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Roman Pontiffs

Papal Letters 1 part 24/50

Latin original · 43 verses · some words can be tapped for a gloss · long chapter, split into parts; this part covers 1:928–1:970 (2003 verses in all)

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1:928
nec poterat ultra differri, ne, sicut dictum est, antiqua illius communione durante, cum sese iam sociasset externae, sedes quoque apostolica per eum pollueretur contagiis perfidorum dignumque esset uel praeuaricatorem uel contemptorem iudicii conpetentis, manifestissime scilicet de suo negotio desperantem, a catholica atque apostolica integritate et communione secludi. hic si examinatio quaeritur, iam iudicio non erat opus, posteaquam et litteris suis ipse confessus est et legitimum iudicium uocatus adire pertimuit; si auctoritatis pondus inquiritur, Calcedonensis synodi tenor cura apostolica sede consentiens et illius definitionis executio reperitur.
Nor could it be deferred any longer, lest—as has been said—with his old communion still persisting, while he had already joined himself to the external one, the Apostolic See also should be defiled through him by the contagions of the faithless; and it was fitting that a prevaricator, or a despiser of a competent judgment, one plainly despairing of his own case, should be shut out from Catholic and apostolic integrity and communion. If here an examination is sought, there was already no need of a judgment, since he both confessed it by his own letters and, when summoned, feared to approach a lawful judgment; if the weight of authority is inquired into, the tenor of the Council of Chalcedon is found, consenting with the Apostolic See, and the execution of that definition.
此事也不能再拖延,惟恐——如前所述——他舊有的共融既仍持續,而他已把自己聯於外邦的共融,使徒座也藉他被不忠者的污染所玷污;理應把一個背信者、或一個藐視合宜裁決的人、一個顯然對自己案件絕望的人,從大公與使徒的純全和共融中排除出去。此處若要尋求審查,那麼既無須再有裁判,因為他既已藉自己的書信承認,又在被傳召時懼怕面對合法的裁決;若要探究權威的分量,那麼所見的乃是加采東大公會議的規制,與使徒座相合,以及那定案的執行。
1:929
quo damnati illic erroris communicator effectus praefixae nihilominus ibidem particeps damnationis apparuit, quoniam idem ipse error, qui semel est cum suo auctore damnatus, in participe quolibet prauae communionis effecto et execrationem sui gestat et poenam. hoc tenore etiam Timotheus Helurus atque ipse Alexandrinus Petrus, qui secundam certe sedem quoque modo tenuisse uidebatur, non repetita synodo sed auctoritate tantummodo sedis apostolicae ipso quoque Acacio postulante uel exequente probatur esse damnatus.
Whereby, having become a communicant of the error there condemned, he nonetheless appeared a partaker of the condemnation there pronounced; since that same error which was once condemned together with its author carries both the execration of itself and its penalty in whatever partaker of the depraved communion. By this same tenor Timothy Aelurus and Peter of Alexandria himself—who was seen to have held in some manner the second see as well—are proved to have been condemned, without a synod being resumed but by the authority of the Apostolic See alone, with Acacius himself also demanding or executing it.
因此,他既成了那在該處被定罪之錯謬的共融者,也就顯為該處所宣判之定罪的分享者;因為那曾與其創始者一同被定罪的同一錯謬,在任何墮入邪僻共融的分享者身上,都同時帶著對它自身的咒詛與其刑罰。按這同一規制,提摩太·艾魯魯(貓提摩太),以及亞歷山大的伯多祿本人(此人在某種意義上被視為也曾佔有第二座),都被證明是未曾重開會議、僅憑使徒座的權威而被定罪的,而且亞加修自己也曾要求或執行此事。
1:930
nunc autem ipsi doceant legitime ueraciterque Petrum fuisse purgatum et ab omni haereticorum contagione rite discretum, cum ei communicauit Acacius, si eius communicatorem putant Acacium aliquatenus excusandum; aut si, quod magis est uerum, conuenienter atque legitime Petrum probare non poterunt expiatum (propter quod etiam ad apostolicae sedis iudicium Acacium uel uenire uel destinare non ausus est), restat ut eius inexpiatione fuerit et qui ei communicauit infectus. Non reticemus autem, quod cuncta per mundum nouit ecclesia, quoniam quorumlibet sententiis ligata pontificum sedes beati Petri apostoli ius habeat resoluendi.
