Church History 1 part 12/28

This event distressed those bishops of sound judgment quite considerably, since a magnificently built church had also been shaken down, and it gave occasion to those hostile to the faith to report to the emperor that a multitude of bishops, men, children, and women had perished, having taken refuge in the church in the hope of being saved there.

But this was not in fact true.

For the earthquake struck at the second hour, on a day when there was no gathering for worship.

Of the bishops, only Cecropius, bishop of Nicomedia itself, and another from Bosporus, were caught outside the church.

Since the city was shaken down in an instant, it was not even possible for those who wished to flee elsewhere to do so; rather, at the first onset of the danger, each person, for the most part, was saved or perished wherever he happened to be standing.

It is said that, before this calamity occurred, Arsacius foresaw it — a man who was Persian by race, and who, from being a soldier, a keeper of the royal lions, became a confessor of no small renown in the days of Licinius; and having abandoned his military career, he dwelt on the citadel of Nicomedia, in a tower of the wall, living the philosophic life.

There a divine vision appeared to him and bade him leave the city, since it was about to suffer what it later in fact suffered.

Upon this he hastened to the church and charged the clergy to entreat God earnestly and to perform propitiatory supplications for the averting of the threatened wrath.

But since he did not persuade them, and seemed ridiculous for announcing unexpected calamities, he returned to his tower, and falling prostrate on his face, he prayed.

Meanwhile, while the earthquake was striking, the greater number perished, while the rest...

...who survived fled to the fields and to the citadel.

For, as in a prosperous and great city, fire happened to be kindled in every house — in cooking-pots and braziers, in the furnaces of the baths, and in those of all who labor at the fire-using crafts.

As the roofs collapsed upon them, the flame, enclosed by the timber, and mingled, as was natural, with kindling wood and with all that is oily and readily bursts into flame, was fed abundantly; and creeping everywhere and joining itself together, it made the whole city, so to speak, into a single conflagration.

And for this reason, since the houses were impassable, those who had survived the earthquake fled up to the citadel.

But Arsacius was found dead in the tower, which remained unshaken, lying prostrate just as he had stretched himself out when he began his prayer.

There is a report that he had, before dying, besought God, choosing rather to die than to witness the calamity of the city in which he had first come to know Christ and had taken part in the philosophic life of the Church.

But since our narrative has brought us to speak of this man, it should be known that, on account of his being beloved of God, he was able to drive away demons and to cleanse those who were troubled by them.

For instance, a man possessed by a demon once drew a sword and ran through the marketplace.

While everyone fled and the city was in an uproar, Arsacius met him, invoked the name of Christ, and by his word alone brought him down.

He cleansed him, and restored him to his right mind.

He also performed many other deeds beyond human power and skill, and indeed the following as well.

There was, in front of the city, a serpent, or some other kind of reptile, which used to kill passers-by with its breath.

For it lurked beside the highway.

There Arsacius went and prayed, and the serpent came out of its lair of its own accord, and, striking its head twice against the ground, killed itself.

These things were thus related by those who claimed to have heard them from people who had themselves seen Arsacius.

The bishops, having had their impetus toward the council checked on account of the calamity at Nicomedia, some waited to see what the emperor would next decide, while others declared through letters the opinion they held concerning the faith.

Being at a loss as to what should be done, the ruler wrote to Basil, inquiring what should now be done concerning the council.

And he, as was fitting, having by letter praised him for his piety and having offered consolation for the calamity at Nicomedia, urged him, using examples drawn from sacred history, to hasten the council and not to let it slacken, since the effort was on behalf of piety, and not to send away without accomplishing anything the priests who had gathered for this purpose, seeing that they had already set out and were on their journey.

He appointed Nicaea, instead of Nicomedia, as the place for the council, so that matters concerning the faith might there be set right — in the very place where the inquiry had first begun.

Basil wrote back in this manner, conjecturing that in this way he would declare something pleasing to the emperor, inasmuch as he himself had originally approved of the council being held at Nicaea.

Having received Basil's letter, the emperor at first ordered that they should assemble at Nicaea at the beginning of summer, except for any who were physically infirm.

In their place, these were to send whatever presbyters or deacons they should choose, so as to declare their own opinion, deliberate concerning matters in dispute, and reach unanimous agreement on all points in common.

Ten from the western parts, and as many from the East — chosen by common agreement of those assembled — were to come to the palace and report what had been decided, so that he himself might also examine whether they had agreed with one another according to the sacred Scriptures, and might carry out whatever seemed best concerning what was to be done.

But afterwards, upon further deliberation, he ordered that all should remain wherever they happened to be residing, or in their own churches, until a place should be appointed for the council and notice given for them to proceed there.

