Church History 1 part 3/28

And he, giving thanks to God for what his wife had resolved, said, "You, then, keep this house;"

"and I will make another dwelling for myself." And having taken possession of a deserted place to the south of Lake Mareotis, around Scetis and the mountain called Nitria, he pursued the philosophic life there for twenty-two years, seeing his wife twice each year.

To this divinely inspired man, who became the founder of the monasteries in that region, there came many notable disciples, as their succession will show.

Many marvelous things happened concerning him, which have been most accurately preserved by the monks throughout Egypt, who set great store by carefully remembering, through an unwritten tradition handed down in succession, the virtues of the older ascetics.

But I must relate those accounts of these matters that have come down to us.

It happened that he and Theodore his disciple, going somewhere, had to cross a canal which they call the Lycus.

So that they might not see one another naked, Amoun bade Theodore withdraw a little apart.

And since he himself was ashamed even to see himself naked, he was suddenly lifted on high by divine power and transported to the bank on the other side.

Theodore, having crossed the water and seen that his garments and feet were unwetted, earnestly besought the old man to explain to him the cause.

And since the one refused to tell it, while the other insisted he would not let the matter rest unless he learned it, upon Theodore's promising to tell no one while he lived, he confessed what had happened.

Similar to what has been related is this marvel as well.

...to heal his son.

But he said to them, "He has no need at all of healing from me;"

"but if you are willing to return the ox which you have stolen to its owners, he will be healed at once." And this indeed came to pass;

for as soon as the ox was returned, the affliction left the boy.

And when this Amoun died, it is said that Antony beheld his soul being carried up into heaven, divine powers leading the way with psalm-singing.

And when those around him inquired the cause of this marvel, he did not conceal it;

for he was plainly gazing intently upon the sky, and was struck with amazement at the sight of the extraordinary vision.

And when afterward certain men came from Scetis and reported the hour of Amoun's death, the truth of Antony's prediction was made manifest.

And they counted both men blessed—the one, who had passed from this earthly life to blessings universally acknowledged; the other, who had been deemed worthy of so great a vision, which God had revealed to him from so great a distance.

For the distance between the places where each of them dwelt is a journey of many days.

And these things have thus been recorded by those who associated with Antony and Amoun.

During this reign I have learned that Eutychianus also lived a distinguished philosophic life; he had his abode in Bithynia, around Mount Olympus, and, professing the sect of the Novatians, partook of divine grace both in healing afflictions and in performing extraordinary deeds, so that he even became an intimate acquaintance and friend of Constantine himself, on account of the virtue of his life.

At that time, indeed, one of the imperial bodyguards was held prisoner (for, being suspected of harboring designs of tyranny, he had fled, and, having been sought out around Mount Olympus, was seized); and when his friends entreated Eutychianus to intercede on his behalf with the emperor, and first of all to see to it that the man be released from his bonds, lest, being harshly bound, he should perish before his cause was heard, it is said that Eutychianus sent word to the jailers and asked them to release him from his fetters—but they would not be persuaded, so he went to the prison himself;

The doors, though bolted, opened of their own accord, and the prisoner's chains fell apart.

After this he also came to the emperor, who was then residing at Byzantium, and readily received the favor he sought.

For Constantine was not accustomed to be displeased at his requests;

for he held the man in the very highest honor.

Let this much, then, be briefly set forth by us concerning those who at that time were illustrious in the philosophy practiced among the monks.

Whoever is concerned for accuracy regarding these matters would, upon inquiry, find the lives of most of them set down in writing.

But although religion was flourishing in this way and in every other respect, certain contentious disputations disturbed the churches, which, under the pretext, forsooth, of piety and of the perfect discovery of God, led into inquiry matters that had previously gone unexamined.

