the chronology of the Popes, whose days of Deposition it contains; but he throws himself into a wholly gratuitous assertion when he claims that the author of the Catalogue of Liberius had no other records for drawing up the account of the months and days he assigned to the various Popes, and that, since this calendar—according to Pearson—contains the Deposition of only twelve Popes, from St Lucius to St Julius, the compiler of the Catalogue must necessarily have drawn from his own imagination the circumstances of time he attributed to the preceding pontificates.
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Nous répondons d’abord qu’il n’est pas exact de ne compter que douze Dépositions d’Eveques dans le ca- lendrier, lorsqu'en examinant de plus près il est fa- cile d’en trouver encore quatre autres sous le titre de Dépositions des martyrs , savoir de saint Fabien, XIII Kal. Feb .; de saint Sixte, VIII Id. Aug .; de saint Calixte, Pridie Id. Nov. et de saint Clément, V Id Νov . Donc, seize en tout auxquelles nons se- rions en droit d’ajouter encore saint Pierre, dont le jour du martyre est marqué III Kal. Jul .
我們首先答覆道:在此曆中只計十二位主教的安葬並不準確,因為若仔細審察,便不難在「殉道者的安葬」名目下再找到四位,即:聖法比安,二月朔前第十三日;聖克西斯圖斯,八月望前第八日;聖卡利斯圖斯,十一月望前一日;以及聖革利免,十一月望前第五日。因此共計十六位,而我們還有權再添上聖彼得,其殉道之日標記為七月朔前第三日。
We reply first that it is not accurate to count only twelve Depositions of Bishops in the calendar, since, on closer examination, it is easy to find four others under the title of Depositions of Martyrs, namely: of St Fabian, XIII Kal. Feb.; of St Xystus, VIII Id. Aug.; of St Calixtus, the day before the Ides of November; and of St Clement, V Id. Nov. Therefore sixteen in all, to which we should be entitled to add yet St Peter, whose day of martyrdom is marked III Kal. Jul.
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Maintenant, parce que ce précieux calendrier est arrivé jusqua’a nous, est-il sensé de conclure qu’ll était la seule in- dication qu’on pût trouver au troisiéme siécle sur les jours dc décès de trente Papes qui avaient siégé jusqu’alors, et cette conjecture négative toute gra- tuite peut-elle prévaloir sur les graves mptifs à l’aide desquels nous avons cherché à démontrer au bon sens du lecteur qu’une institution religieuse aussi forte et aussi puissante que l’Eglise Romaine devait avoir, après trois siècles de durée, des titres un peu plus étendus et circonstancés que ceux que nous pou- vons aujourd’hui enregistrer en deux pages?
如今,僅因這寶貴的曆書流傳至我們手中,便斷言它是三世紀時所能找到的、有關此前在位的三十位教宗離世之日的唯一憑據,這合理嗎?而這全然無據的否定性推測,又豈能勝過我們所提出的、力圖向讀者的常識證明的重大理由——即一個如羅馬教會這般堅固有力的宗教機構,歷經三世紀之久,必然擁有比我們今日能在兩頁中登錄的更為廣泛詳盡的文獻?
Now, because this precious calendar has come down to us, is it sensible to conclude that it was the only indication that could be found in the third century concerning the days of death of thirty Popes who had reigned up to that time? And can this wholly gratuitous negative conjecture prevail over the weighty reasons by which we have sought to demonstrate to the reader's good sense that a religious institution as strong and as powerful as the Roman Church must have had, after three centuries of existence, records somewhat more extensive and circumstantial than those we are able today to register in two pages?
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L'auteur du Catalogue de Libère aura eu entre les mains le calendrier et s’en sera servi pour composer sa chronique, nous dit Pearson. Pour nous nous aimerions tout autant dire que ces deux opuscules ont été simultanément composés sur des mémoires antérieurs; car l’auteur du Catalogue de Libère ne saurait avoir pris sur le calendrier les fastes consu- laires dont il se sert, puisqu’ils n’y étaient pas, mais en revanche l’auteur du calendrier pourrait bien avoir rédigé d’après le catalogue les dates de décès des souverains Pontifes; quoique cependant nous ne prétendions pas l’affirmer, mais simplement opposer une probabilité à une assertion dépourvue de toute ombre de vraisemblance.