He also wrote to Basil, asking him to inquire by letter of all the bishops throughout the East where it would be fitting to hold the council, so that this might be made known to everyone at the beginning of spring.

For he considered that it was not well to hold the council at Nicaea, since the province in that region had been worn out by earthquakes.

Basil, prefacing the emperor's letter to his own, made it known to the bishops of each province, urging them to deliberate promptly and to declare speedily which place would be suitable.

As is wont to happen in such matters, since not all had chosen the same place, Basil went to the emperor.

The emperor was at that time residing in Sirmium.

And there he found certain other bishops present for their own private business, including Mark, bishop of Arethusa, and George, who had been entrusted with the oversight of the church of Alexandria.

Since it had already been decided that the council should be held at Seleucia in Isauria, Valens and his associates (for he too was then residing in Sirmium), being pleased with the heresy of the Anomoeans, endeavored to get the bishops present in the camp to subscribe to a certain ready-made document of faith, in which the term "ousia" was not included.

...should assemble, while those from the East should assemble at Seleucia in Isauria, so that, since it is easier to persuade a few than everyone, if they were able — dividing themselves between the two places — they might contrive to bring each of the two councils over to being of one mind with them;

and if not both, then at least one of the two, so that the heresy might not be condemned by every vote.

Assisting them in this was Eusebius, the eunuch who presided over the imperial household, who was on close terms with Eudoxius and, moreover, shared his opinion, along with many powerful men who did this as a favor to Eusebius himself.

The emperor, being persuaded that it would benefit neither the public treasury, on account of the expense, nor the bishops, on account of the long journeys, for all to assemble in the same place, divided the council.

And he wrote to those who were then to be at Ariminum and Seleucia to first settle the disputed points concerning the faith, and finally to deal, according to the ordinance of the Church, with the cases of those bishops who complained of having been unjustly deposed or of dwelling in exile — one of whom was Cyril of Jerusalem — and to adjudicate the charges being brought against certain of the bishops.

For different people were bringing accusations against different bishops, and the Egyptians accused George of plunder and outrages.

And once all these matters had been decided, ten from each side were to come to the palace to report what had been done.

In accordance with this, each group assembled at the place they had been directed to convene.

And the council convened at Ariminum took place first.

More than four hundred bishops took part in it.

And even those who were hostile toward Athanasius judged it better to raise no question at all concerning him.

They said that the emperor too had approved this document, and that the council must of necessity accept it, without further scrutinizing everyone's private opinion, lest dissensions and factions arise from subjecting the terms to debate and rigorous examination.

For it was better, they said, to hold correct opinions about God while speaking in simpler terms, than to introduce novelties of language akin to the trickery of dialectical sophistry.

They were hinting—or rather, openly denouncing—the term "homoousios" as unknown to the sacred Scriptures and obscure to the majority of people.

Instead of this, they said, one should, in accordance with the divine Scriptures, say that the Son is like the Begetter in all things.

When they had read out the document containing these things, which had been put forward by them, the majority insisted that there was no need of any newer creed, but that they should be content with what had already been determined before them, and that they had now assembled precisely in order to prevent any innovation being introduced against those decisions.

And if what had been read introduced no innovation beyond this, they demanded that the proposers of this document say so plainly, and openly renounce the doctrine of Arius as being still, even now, the cause of the disturbances arising from it in the churches everywhere.

For it was absurd, they said, as though they were only now beginning to believe, to draw up such documents, and to disparage the tradition of former times which both they themselves and those before them who had governed the churches had followed—men the majority of whom had ended their lives in confessions of faith and in martyrdom.

Indeed, it also seemed absurd to them that this document should bear a date, as having been set forth at Sirmium in the presence of Constantius the "eternal" Augustus, in the consulship of Eusebius and Hypatius—just as Athanasius too, writing somewhere to his associates, says it is ridiculous to call Constantius an "eternal" emperor while refusing to call the Son of God "eternal," and to place a specific date at the head of this document, to the discredit of the faith held by men of older times and by those initiated into it before this period.

When these things had happened at Ariminum, Valens and Ursacius and their associates, taking their deposition badly, hastened to the emperor.

The council, putting forward twenty bishops, sent them as envoys.

And through them it wrote the following, translated from the Latin tongue:

"We believe that what has been decreed came to pass both by the command of God and by the order of your piety.

For we, all the bishops, gathered together at Ariminum from all the cities of the West, so that the faith of the catholic Church might be made known, and those who hold contrary opinions might be exposed.