These discourses were begun by Arius, a presbyter of Alexandria in Egypt,

who, from the outset, having gained a reputation for zeal concerning doctrine, cooperated with Meletius when the latter was introducing innovations;

but having abandoned him, he was ordained deacon by Peter, bishop of the Alexandrians;

and again he was expelled from the church by Peter himself, because, when Peter had renounced Meletius's partisans and would not admit their baptism, Arius rebuked what was being done and would not keep quiet.

But when Peter was martyred, having asked forgiveness, he was permitted by Achillas to serve as deacon and was deemed worthy of the presbyterate.

After this, Alexander too held him in honor.

But having become most skilled in dialectic (for he was said not to lack proficiency even in such studies), he rolled down into absurd doctrines, so that he dared to declare in church, as had not been said before by anyone else, that the Son of God came into being out of things that are not, and that there was a time when he was not, and that by his own free will he was capable of both wickedness and virtue, and that he was a creature and a thing made, and many other such things as one who upheld these views was likely to say when he proceeded into disputations and detailed inquiries.

Some, seizing upon what had been said, blamed Alexander for tolerating these innovations against doctrine when he ought not to have done so;

he should rather have set forth an argument to each side on the disputed points, so that they might seem to cease their strife not by compulsion but by persuasion; and so, sitting as judge together with the clergy, he brought both parties into contest.

But as is wont to happen in verbal contests, each side tried to win.

Arius stood by what he himself had said, while the others held that the Son is of the same substance (homoousios) and co-eternal with the Father.

When the assembly convened again, having stirred up so many disputations, they still could not agree with one another.

While the question still seemed undecided, Alexander too was affected somewhat, at first praising these on one point and those on another;

but in the end he sided with those who declared the Son to be of the same substance (homoousios) and co-eternal;

and he commanded Arius likewise to hold this view, abandoning his contrary arguments.

But since he did not persuade him, and already many of the bishops and clergy around him considered that Arius spoke rightly, he expelled from the church both him and the clergy who cooperated with him on this doctrine.

Those of the Alexandrian diocese who cooperated with him were, among the presbyters, Aeithales and Achilleus, Carpones and Sarmates and Arius, and among the deacons, Euzoius and Macarius, Julius and Menas and Helladius.

From this, no small portion of the people also went over to their side—some thinking that one ought to hold the same opinion concerning God, others—as commonly happens with the masses—out of pity, regarding them as wronged and unjustly cast out of the church.

Since matters at Alexandria stood thus, Arius's party, reckoning it necessary to secure in advance the goodwill of the bishops throughout the cities, sent envoys to them,

and, writing what they believed, they asked that, if it seemed right to hold such views concerning God, this be declared to Alexander so that he might not be angry with them;

but if not, that they be instructed in what manner they ought to hold their opinion.

This effort benefited them not a little.

For as this doctrine spread to nearly everyone, the same inquiry arose in common

among the bishops everywhere.

And some wrote to Alexander not to receive Arius's followers unless they should renounce their belief;

while others urged him not to do so.

Alexander, therefore, seeing that a great many, distinguished by the outward show of a virtuous life and formidable in the persuasiveness of their speech, were being won over to Arius's side—and especially Eusebius, then presiding over the church of the Nicomedians, a learned man honored at the imperial court—wrote to the bishops everywhere not to have communion with them.

From this, the zeal on each side was kindled still more, and, as is wont to happen, a still greater strife was stirred up.

For when Eusebius's party, having often entreated Alexander, failed to persuade him, they were angered as though insulted, and became all the more eager to strengthen Arius's doctrine.

And having convened a synod in Bithynia, they wrote to the bishops everywhere that, holding right opinions, they should have communion with Arius's party, and should also prevail upon Alexander to have communion with them.

But since, nonetheless, matters proceeded contrary to their intention, Alexander not yielding, Arius sent envoys to Paulinus, bishop of Tyre, and to Eusebius son of Pamphilus, who administered the church of Caesarea in Palestine, and to Patrophilus, bishop of Scythopolis, and requested, together with his followers, to be permitted to hold assemblies for the people with him, as before, while occupying the rank of presbyters.