皮爾遜對我們說:「利貝里烏斯目錄的作者必曾握有此曆,並用以編成其紀事。」就我們而言,我們同樣樂於說:這兩部小著作乃是同時依據更早的紀錄編成的;因為利貝里烏斯目錄的作者不可能從曆書中取得他所使用的執政官年表,蓋曆書中並無此項;反之,曆書的作者倒很可能是依目錄編製眾至高教宗的離世日期——然而我們並不妄稱斷言此事,僅以一種或然性對抗一個毫無絲毫真實之影的論斷而已。
'The author of the Catalogue of Liberius will have had the calendar in his hands and made use of it to compose his chronicle,' Pearson tells us. For our part, we would just as readily say that these two little works were composed simultaneously from earlier records; for the author of the Catalogue of Liberius cannot have taken from the calendar the consular fasti he uses, since they were not there; whereas, on the other hand, the author of the calendar might well have drawn up the dates of death of the sovereign pontiffs from the catalogue—though, however, we do not pretend to affirm it, but simply to oppose a probability to an assertion devoid of every shadow of likelihood.
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Mais, dit encore Pearson, on peut tirer des anna- les même du siége de Rome la preuve certaine que tout ce qu’il y a d'authentique dans les fastes de la Papauté des trois premiers siècles se trouve sur le Calendarium du P. Boucher; car les douze Evêques dont on donne la date certaine de Déposition sont postérieurs à Fabien qui établit les notaires et funda, au milieu du troisième siècle, les archives de l’Eglise Romaine, qui n’en avait pas jusqu’alors.
但皮爾遜又說,人可從羅馬聖座的編年史本身得出確鑿的證明:前三世紀教宗職分中一切可信的史料,皆見於布謝爾神父的《曆書》;因為那十二位被給出確切安葬日期的主教,皆晚於法比安——法比安設立了書記,並在三世紀中葉創建了羅馬教會的檔案庫,而此前該教會根本沒有檔案庫。
But, Pearson further says, one can draw from the very annals of the See of Rome the certain proof that all that is authentic in the records of the Papacy of the first three centuries is found in the Calendarium of Father Boucher; for the twelve Bishops whose certain date of Deposition is given are later than Fabian, who established the notaries and founded, in the middle of the third century, the archives of the Roman Church, which had had none until then.
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Comme nous établirons dans le volume suivant que l’institution des notaires du siége apostolique date du premier siècle, et non du troisième, et que nous ne pouvons entamer ici cette intéressante discussion, nous nous bornerons à répéter ce que déjà nous avons eu oc- casion de remarquer plusieurs fois, c'est-à-dire que des notes sur les noms, les années, les mois et les jours des évêques de Rome, ne formaient point une oeuvre si considérable, qu’on soit obligé de se figurer un corps de notaires officiellement occupé à l’accom- plir;
由於我們將在下一卷中確立:使徒聖座書記之設立乃肇始於第一世紀而非第三世紀,又由於我們在此不能展開這饒有興味的討論,故我們僅限於重申我們已數度有機會指出的話——即:關於羅馬眾主教的名字、年、月、日的筆記,並非如此浩大的一項工程,以致人必須設想有一個書記團體正式致力於完成它;
As we shall establish in the following volume that the institution of the notaries of the apostolic See dates from the first century and not from the third, and as we cannot enter here upon this interesting discussion, we shall confine ourselves to repeating what we have already had occasion to remark several times—namely, that notes on the names, years, months and days of the bishops of Rome did not constitute so considerable a work that one is obliged to imagine a body of notaries officially occupied in accomplishing it;
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que l’on ne peut supposer sans absurdité que l’Eglise Romaine, qui jovait de lors un sigrand rôle, comme on le voit par l’affaire de la Pâque, et qui adressait aux autres Eglises des épîtres si puissantes, dès le temps de saint Clément, aurait traversé plus de deux siècles sans avoir même songé à créer pour ses propres besoins aucune espèce d'archives; en sorte que saint Fabien, appelé à la gouverner, l’eùt trouvée muette sur tout son passé si lécond, si glo- rieux pourtant, sans souvenirs ni écrits, ni monu- mentaux, en un mot connue de toutes les églises, suivant saint Irenée, et ne se connaissant pas elle— même.