For, upon examining the matter more fully, as we found, it seemed good to us to hold fast to the faith that has endured from ancient times, which the prophets, the gospels, and the apostles of our Lord Jesus Christ proclaimed—he who is also the overseer of your kingdom and the protector of your welfare—that, holding it fast, we might keep and preserve it to the end.

For it seemed absurd and unlawful to alter anything of what had been rightly and justly determined, and of what had been considered in common with the most glorious Constantine, your father and emperor, at Nicaea—teaching and understanding which has gone forth and been proclaimed to the ears and minds of all mankind;

this alone was the sole adversary and destroyer of the heresy of Arius, through which not only that heresy but all the remaining heresies as well were overthrown; and in it, it is truly both hazardous to add anything and dangerous to take anything away—

for if either the one or the other should occur, the enemies will have license to do whatever they wish.

Wherefore Ursacius and Valens, since they had long since become partakers in and counselors of the Arian doctrine, were declared separated from our communion.

And in order that they might be readmitted to it, being conscious of their own transgressions in these matters, they asked to be granted repentance and pardon—as also the documents drawn up by them themselves attest—through all of which leniency was shown and forgiveness of the charges was granted (this took place at the time when the assembly of the council was being convened at Milan, the presbyters of the church of the Romans also being present).

We also acknowledge that Constantine—worthy of remembrance after his death—had, with all accuracy and careful examination, set forth the faith that was drawn up; and since he departed from among men, having been baptized, and withdrew to the peace that was owed him, it would be absurd to introduce any innovation after him, and to disregard so many holy confessors and martyrs, and moreover the very authors and originators of this doctrine, men who, according to the ancient ordinance of the catholic Church, have persevered holding to it in every respect.

Whose faith God has also transmitted into the times of your reign, through our Lord Jesus Christ, through whom your rule has likewise come to be such that you hold sway over our whole inhabited world.

Again, then, those pitiable and wretched in mind have, by an unlawful act of daring born of their impious understanding, proclaimed themselves heralds [of this doctrine], and are attempting to overturn the whole structure of the truth.

For even as the assembly of the council was being convened according to your command, they too laid bare the design of their own deceit.

They found as their accomplices Germinius, Auxentius, and Gaius, the men who were stirring up strife and division.

Their teaching, though it is but one, has surpassed the whole multitude of blasphemies.

But when they perceived that these men were not of the same heresy, nor of one mind in the errors they held, they transferred themselves into our assembly, so as to appear to be drafting something different.

But the time was short, and it too exposed their true intentions.

In order, then, that the affairs of the church might not fall prey to the same troubles, and that confusion and turmoil, rolling ever onward, might not overwhelm everyone, it seemed firmly settled to maintain, unmoved, what had long ago been determined, and that the aforesaid men be kept separated from our communion.

For this reason we have sent envoys to your clemency to give further instruction, so that they may make known through this letter the resolution of the assembly.

And to the envoys we have, above all else, given this charge: to confirm the truth on the basis of what was justly determined long ago, in ancient times.

They will also instruct your holiness that peace will not come about—as Ursacius and Valens claimed—if any of the just decisions should be overturned.

For how can those who destroy peace possibly maintain peace? Rather, strife and turmoil will result from this, affecting not only the rest of the cities but also the church of the Romans.

For the innovations now being introduced by them have produced faithlessness in those who believe, and cruelty in those who do not believe.

We beseech you further, that you command the bishops who are lingering in foreign lands—men worn down both by the hardship of old age and by the want of poverty—to be granted an easy return to their homes, so that the churches may not remain bereft of their appointed bishops.

And besides all this, we ask also this: that nothing of what previously existed be either diminished or added to, but that everything remain intact, as it has been preserved from the piety of your father down to the present time; and that you no longer permit us to labor in distress nor to become estranged from our own dioceses, but that the bishops, together with their own people, may in peace devote themselves to prayers and to worship, imploring on behalf of your safety, your kingdom, and the peace which the Godhead will grant you forever."

And our envoys bring both the signatures and the titles of the bishops, who will also instruct your Divine Majesty from the divine writings themselves.— Such, then, was the letter of those who had assembled at Ariminum.

But Ursacius and Valens and their associates, arriving before the envoys sent by the council, showed the emperor the document which they had read out, and disparaged the council.

The emperor, perhaps grieved that they had not accepted this faith as one that had been confirmed also in his own presence at Sirmium, held these men in honor, but neglected the envoys and overlooked them as they wearied themselves in long attendance.

At length he wrote to the council, excusing himself on the ground that some urgent expedition against the barbarians pressed upon him, and that for this reason he had not been able to see the envoys.