For it was the custom in Alexandria (as it still is even now) that, there being one bishop over all, the presbyters individually held charge of the churches and gathered the people in them.

They, together with other bishops assembled in Palestine, voted in favor of Arius's request, exhorting them to assemble as before, but to be subject to Alexander and always to entreat to share in peace and communion with him.

The emperor—since, as religion had but recently begun to flourish, the disagreement over doctrines was turning many away from becoming Christian—

and for this reason he clearly held both Arius and Alexander to blame.

And writing to them, he rebuked them for having brought into the open a question that might have remained hidden, and for having, out of excessive zeal for the opposing view, contentiously stirred up matters which they ought never to have inquired into from the start, nor pondered—and having pondered, ought to have consigned to silence—since it was possible for them not to be divided from one another, even if they differed on some point of doctrine.

For concerning divine providence it is necessary to hold one and the same faith;

but as for the precise details of inquiries into such matters, even if they should not agree upon a single opinion, it is fitting that these be kept secretly within one's own mind.

And he bade them abandon such idle disputation and be of one mind;

for he was grieved not a little, and on this account, though eager to visit the cities of the East, he was holding himself back.

To Alexander and Arius, then, partly blaming and partly counseling them, he wrote in this manner.

He was also greatly troubled to learn that some kept the feast of Pascha (Easter) contrary to the practice of all others.

For at that time, certain persons in the cities of the East, disagreeing on this matter, did not thereby refrain from communion with one another, yet kept the feast in a more Jewish manner, and, as was to be expected, through their discord over this issue they were marring the splendor of the festival.

On both counts, then, he was eager that the church be free of faction;

and thinking that he could forestall the evil before it spread further, he sent a man from his own retinue, distinguished for his faith and manner of life, and who had won esteem in former times for his confessions on behalf of the doctrine, to reconcile those in Egypt who were at strife over the doctrine, and those in the East who disagreed concerning the feast.

This man was Hosius, bishop of Cordoba.

But since the matter turned out contrary to expectation, and the strife proved stronger than any reconciliation, and the man sent to negotiate peace returned having achieved nothing, he convened a council at Nicaea in Bithynia, and wrote to the presidents of the churches everywhere to be present on an appointed day.

Sharing in this assembly, of the apostolic sees, were Macarius of Jerusalem, and Eustathius, who had already been entrusted with the church of Antioch on the Orontes, and Alexander of Alexandria, the see by Lake Maria (Mareotis).

Julius, bishop of the Romans, was absent on account of old age;

but present in his place were Vito and Vincentius, presbyters of the same church.

In addition to these, a great many other good and virtuous men also assembled from various nations, some capable in understanding and speech, distinguished in knowledge of the sacred books and in other learning, or excelling in virtue of life, while others were esteemed for both qualities together.

There were bishops numbering upward of about three hundred and twenty;

and, as was to be expected, no small multitude of presbyters and deacons accompanied them.

There were also present with them men experienced in disputation, eager to assist them with their arguments.

As is wont to happen, many of the priests, having assembled as if to contend for their own private affairs, thought it a fitting occasion for the correction of their grievances;

and concerning the matters in which each accused another, each submitted a document to the emperor, reporting the wrongs committed against him.

But since this happened readily every day, the emperor ordered each one to make clear, on an appointed day, the matters concerning which he was making accusation.

When the appointed time arrived, having received the submitted documents, he said, "These accusations have their proper occasion on the day of the great judgment, and their proper judge is he who is then to judge all;

but it is not lawful for me, being but a man, to draw such a hearing upon myself—with priests as both accusers and accused, men who ought least of all to present themselves in such a way as to be judged by another."

And he ordered the documents to be burned;

and he set a day on which the matters in dispute were to be resolved.