人不能不荒謬地設想:羅馬教會——自那時起便已扮演如此重大的角色,從逾越節之事便可見一斑,並且自聖革利免之時起便向其他教會發出如此有力的書信——竟會度過兩個多世紀,連為自身需要創建任何一種檔案的念頭都不曾有過;以致被召來治理它的聖法比安,發現它對於自己那如此豐盈、卻又如此光榮的全部過往啞口無言——既無紀念、亦無文書、亦無紀念碑——一言以蔽之,照聖愛任紐所言,它為眾教會所共知,卻竟不認識自己。
that one cannot, without absurdity, suppose that the Roman Church, which already played so great a role from then on—as is seen from the affair of Easter—and which addressed to the other Churches epistles so powerful, from the time of St Clement onward, would have traversed more than two centuries without even having thought of creating, for its own needs, any kind of archives whatsoever; so that St Fabian, called to govern it, would have found it mute concerning all its past, so fruitful and yet so glorious—without memories, without writings, without monuments—in a word, known to all the churches, according to St Irenaeus, and yet not knowing itself.
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En vérité, le docte Anglican compte par trop sur la simplicité de ses lecteurs, et nous ne saurions assez nous étonner que les paradoxes de son ou- vrage n’aient pas plus tôt été réfutés par les auteurs catholiques. Toutefois, comme il n’est jamais d’erreur qui n’ait eu son prétexte plus on moins fondé, nous recon- naltrons volontiers que depuis environ l’époque de saint Fabien, c’est-à dire à partir de la moitié du troistème siècle, on trouve dans te Catalogue de Li- bère pius de positif dans les détails, des dates moins flottantes, mais plus précises et plus circonstanciées.
老實說,這位博學的安立甘人實在過於指望其讀者的單純,而我們對於其著作中的悖論未能更早被公教作者所駁倒,實在不勝詫異。然而,既然從來沒有一個錯誤不曾有過其或多或少有根據的藉口,我們便樂於承認:大約從聖法比安之時——即從三世紀中葉——起,人在利貝里烏斯目錄中發現細節較為確定,日期較不浮動而較為精確、較為詳盡。
In truth, the learned Anglican counts far too much on the simplicity of his readers, and we cannot sufficiently wonder that the paradoxes of his work were not refuted sooner by Catholic authors. Nevertheless, since there is never an error that has not had its more or less well-founded pretext, we shall readily acknowledge that, from about the time of St Fabian—that is to say, from the middle of the third century—one finds in the Catalogue of Liberius more that is definite in the details, dates less floating but more precise and more circumstantial.
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On voit que depuis cette époque il a été mis plus de soin dans la rédaction des mémoires, et que les amé- liorations du saint Pape ont produit leur fruit dans les archives du Siége Apostolique. De son côté, l’auteur du catalogue a enregistré les monuments tels qu'il les a trouvés, sous leur forme plus ou moins disparate, sans essayer de donner à son oeuvre une unité de couleur qu'un faussaire n’eût pas manqué de recher- cher; et ceci nous ramène encore à notre conclusion, que flans l’assignation qu’il a faite des année, des mois et des jours de chaque Pape, en même temps que son autorité ne peut manquer d’étre très-grande, sa bonne foi reste pleinement à convert.
由此可見,自那時代起,紀錄的編製更加用心,而這位聖教宗的改善在使徒聖座的檔案中結出了果實。至於目錄的作者,他則按其所見的原樣登錄這些紀念碑,保留其或多或少參差不齊的形態,毫不嘗試賦予其著作一種色彩上的統一——而偽造者絕不會不去追求這種統一;這便又把我們帶回我們的結論:在他對每位教宗的年、月、日所作的標定中,其權威性既不能不極為重大,其誠信也仍完全無可置疑。
One sees that since that epoch more care was taken in the drawing up of the records, and that the improvements of the holy Pope bore their fruit in the archives of the Apostolic See. For his part, the author of the catalogue registered the monuments such as he found them, in their more or less disparate form, without attempting to give to his work a unity of colour which a forger would not have failed to seek; and this brings us back once more to our conclusion—that in the assignment he has made of the years, months and days of each Pope, at the same time as his authority cannot fail to be very great, his good faith remains fully beyond suspicion.
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Nous n'avons que quelques mots à dire sur l’au- thenticité des faits insérés outre les notions chrono- logiques, dans le Catalogue de Libère. D’abord, ils sont très-peu nombreux. C’est, au Pontificat de saint Pie, une note sur Hermas, l’auteur du livre du Pas- teur , que l’on dit avoir été frère de ce Pape. Ce livre est certainement d’Hermas et existe encore. La pa- renté de son auteur avec saint Pie est une question débattue entre les savants. A l’article de saint Pon- tien, il y a quelques lignes dans lesquelles on dit qi’il fut relégué en Sardaigne et qu’il y fut martyrisé. Rien de moins suspect que cette tradition si simple et si peu ambitieusement racontée.