But now let them themselves show that Peter had been lawfully and truly purged and rightly separated from all contagion of heretics when Acacius communicated with him, if they think that Acacius, his communicant, is in any degree to be excused; or if—what is more true—they cannot fittingly and lawfully prove Peter to have been cleansed (on account of which Acacius did not even dare either to come or to send to the judgment of the Apostolic See), it remains that the one who communicated with him was also infected by his uncleanness. But we do not keep silent about what the whole Church throughout the world knows, that the see of the blessed apostle Peter has the right of loosing whatever has been bound by the sentences of any pontiffs whatsoever.
如今且讓他們自己證明:當亞加修與伯多祿共融時,伯多祿已被合法而真實地潔淨、並依禮從一切異端的污染中分別出來——他們若以為亞加修這位與他共融者在任何程度上可被開脫的話;然而若——這更合乎真理——他們不能合宜而合法地證明伯多祿曾被潔淨(正因如此,亞加修連前來、或派人到使徒座的裁決前都不敢),那麼所剩的便是:與他共融的那位,也因他的不潔而受了感染。但我們也不緘默那全世界的教會都知道的事,即有福使徒伯多祿的座位,對凡被任何主教的判決所捆綁的,都有解開的權柄。
1:931
utpote quae de omni ecclesia fas habeat iudicandi neque cuiquam de eius liceat iudicare iudicio, siquidem ad illam de qualibet mundi parte canones appellari uoluerint, ab illa autem nemo sit appellare permissus. quapropter satis constat Acacium nullum habuisse pontificium sententiam sedis apostolicae sine ulla eius notione soluendi. dicant certe: qua synodo hoc ille praesumpsit, quod nec sic quidem absque apostolica sede fas haberet efficere? cuius sedis episcopus? cuius metropolitanae ciuitatis antistes? nonne paroeciae Heracliensis ecclesiae?
inasmuch as it has the right of judging concerning the whole Church, and it is lawful for no one to judge concerning its judgment; since the canons have willed that appeal be made to it from any part of the world, but that no one be permitted to appeal from it. Wherefore it is sufficiently established that Acacius had no pontifical authority to loose the sentence of the Apostolic See without any cognizance of it. Let them at least say: by what synod did he presume this, which he would have no right to accomplish even so apart from the Apostolic See? The bishop of what see? The prelate of what metropolitan city? Was it not of the parish of the church of Heraclea?
因為此座對整個教會有審判之權,而任何人都不得對它的裁判加以評斷;既然教規已定意:從世上任何一方都可上訴到它,但無人得從它上訴。因此已充分確立:亞加修並無任何主教的權柄,可以在使徒座毫不知情的情況下解開它的判決。他們至少該說:他是憑哪一次會議擅自作此事的——這事即便如此,離了使徒座他也無權完成?他是哪一座的主教?哪一座大主教之城的主教?豈不是赫拉克利亞教會的教區麼?
1:932
si illi certe licuit sine synodo sententiam apostolicae sedis abrumpere nulla eius consultatione quaesita, itane uero non licuit primae sedi Calcedonensis synodi constituta sicut decuit exequenti huiusmodi praeuaricatorem sua auctoritate detrudere? sed nec illa praeterimus, quod apostolica sedes frequenter, ut dictum est, more maiorum etiam sine ulla synodo praecedente et absoluendi quos synodus inique damnauerat et damnandi nulla existente synodo quos oportuit habuerit facultatem. sanctae memoriae quippe Athanasium synodus Orientalis addixerat; quem tamen exceptum sedes apostolica, quia damnationi Graecorum non consensit, absoluit.
If it was indeed lawful for him without a synod to break off the sentence of the Apostolic See, no consultation of it being sought, was it then in truth not lawful for the first see—executing, as was fitting, the decrees of the Council of Chalcedon—to thrust down by its own authority a prevaricator of this sort? But neither do we pass over this: that the Apostolic See has frequently, as has been said, after the manner of its forebears, even without any synod preceding, had the power both of absolving those whom a synod had unjustly condemned, and of condemning, no synod existing, those whom it behooved. For a synod of the East had condemned Athanasius of holy memory; yet the Apostolic See, excepting him, because it did not consent to the condemnation by the Greeks, absolved him.