Before the appointed day, the bishops, meeting together by themselves, summoned Arius;

and when the points they held were set forth in common, they engaged in debate concerning them.

As was likely, since the deliberation was drawn into various disputes, some counseled that no innovation should be made regarding the faith handed down from the beginning, especially those whose simplicity of character led them, without elaborate inquiry, to accept faith in the divine.

But others insisted that one ought not follow the older opinions without careful examination.

Many of the bishops then assembled, and of the clergy who accompanied them, being skilled in disputation and practiced in such methods of argument, distinguished themselves and became known to the emperor and to those around him.

From that time, Athanasius of Alexandria too, still then a deacon attending upon Alexander the bishop, appeared to have the greatest share in the counsel concerning these matters.

Moreover, some of the philosophers among the Greeks deliberately took part in these disputations, some being eager to learn what the doctrine actually was;

while others, resenting the Christians because the Greek religion was beginning to perish, threw the inquiry concerning the doctrine into contentious wrangling, so that it appeared even to be at strife and at odds with itself.

It is said, then, that when one of them, boasting arrogantly of his eloquence and mocking the priests, a certain simple old man, one of those renowned for their confessions of faith, could not endure his conceit;

being free of such quibbling and sophistry, he took up the argument against him.

At this, the matter provoked laughter among the rash ones who knew the confessor, but fear among the more moderate, who foresaw that he might appear ridiculous before a man so skilled in argument.

Nevertheless, when they allowed him to say what he wished (for out of respect they had long hesitated to oppose one such as he), he said, 'In the name of Jesus Christ, philosopher, listen.'

There is one God, maker of heaven and earth and of all things visible and invisible, who made all these things by the power of his Word, and established them by the holiness of his Spirit.

This Word, then, he said, whom we call the Son of God, having compassion on mankind because of their error and their bestial way of life, chose to be born of a woman, to converse with men, and to die on their behalf;

and he will come again as judge of what each has done in his life.

These things we believe to be so, without elaborate inquiry.

Do not, then, labor in vain seeking proofs for what is established by faith, and the manner in which these things could or could not have happened.

But if you believe, answer me when I ask... At this the philosopher, astonished, said, 'I believe.'

And having acknowledged his defeat, he came to hold the same beliefs as the old man, and counseled those who had previously held like views to agree with him, swearing that he had not changed his mind apart from God, but had been moved to become a Christian by some ineffable power.

It is said that a miracle similar to the one described occurred also through Alexander, who administered the church of Constantinople.

For when Constantine arrived at Byzantium, certain philosophers approached him and found fault with him for not worshiping in the proper manner, and for innovating in matters divine by introducing into the state a new form of reverence contrary to what had been customary among his ancestors and among all who, whether Greek or Roman, had ruled as princes in ages past;

and they sought to debate with Alexander the bishop concerning the doctrine.

He, although unpracticed in such exercises of argument, yet perhaps trusting in his manner of life (for he was a good and virtuous man), undertook the contest at the emperor's command.

When the philosophers had assembled, since all of them wished to debate, he asked that they choose one from among themselves whom they wished, and that the rest who were present should keep silence.

Is it not right, then, to consider which is the greater marvel among wonders—so easily to deprive a man, and a philosopher at that, of speech, or by force of words to cleave a stone with one's hand, as I have heard was boasted by some concerning the one called Julian the Chaldean? These things, then, I have learned as reported.

The bishops, meeting continually, brought Arius forward and made a careful examination of his propositions, but were cautious about casting their vote rashly to either side.

But when the appointed day arrived on which it had been decided to settle the disputed matters, they assembled at the palace, since it had also been resolved that the ruler should share with them in the deliberation.

When he came to join the priests, he passed through to the head of the assembly and sat down upon a certain throne which had been prepared for him;

and the synod was bidden to be seated.

For benches had been prepared on both sides, extending along the walls of the palace hall;

and this hall was the largest, surpassing all the others.