關於利貝里烏斯目錄中、除年代學概念之外所插入的史實之真確性,我們只需說數語。首先,這些史實為數甚少。在聖庇護的教宗職分下,有一條關於赫爾瑪斯——《牧人》一書作者——的記述,據說他是這位教宗的弟兄。此書確為赫爾瑪斯所著,至今尚存。其作者與聖庇護的親屬關係,乃學者間爭論的問題。在聖彭提安條目下,有數行文字,其中說他被流放至撒丁島,並在那裡殉道。再沒有比這如此單純、如此毫不矜誇地敘述的傳統更不可疑的了。
We have but a few words to say on the authenticity of the facts inserted, besides the chronological notions, in the Catalogue of Liberius. First, they are very few in number. There is, at the pontificate of St Pius, a note on Hermas, the author of the book of The Shepherd, who is said to have been the brother of this Pope. This book is certainly by Hermas and still exists. The kinship of its author with St Pius is a question debated among the learned. At the article of St Pontian, there are a few lines in which it is said that he was relegated to Sardinia and that he was martyred there. Nothing is less suspect than this tradition, so simple and so unpretentiously recounted.
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Sur saint Fabien, il est dit qu’il divisa les régions aux diacres et fit faire des constructione dans les cimetières. Nous prouverons plus tard la certitude de ces renseigne- ments. Ce qui est dit de Moise, Maxime et Nico- strate, ainsi que de Novat et de Novatien, est appuyé abondamment sur les lettres de saint Cyprien. On peut vérifier à la même source les faits allégués au Pontificat de saint Corneille. La note sur l’exil et le retour de saint Lucius ne présente pas non plus de matière à contestation. Personne ne doute de la per- sécution de Dioclétien et de Maximien, de laquelle il est parté à l’article de saint Marcellio.
關於聖法比安,據說他將各區域分配給眾執事,並在墓園中營造建築。我們日後將證明這些記述的確實性。關於摩西、瑪克西穆斯與尼科斯特拉圖斯,以及關於諾窪圖斯與諾窪天的記載,皆充分得到聖居普良書信的支持。同一來源亦可查證在聖科爾乃略教宗職分下所稱述的史實。關於聖盧基烏斯的流放與歸來的記述,同樣不構成任何爭議的材料。戴克里先與瑪克西米安的逼迫——此事在聖瑪爾切利努斯條目下有所提及——無人懷疑。
Of St Fabian, it is said that he divided the regions among the deacons and had constructions made in the cemeteries. We shall later prove the certainty of these particulars. What is said of Moses, Maximus and Nicostratus, as well as of Novatus and Novatian, is amply supported by the letters of St Cyprian. One can verify at the same source the facts alleged at the pontificate of St Cornelius. The note on the exile and return of St Lucius likewise presents no matter for contestation. No one doubts the persecution of Diocletian and Maximian, of which there is mention at the article of St Marcellinus.
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Enfin, rien n’est plus aisé à justifier que les détails insérés au Pontificat de saint Jules sur la construction des ba- siliques qui le reconnaissent pour leur fondateur. Nous terminons ici ce que nous avions à dire sur le Catalogue de Libère; et nous éprouvons en même temps le besoin de répéter que si nous donnons ce monument comme antique et vénéralde, nous som- mes loin de dissimuler les imperfections qu’il pré- sente. Il en est qu’il fant mettre sur le compte des copistes, d’autres qu’on doit attribuer à l’iojure des temps;
最後,再沒有比聖猶利烏斯教宗職分下所插入的、關於那些奉他為創建者的大殿之營造的細節更易於證實的了。我們在此結束對利貝里烏斯目錄所要說的話;同時我們覺得有必要重申:我們雖將此紀念碑呈獻為古老而可敬的,卻絕不掩飾它所呈現的種種瑕疵。其中有些須歸咎於抄寫者,另有些則須歸因於歲月的損害;
Finally, nothing is easier to justify than the details inserted at the pontificate of St Julius concerning the construction of the basilicas which recognize him as their founder. We here conclude what we had to say on the Catalogue of Liberius; and we feel at the same time the need to repeat that, if we present this monument as ancient and venerable, we are far from concealing the imperfections it presents. There are some that must be put down to the account of the copyists, others that one must attribute to the injury of the times;
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plusieurs peut-être qui seront venues de l’in- suffisance des mémoires, auxquels, dans telle ou telle circonstance, le compilateur aura cherché à suppléer par des conjectures plus on moins heureuses. L’assi- gnation des consuls à certains Pontificats est évidem- ment fautive et jette plusieurs fois une certaine con- fusion dans les années.