他若確可未經會議、也不求諮詢使徒座,就擅自廢除使徒座的判決,那麼難道第一座——如其所當,執行加采東大公會議的定案——反倒無權憑自己的權威把這樣一個背信者貶黜麼?但我們也不略過這一點:如前所述,使徒座屢次按先祖的慣例,即使沒有任何會議在先,也擁有能力:既能赦免那些會議所不公定罪的人,又能在並無會議存在時定那些理應被定之人的罪。因為東方的一次會議曾定聖名可記的亞他那修的罪;然而使徒座卻把他除外,因為它不贊同希臘人的定罪,就赦免了他。
1:933
sanctae memoriae nihilominus Iohannem Constantinopolitanum synodus etiam catholicorum praesulum certe damnarat, quem simili modo sedes apostolica etiam sola. quia non consensit, absoluit, itemque sanctae memoriae Flauianum pontificum Graecorum congregatione damnatum pari tenore, quoniam sola sedes apostolica non consensit. absoluit potiusque qui illic receptus fuerat Dioscorum secundae sedis praesulem sua auctoritate damnauit et impiam synodum non consentiendo sola submouit ac pro ueritate ut synodus Calchedonensis fieret sola decreuit. in qua pontificibus innumeris.
Likewise a synod even of Catholic prelates had indeed condemned John of Constantinople of holy memory, whom in like manner the Apostolic See, even alone, because it did not consent, absolved; and in the same way, Flavian of holy memory, condemned by an assembly of Greek pontiffs, by like tenor, because the Apostolic See alone did not consent, it absolved; and rather it condemned by its own authority Dioscorus, the prelate of the second see, who had there been received, and by not consenting it alone removed the impious synod, and for the truth it alone decreed that the Council of Chalcedon should be held. In which, with countless pontiffs,
照樣,一次甚至由大公主教組成的會議,確曾定聖名可記的君士坦丁堡的約翰的罪,使徒座卻同樣地、甚至獨自一座,因為不贊同,就赦免了他;並且以同樣的方式,聖名可記的弗拉維安被希臘主教的集會所定罪,使徒座也照同樣的規制,因唯獨使徒座不贊同,就赦免了他,反倒憑自己的權威定了在該處被接納的第二座主教狄奧斯柯魯的罪,並唯獨藉著不贊同,除去那不虔的會議,又唯獨為真理而裁定當召開加采東大公會議。在這會議中,有無數的主教,
1:934
qui latrocinio corruerant Epheseno, ueniam poscentibus sola concessit et in sua perfidia permanentes nihilominus sua auctoritate prostrauit. quam congregatio, quae illic pro ueritate reparanda conlecta fuerat, est secuta, quoniam, sicut id, quod prima sedes non probauerat, constare non potuit, sic quod illa censuit iudicandum, ecclesia tota suscepit.
who had fallen through the Ephesine Robbery, it alone granted pardon to those who begged forgiveness, and those remaining in their faithlessness it nonetheless laid low by its own authority. Which the assembly that had been gathered there for the restoration of the truth followed; because, just as that which the first see had not approved could have no standing, so what it judged to be decided, the whole Church accepted.
就是那些藉以弗所的「強盜會議」而墮落的主教,使徒座獨自一座對那些懇求寬赦者賜下赦免,而對那些仍執迷於不忠者,它仍憑自己的權威把他們擊倒。那為恢復真理而聚集在該處的集會便隨從了它;因為正如第一座所未曾認可的便不能成立,照樣它所裁定當判之事,全教會都接受了。
1:935
ubi etiam consequenter ostenditur, quia male gesta synodus, id est contra scripturas sanctas, contra doctrinam patrum, contra ecclesiasticas regulas, quam tota merito ecclesia non recepit et praecipue sedes apostolica non probauit, per bene gestam synodum, id est secundum scripturas sanctas, secundum traditionem patrum, secundum ecclesiasticas regulas pro fide catholica et communione prolatam, quam cuncta recepit ecclesia, quam maxime sedes apostolica conprobauit, ut debuerit, et potuerit inmutari: bene uero gestam synodum iuxta supra dictum modum noua synodo nullatenus inmutandam.
Here too it is consequently shown that a badly conducted synod—that is, one against the holy Scriptures, against the doctrine of the fathers, against the ecclesiastical rules, which the whole Church deservedly did not receive and which above all the Apostolic See did not approve—could and ought to be changed by a well-conducted synod, that is, one held according to the holy Scriptures, according to the tradition of the fathers, according to the ecclesiastical rules, put forth for the Catholic faith and communion, which the whole Church received and which the Apostolic See most of all approved, as it ought; but a synod well conducted in the aforesaid manner is in no way to be changed by a new synod.