When they were seated, Eusebius, the son of Pamphilus, rose and delivered a certain address to the emperor, and on his account a hymn of thanksgiving to God.

When he had finished and silence had fallen upon all, the emperor said, 'For all things I give thanks to God, but not least because I behold your assembly, O friends.'

'And it has turned out better than my prayer, that I should bring together so many priests of Christ in one place.'

'I would wish to see you of one mind and sharing a common judgment, since I consider it more grievous than any evil for the church of God to be at strife.'

'When, therefore, it was reported to me what I ought never to have heard, I was deeply grieved in soul, learning that you were divided—you who, of all people, ought least to be so, being ministers of God and arbiters of peace.'

'And for this reason I have convened your holy synod;'

'and being both emperor and your fellow servant, I ask to receive a favor pleasing to God our common Master—one fitting for me to receive and for you to grant.'

'And this it is: to bring forward openly the causes of the dispute, and to put upon them a peaceable and unanimous conclusion, so that I, together with you, may erect this trophy against the envious demon, who, now that foreigners and tyrants have been removed from our path, has stirred up this internal strife among kindred, out of envy toward our blessings.' When the emperor had spoken thus in the Roman tongue, someone standing by interpreted it.

From this point, then, the discussion concerning the doctrine was set in motion among the priests.

The emperor listened at leisure and with great forbearance to the arguments from both sides;

and he agreed with those who spoke well, while he turned aside from strife those who were contentious, discoursing gently with each as far as he was able to understand—for indeed he was not unacquainted with the Greek tongue.

In the end, all the priests came to agreement with one another, and voted that the Son is consubstantial with the Father.

Only seventeen at first are said to have approved the opinion of Arius, but immediately most even of these transferred their allegiance to the commonly held opinion.

The emperor also gave his vote in favor of this opinion, concluding that this harmony of the assembly had been approved by God's own decree.

He proclaimed beforehand that whoever went against what had been decreed would be punished with exile beyond the borders, as one who corrupted the divine ordinances.

In order that the creed of the faith then agreed upon might remain firm and clear to those who come after in future time, I thought it necessary, as proof of the truth, to set down the very document concerning these matters;

and when pious friends knowledgeable in such matters suggested that such things should properly be spoken and heard only by initiates and those who initiate others, I approved their counsel (for it is not unlikely that some of the uninitiated too might come upon this book), concealing, as far as possible, those secret things which ought to be kept silent;

but so that readers may not be entirely ignorant of what was decided by the synod, one should know that they declared the Son to be consubstantial with the Father;

they voted that they were alien to the church.

This document was approved by Eusebius of Nicomedia, Theognis of Nicaea, Maris of Chalcedon, Patrophilus of Scythopolis, and Secundus of Ptolemais in Libya.

Eusebius the son of Pamphilus, after a brief hesitation, examined it and approved it.

The synod pronounced anathema upon Arius and those who held opinions like his;

they voted that he should not set foot in Alexandria.

Moreover, they condemned the very expressions of his teaching, and the book which he composed concerning it, entitled Thalia.

Of this composition, as I have learned (for I have not myself read it), the style is said to be loose and disjointed, resembling in its frivolity the songs of Sotades.

One should know, however, that Eusebius of Nicomedia and Theognis of Nicaea neither assented to nor signed the deposition of Arius, although they had agreed to the document of the faith.

The emperor punished Arius with exile beyond the borders;

and legislating for the bishops and peoples everywhere, he wrote that they should regard him and those of like mind with him as impious, and should hand over to the fire any writing of theirs that might be found, so that no record might remain either of him or of the doctrine which he had introduced.

And if anyone should be discovered concealing such writings and did not immediately inform so that they might be burned, death would be the penalty, and the punishment would fall upon his head.

He also dispatched other letters to each city against Arius and those who shared his opinions.