He ordered them to wait for him at Adrianople upon his return, so that, once public affairs had been well settled, being free from cares, he might hear and examine the matters brought by the envoys;

for it was fitting, he said, that one who was about to deliberate on divine matters should keep his soul free from other concerns.

In reply to this the council responded, insisting that it would in no way depart from what had been decreed, and it wrote this and charged the envoys accordingly.

It instructed them to obtain a hearing through these men, and to have what had been written read out;

for it would seem grievous even to him that so many churches should be without bishops during the time of his reign;

and it was necessary, if it also seemed good to him, that they should return to their own churches before winter set in.

Having written such things, and, as was fitting, having composed the letter in the manner and tone of a supplication, they waited on for a little while longer;

but since he sent them no reply at all, they withdrew to their own cities.

That, then, those who assembled at Ariminum from the outset voted in agreement with what had been decided at Nicaea is attested by what has been said.

But it must now be told how they later assented to the document put forward by Valens, Ursacius, and their party.

A differing account of this matter has reached me.

For some say that the emperor, making a pretext of the insult of the bishops' departure from Ariminum against his will, permitted Valens and those with him to administer the churches of the West however they pleased, and to issue the faith that had been read out at Ariminum, and to expel from the churches those who refused to subscribe to it, and to ordain others in their place;

and that, having thereby gained impunity, they compelled men to subscribe to this faith, and drove many who would not be persuaded out of the churches, first of all Liberius, the bishop of the Romans.

And when they had done these things to the churches in Italy, they resolved to arrange the churches throughout the East in the same manner.

Passing through Thrace, they arrived at Nike, a city of that region, and, having there convened an assembly, they translated the document that had been read at Ariminum into the Greek tongue, and, having published it, confirmed it, and gave out that the faith at Nike had been dictated and approved by an ecumenical council.

They did this at Nike, and acclaimed it there, quite deliberately, so that the more simple-minded people might easily be persuaded to assent to this faith, being deceived by the similarity of the names and supposing that this was the document confirmed at Nicaea.

But others say that, since the council at Ariminum was worn out by the long delay, the emperor neither deigning to give the bishops an answer nor permitting them to depart, the zealots of the opposing heresy sent down certain men to counsel them that it was not worth the priests everywhere being at odds over a single term—that of "ousia"—when it was possible to say that the Son is like the Father, and thereby remove the very occasions of the dispute;

for those in the East would never be at peace unless the term "ousia" were removed altogether.

And as the mediators pressed such specious arguments, the council was persuaded to assent to the document zealously drawn up by Ursacius and his party;

and these men, fearing lest the envoys sent by the council to the emperor should arrive and make plain the Western bishops' original resistance and the reason for the abolition of the term "homoousios," detained the envoys at Nike in Thrace, alleging, on the pretext of winter and the hardship of the public relay-horses, that the journey would not be an easy one;

and they persuaded them to have the document that had been read out by them translated from the Latin tongue and, once composed in Greek, sent out to the bishops throughout the East;

for in this way, they reasoned, the document, composed with their aim in view, would achieve what they were bent on, while the deceit would go undetected in the absence of those who could refute it—namely, that those at Ariminum had not willingly abandoned the term "ousia," but had done so only as a concession made to the Easterners, as though they themselves were averse to the term;

which was in fact a patent falsehood;

for all but a few maintained that the Son is like the Father in essence as well;

and they differed only in that some called the Son "homoousios" and others "homoiousios."

Such is the story as some tell it one way, and others tell it another.

While the events in Italy were unfolding as has been described, before the council at Seleucia was convened, the greatest disturbances occurred throughout the East.

They entrusted the church of Jerusalem to Cyril.

Macedonius, meanwhile, was troubling Constantinople and the surrounding cities—as Macarius began to ordain [bishops]—having Eleusius and Marathonius as his accomplices.

Of these two, the one [Marathonius], who had previously already risen from being a deacon of the church under him, and who was a zealous administrator of the poorhouses and of the monastic communities of both men and women, he made bishop of the Nicomedians; and Eleusius he made bishop of Cyzicus, a man who had served with no small distinction at the imperial court.

Both, it is said, were good in their manner of life, but zealous in mistreating those who held the Son to be "homoousios" with the Father—though not so unrestrainedly as Macedonius himself.

For this man not only drove away those who refused to commune with him, but also made them prisoners and handed them over to judges, and forced others to commune even against their will, seizing unbaptized children and women and initiating them into the mysteries by force.

Moreover, he also destroyed many churches in many places, alleging an imperial decree which ordered the demolition of the houses of prayer belonging to those who maintained that the Son is consubstantial with the Father.

It was for this very reason that the church of the Novatians near the place called Pelargus in Constantinople was also demolished.