在此也隨之顯明:一次惡劣進行的會議——即違背聖經、違背教父教訓、違背教會規章、全教會理所當然地不予接受、尤其使徒座不予認可的會議——能夠、也應當被一次良善進行的會議所更改,即依照聖經、依照教父傳統、依照教會規章、為大公信仰與共融而提出、全教會都接受、尤其使徒座如其所當地最為認可的會議所更改;但一次按上述方式良善進行的會議,卻絕不可被一次新的會議所更改。
1:936
proinde si Eutychem fatentur haereticum, male gestam apud Ephesum synodum, qua est receptus, pariter fatebuntur et perbene gestam synodum Colchedonensem, qua Eutyches uel cum eo sentientes talia sunt reiecti, uelint nolintque consentient. atque ideo bene gestam synodum nouis exagitationibus refricari non licuisse cognoscant.
Accordingly, if they confess Eutyches to be a heretic, they will likewise confess that the synod at Ephesus, by which he was received, was badly conducted, and that the Council of Chalcedon, by which Eutyches and those holding such views with him were rejected, was excellently conducted, whether they will or not. And therefore let them acknowledge that it was not permitted for a well-conducted synod to be chafed anew by fresh agitations.
因此,他們若承認歐迪奇(優迪克)是異端,就同樣要承認:那接納他的以弗所會議乃是惡劣進行的,而那棄絕歐迪奇及與他同持此見之人的加采東大公會議乃是極其良善進行的,無論他們願意與否。所以,讓他們承認:一次良善進行的會議,不容藉新的攪擾再被磨擦滋事。
1:937
qui si forsitan dixerint eo tenore Ephesenam quoque synodum non licuisse mutari, rursus haec eadem, quae supra deprompsimus, planius repetita perpendant, id est quia contra fidem, contra ueritatem communionemque catholicam atque apostolicam uereque Christianam non recte gesta synodus legitima synodo pro fide, ueritate, communione catholica uereque Christiana modis omnibus secludenda est et iniusta synodus iusta synodo submouenda, pro fide autem et ueritate et communione catholica atque apostolica bona synodus uereque Christiana semel acta nulla nec potest nec debet nouae synodi iteratione conuelli sed secundum bene gestam synodum recteque praefixam, si quis ab eius tramite deuiarit, consequenter ac sufficienter eius definitione plectendus meritoque illius subiacet constitutis.
And if perhaps they should say that by the same tenor the Ephesine synod too was not permitted to be changed, let them again weigh more plainly these same things which we have set forth above, namely: that a synod not rightly conducted against the faith, against the truth and against Catholic and apostolic and truly Christian communion is by every means to be shut out by a lawful synod held for faith, truth, and Catholic and truly Christian communion, and an unjust synod is to be removed by a just synod; but a good and truly Christian synod, held for the faith and the truth and Catholic and apostolic communion, once enacted, can neither and ought neither be shaken by any repetition of a new synod, but rather, according to a synod well conducted and rightly established beforehand, if anyone should deviate from its track, he is to be punished consequently and sufficiently by its definition and deservedly lies subject to its decrees.
倘若他們也許會說:按同一規制,以弗所會議也同樣不容被更改,那麼讓他們再更清楚地衡量我們上面所陳述的這些話,即:一次違背信仰、違背真理、違背大公與使徒並真正基督徒之共融而不正當進行的會議,必當被一次為信仰、真理、大公並真正基督徒之共融而召開的合法會議,以一切方式排除出去,不公的會議必當被公正的會議除去;但一次為信仰、真理、以及大公與使徒之共融而召開的良善且真正基督徒的會議,一旦施行,就既不能、也不當被任何新會議的重複所動搖,反倒是:按著一次良善進行、正當在先確立的會議,若有人偏離其軌道,他便當隨之充分地按其定案受罰,並理所當然地服在其規制之下。
1:938
nec opus est per singulos quosque deuiantes iureque plectendos nouas rursus synodos introduci, cum ex illius tramite, quae auctorem cum errore damnauit, quisquis quolibet modo quolibet titulo complex eiusdem fuerit factus erroris et eius se contagione uel communione polluerit, competenter et particeps eiusdem damnationis existat eiusque poena teneatur obstrictus, cuius maluit inire consortium. quaero ergo ab his, quid de Eutyche sentiant: fuisse haereticum an adserunt non fuisse? si non fuisse contendunt, quid ambagibus agunt, quid circuitionibus praestigiisque se contegunt?