He ordered Eusebius and Theognis to leave the cities over which they had presided as bishops;

and he wrote to the church of the Nicomedians to hold fast to the faith which the synod had handed down, to put forward orthodox bishops and obey them, and to consign the memory of the others to oblivion;

and he threatened to punish those who attempted to praise them or to hold their opinions.

In these letters he also made known his hostility toward Eusebius on other grounds as well, namely that he had earlier already held the views of the tyrant and had plotted against him.

In accordance with these imperial letters, then, Eusebius and Theognis were deprived of the churches which they held.

Amphion received the see of the Nicomedians, and Chrestus that of Nicaea.

When the inquiry concerning the doctrine had ceased, it seemed good to the synod that all should celebrate the paschal feast at the same time.

It is said that the emperor, taking thought for the concord of all Christians, also summoned Acesius, who was bishop of the church of the Novatians, to the synod, and showed him the definition concerning the faith and the feast, already confirmed by the signatures of the bishops, and asked whether he too agreed with these.

And he said that nothing new had been decreed, and he approved what had seemed good to the synod;

for thus he himself had received it from the beginning, both to believe and to celebrate the feast.

'O Acesius, set up a ladder and climb up to heaven all by yourself.' This, I think, the emperor said to Acesius not in commendation, but because men, being but men, think themselves to be without sin.

The council, being eager to reform the life of those engaged in church affairs, established laws which they call canons.

In deliberating about this, it seemed good to some to introduce a law that bishops, presbyters, deacons, and subdeacons should not sleep with their wives, whom they had married before entering the priesthood.

But Paphnutius the confessor, rising up in their midst, spoke against this, calling marriage honorable and intercourse with one's own wife chastity.

He advised the council not to establish such a law.

For the thing was hard to bear.

And perhaps it would become for them and their wives a cause of unchastity.

He said it was the tradition of the church that those who entered the clerical order unmarried should no longer marry, but that those who married before ordination should not be separated from the wives they had.

And this Paphnutius proposed, although he himself had no experience of marriage.

The council also approved this counsel, and legislated nothing concerning it, but left the matter to each one's own judgment, not placing it under compulsion.

Concerning other matters, as seemed good to it, the council drew up laws by which the affairs of the church ought to be conducted.

But these, if anyone so wishes, are easy to find, being circulated among many.

When the matters concerning Meletius that had occurred throughout Egypt had been examined, the council condemned him to remain at Lycopolis, holding the bare title of bishop, but for the future to ordain neither in city nor in village;

and that those who had already been ordained by him should commune and minister, but hold second place in honor to the clergy in each church and parish;

and that they should advance to the ranks of those who died before them, if they should appear worthy by the vote of the people, the bishop of the church of the Alexandrians confirming the ordination;

but that it should not be permitted to them to select according to their own private judgment whomever they wished.

This seemed just to the council, taking into account the rashness and readiness for ordination shown by Meletius and those who thought as he did, insofar as even Peter, who was martyred, while he was leading the church of the Alexandrians and was fleeing on account of the persecution then raging, had had the ordinations belonging to him snatched away by Meletius.

These things having thus been decided by the council, it happened at the same time that there was a festival, the twentieth anniversary of Constantine's reign.

It is a custom among the Romans to hold a public festival at every tenth year of the ruler's reign.

The emperor, thinking the occasion opportune, then invited the council to a banquet... and honored them with fitting gifts.

When they had prepared to return home, he called them all together and advised them to be of one mind concerning the faith and to hold fast to peace among themselves, so that they might henceforth remain free from faction.

And having discoursed at length concerning this, he finally urged them to pray earnestly on behalf of himself, his children, and the empire, and to entreat God at every occasion.

And having spoken thus to those who had then come to Nicaea, he sent them on their way.

And in order to make known also to those who had not been present the matters rightly settled in the council, he sent letters to the churches city by city, and to the Alexandrians separately other letters besides these, urging them, laying aside all discord, to be of one mind concerning the faith set forth by the council;