或許還有幾處,乃源於紀錄之不足——在此種或彼種情形下,編纂者曾力圖以或多或少恰當的推測來加以補足。將執政官分配給某些教宗職分的做法顯然有誤,並數度為其年份注入了某種混亂。
and several perhaps which will have come from the insufficiency of the records, which, in this or that circumstance, the compiler will have sought to supplement by conjectures more or less happy. The assignment of the consuls to certain pontificates is evidently faulty and several times casts a certain confusion into the years.
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Outre les explications générales que nous venons de donner, nous aimons assez le système du Père Henschenius, qui conjecture que plusieurs fois des personnages élevés à la Papauté ayant été quelques années vicaires de leur prédéces- seur, comme saint Clément le fut de saint Lin et de saint Clet, on aura confondu l’année de leur ordina- tion épiscopale avec celle de leur avénement an Saint Siége, et il n’en aura pas fallu davantage pour engen- drer unc confusion devenue presque irrémédiable par le laps de temps ( a ).
除我們方才所給出的這些一般性解釋外,我們頗喜愛亨申尼烏斯神父的見解。他推測:好幾次被擢升至教宗職位的人物,曾有若干年身為其前任的代理者——正如聖革利免曾是聖理諾與聖克雷圖斯的代理者——於是人便將他們受主教祝聖之年與他們登上聖座之年相混淆;而要產生一種因歲月流逝而幾乎無可補救的混亂,所需的不過如此而已。
Besides the general explanations we have just given, we are rather fond of the system of Father Henschenius, who conjectures that several times persons elevated to the Papacy, having for some years been vicars of their predecessor—as St Clement was of St Linus and St Cletus—one will have confused the year of their episcopal ordination with that of their accession to the Holy See; and no more than that would have been needed to engender a confusion become almost irremediable through the lapse of time.
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De même pourriens-nous, en adoptant avec modération une autre idée du sa- vant jésuite, fortement combattue par le Père Pagi ( a ) en ce qu’elle est fausse dans sa généralité, expli- quer quelques erreurs commises sur les jours et les mois, au moyen d’une méprise commune qui eût fait prendre pour le jour de la mort de tel ou tel Pape celui de sa sépulture, inscrit par un motif ou par un autre au calendrier. Nous laissons d’ailleurs ces hy- pothèses pour ce qu’elles sont;
同樣,若我們有節制地採納這位博學耶穌會士的另一個見解——帕吉神父曾力加駁斥,因其作為普遍原則而言乃是錯誤的——我們便可藉著一種常見的誤解來解釋若干關於日與月的錯誤:此誤解會把某位教宗安葬之日(出於某種或另一種緣由而登錄於曆書中)誤認為其離世之日。此外,我們任由這些假設保持其本來面目;
Likewise, by adopting with moderation another idea of the learned Jesuit—strongly combated by Father Pagi inasmuch as it is false in its generality—we might explain some errors committed concerning the days and the months, by means of a common misunderstanding that would have taken for the day of the death of this or that Pope the day of his burial, inscribed for one reason or another in the calendar. We leave these hypotheses, moreover, for what they are;
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mais devant quelque- fois combattre et réformer le Catalogue de Libère dans certains détails, nous devions au public cette explication franche, qui n’affaiblit en rien à nos yeux I’importance de ce monument, l’un des plus authen- tiques de toute l’antiquité chrétienne.
但既然我們有時須在某些細節上駁斥並修正利貝里烏斯目錄,我們便理當向公眾作此坦率的說明;而此說明在我們看來,絲毫無損於這座紀念碑的重要性——它乃是整個基督教古代最為可信的紀念碑之一。
but, having sometimes to combat and reform the Catalogue of Liberius in certain details, we owed to the public this frank explanation, which in our eyes in no way weakens the importance of this monument, one of the most authentic of all Christian antiquity.