Nor is there need for new synods to be introduced again for each and every one of those who deviate and are rightly to be punished, since, by the track of that synod which condemned the author together with the error, whoever in any manner, under any title, has been made an accomplice of the same error and has defiled himself by its contagion or communion, fittingly exists as a partaker also of the same condemnation and is held bound by its penalty, into whose fellowship he chose to enter. I ask therefore of these men what they think concerning Eutyches: do they assert that he was a heretic, or that he was not? If they contend that he was not, why do they act with evasions, why do they cloak themselves with circumlocutions and deceptions?
也無須為每一個偏離、且理當受罰的人,再重新引入新的會議;因為藉著那定其創始者連同錯謬之罪的會議的軌道,凡以任何方式、憑任何名義成了同一錯謬之共犯、並以其污染或共融玷污自己的人,都合宜地也成為同一定罪的分享者,並被其刑罰所束縛——即他所寧願進入其結交的那定罪之刑。因此我向這些人發問,他們對歐迪奇作何想:他們斷定他曾是異端,還是斷定他不是?他們若堅持說他不是,那麼他們為何行事支吾其詞,為何以迂迴曲折、詭詐障眼來遮掩自己?
1:939
palam se Eutychianos esse pronuntient, ut in eius sacrilego furore conuicti ueritatis molibus obruantur aperteque cognoscant, non solum haec ipsa pestis Eutychiana quantum Christiano dogmati probetur inimica sed quantas alias haereses easque grauissimas in sua prauitate contineat, ut in quibus foueis uolutentur et in quod praecipitium barathrumque mergantur, intellegant. simul autem, si Eutychem haereticum negant, omnimodis publicatur, quod ideo de nominibus Eutychianae pesti communicantium suppresso ueluti hoc ipso errore contendunt, ut nos per talium nominum, quod absit, insidias captiosasque tendiculas in Eutychetis insaniam nitantur inducere;
Let them openly declare themselves to be Eutychians, so that, being convicted in his sacrilegious madness, they may be overwhelmed by the mass of truth and may openly recognize not only how greatly this very Eutychian pest is proved hostile to Christian doctrine, but how many other heresies, and those most grievous, it contains in its own depravity; so that they may understand in what pits they wallow and into what precipice and abyss they are plunged. But at the same time, if they deny Eutyches to be a heretic, it is by all means made public that, for this reason, having suppressed as it were this very error, they contend over the names of those communicating with the Eutychian pest, so that they may strive to lead us—which God forbid—through the snares and captious nets of such names into the insanity of Eutyches;
讓他們公然自稱是歐迪奇派,好使他們在他褻瀆的瘋狂中被定罪,被真理的重量所壓倒,並公然認清:不僅這歐迪奇之瘟疫本身被證明何等敵對基督徒的教義,更是它在自己的邪僻中包含著多少其他異端,且是最為嚴重的異端;好使他們明白自己在何等的坑中打滾、被投入何等的懸崖與深淵。但同時,他們若否認歐迪奇是異端,就無論如何昭然若揭:正因如此,他們把這錯謬本身彷彿掩藏起來,卻在那些與歐迪奇之瘟疫共融者的名字上爭辯,好竭力藉這等名字的圈套與詭詐的羅網——但願不至如此——把我們引入歐迪奇的癲狂之中;
1:940
quod quidem, etiamsi non negent, siue scientes siue nescientes facere confutantur.
which indeed, even if they do not deny it, they are refuted as doing it, whether knowingly or unknowingly.
這事實上,即使他們不否認,他們也被駁倒為確在如此行——無論是知情還是不知情。
1:941
sin uero et Eutychen haereticum negare non audent, restat ut contra catholicam fidem non synodum nuncupandam sed conspirationem potius perditorum fuisse consentiant, quae apud Ephesum Eutychete reducto perculit sanctae memoriae Flauianum cunctosque qui illic aderant sacerdotes militari terrore compulerit tanto sceleri praebere consensum, atque ideo nobis necesse est prauam peruersamque conspirationis illius et latrocinalem fuisse perhibeant actionem eamque debuisse modis omnibus aboleri et ideo iustam bonam ueraciter Christianam Chalcedonensem synodum processisse definiant in his, quibus Eutychete depulso cum suo fautore Dioscoro haeresim eorum erroremque damnarit.