On this occasion it is said that those of this sect performed a manly deed.

Perhaps also those of the catholic Church joined with them in this, as being of like mind.

For when those to whom this task had been assigned gave orders to pull down this building, the people gathered together with their whole households, and some took down the timbers, while others carried them across to the opposite shore, to Sycae.

And their labor was quickly brought to completion.

For not only men, but also women and children took part in the work.

For each one, offering the work as though to God himself, showed extraordinary eagerness.

By such zeal this church was likewise rebuilt in the same manner, and from that time, because of what had happened, it was named Anastasia.

For when Constantius died, Julian, succeeding to the empire, restored the site to the Novatians and permitted them to build the church.

And this indeed came to pass, the people eagerly assisting and bringing back the same timbers from Sycae.

And such was the later course of events.

But at that time the Novatians and those of the catholic Church came very close to being united.

For holding the same view concerning the Divine, and being persecuted in common, and being in like misfortunes, they were well disposed toward one another, and assembled together in the same place and prayed together.

For those of the catholic Church had no house of prayer, but all had been taken from them by those who held the opinions of Arius.

And, as was natural, through their continual association they concluded that their disagreement with one another was in vain, and resolved to commune with one another.

And this would indeed have come about, had not the malice of a few, I think, damaged the eagerness of the multitude, these few insisting that there was an ancient rule and thus refusing to do it.

At this same time Eleusius also utterly demolished the church of the Novatians at Cyzicus.

Of these calamities, those who dwelt at Mantinium and the other Paphlagonians had the greatest share.

For Macedonius, learning that the majority there held the views of Novatus, and that the church officials alone were not sufficient to drive them out, persuaded the emperor to send four regiments of soldiers for this purpose.

For he thought that in this way people unaccustomed to arms, if they should see armed soldiers, would immediately be struck with fear and change over to his own doctrine.

For the people of Mantinium, gathering in a multitude and arming themselves, each as he happened to be able, with sickles and axes and whatever else came to hand, engaged the soldiers in battle.

And a fierce battle having taken place, most of the Paphlagonians fell, and almost all of the soldiers.

As a result, many of his own associates blamed Macedonius as the cause of such great calamities.

And the emperor, too, turned away from him and was no longer favorably disposed toward him.

For there arose also the following occasion of even greater enmity.

Macedonius wished to transfer the tomb of Constantine, who had reigned before, to another place.

Of the people, some agreed that this should be done, but others opposed it, considering it impious and tantamount to digging up a grave.

Those who upheld the doctrine of the Council of Nicaea joined with these opponents, unwilling that the body of Constantine, as one who shared their doctrine, should be treated with outrage, and, I think, also eager to be at odds with Macedonius.

But he, without any delay, transferred the tomb to the church in which is the burial place of the martyr Acacius.

And of the multitude, some praised what had happened, while others condemned it, and they turned against one another right at the church itself.

And in the end they filled both the house of prayer itself and the surrounding area with blood and slaughter.

The emperor, who was still residing in the province beginning toward the west, upon learning of this was greatly angered, and, as though his father had been outraged, and on account of the misfortunes that had befallen the people, he blamed Macedonius and held him in wrath.

And having resolved to take possession of the East, he set out on the journey.

And having summoned back his cousin Julian, he appointed him Caesar and sent him to the Gauls in the west.

Meanwhile the bishops from the East, being about one hundred and sixty in number, assembled at Seleucia in Isauria.

It was the year in which Eusebius and Hypatius were consuls.

There had also assembled with them Leonas, a man of splendid rank in the imperial service, who was present at the council by order of Constantius, so that the inquiry concerning the doctrine should take place in his presence.

There was also present Lauricius, the commander of the troops of the province, in case anything should need to be provided.

For an imperial letter commanded him to render whatever assistance was needed.

At the first assembly certain other bishops were absent, including Patrophilus of Scythopolis, Macedonius of Constantinople, and Basil of Ancyra.

The excuse given differed from one to another: for Patrophilus it was an eye ailment, and for Macedonius, illness.

But the suspicion was that, fearing the charges of their accusers, they did not appear at that time.

But since the others declined, on account of their absence, to examine the disputed matters, Leonas nevertheless ordered that the inquiries be set in motion.

From this point some said it was necessary to examine the doctrine first, while others said it was necessary to examine first the lives of those among them who stood accused, among whom were Cyril of Jerusalem and Eustathius of Sebaste.

And the emperor's letters also gave them a pretext, indicating one thing here and another there.

Beginning from this dispute, they no longer maintained a sound relationship with one another, but were divided into two parties.

Nevertheless the view prevailed that the discussion concerning the doctrine should be held first.