But if in truth they do not dare to deny that Eutyches too is a heretic, it remains that they consent that it was not a synod to be so called, but rather a conspiracy of the lost, that against the Catholic faith, at Ephesus, with Eutyches brought back, struck down Flavian of holy memory and by military terror compelled all the priests who were there present to lend their assent to so great a crime; and therefore it is necessary for us that they declare that depraved, perverse, and robber-like was the action of that conspiracy, and that it ought by every means to be abolished; and therefore let them define that the Council of Chalcedon proceeded as just, good, and truly Christian in those matters wherein, with Eutyches driven out together with his abettor Dioscorus, it condemned their heresy and error.
但他們若確不敢否認歐迪奇也是異端,那麼所剩的便是:他們得承認那在以弗所、把歐迪奇復立、擊倒聖名可記的弗拉維安、並以軍事的恐嚇強迫在場的一切司鐸對如此重大罪行表示贊同的,並非一次可被稱為會議的集會,倒不如說是一群沉淪者違背大公信仰的陰謀;因此我們必須要他們宣認:那陰謀的作為乃是邪僻、悖謬、如強盜般的,理當以一切方式廢除;並因此讓他們裁定:加采東大公會議乃是公正、良善、真正基督徒地進行——就是在它把歐迪奇連同其黨羽狄奧斯柯魯逐出、定他們的異端與錯謬之罪的那些事上。
1:942
hanc ergo synodum, ut dictum est, bonam ueram iustam Christianamque esse non dubitent, per quam illa noxia sit remota; perspiciant ergo tandemque concedant quod. quisquis ab eius iustae et Christianae ueraeque synodi fide communione et ueritate deuiarit uel ab ea deuiantibus sese communione miscuerit, sufficienter atque competenter secundum ipsius definita teneatur obstrictus, quoniam mala synodus bona debuit submoueri, bona uero synodus nulla causa est cur alia debeat synodo retractari. ne ipsa retractatio eius constitutis deroget firmitatem.
Therefore let them not doubt that this synod, as has been said, is good, true, just, and Christian, through which that harmful one was removed; let them therefore perceive and at last concede that whoever deviates from the faith, communion, and truth of that just and Christian and true synod, or mingles himself in communion with those deviating from it, is sufficiently and fittingly held bound according to its own definitions; since a bad synod ought to be removed by a good one, but there is no cause why a good synod ought to be retracted by another synod, lest the retraction itself detract from the firmness of its decrees.
因此,讓他們不要懷疑:如前所述,這藉以除去那有害會議的會議乃是良善、真實、公正、且基督徒的;所以讓他們看清、並最終承認:凡偏離那公正、基督徒、真實之會議的信仰、共融與真理的人,或使自己與偏離它的人在共融中相混的人,都按其自身的定案而充分且合宜地被束縛;因為惡的會議理當被良善的會議除去,而良善的會議卻沒有理由該被另一次會議翻案,免得那翻案本身削弱其規制的穩固。
1:943
proinde quicumque congregationis Ephesenae tenentur affectu, quid adhuc Acacii tantummodo nomen obtendunt et non palam se sectatores Eutychetis, qui illic receptus fuerat. profitentur ? quod si refugiunt atque Eutychen se perhibent execrari.
Accordingly, whoever are held by attachment to the Ephesine assembly, why do they still hold up merely the name of Acacius and not openly profess themselves followers of Eutyches, who had there been received? But if they shun this and profess that they execrate Eutyches,
因此,凡仍執著於以弗所集會的人,為何還單單舉出亞加修的名字,而不公然自認為是歐迪奇(那在該處被接納者)的追隨者呢?他們若逃避此事,並聲稱自己憎惡歐迪奇,
1:944
simul ergo et Ephesenam, qua male receptus est, conspirationem iure cassatam et Calchedonensem synodum, qua reiectus est, merito consentient institutam atque ita synodum, quae pro fide et communione et ueritate catholica atque apostolica sit praefixa, secundum ueterum formam, sicut dictum est, perspicient nouellis non potuisse quaestionibus uentilari sed iuxta eius tenorem semel legitime iusteque depromptum et iure probari recta sectantes et sentientes contraria refutari. quod sedes apostolica sicut decuit antiqua traditione custodiens non synodum duxit iterandam sed in eius praeuaricatore pellendo hanc eandem synodum potius exequendam.
then at once they will consent both that the Ephesine conspiracy, by which he was wrongly received, was rightly annulled, and that the Council of Chalcedon, by which he was rejected, was deservedly established; and thus they will perceive that a synod which was established for the Catholic and apostolic faith and communion and truth, according to the form of the ancients, as has been said, could not be ventilated by novel questions, but that, according to its tenor once lawfully and justly set forth, those pursuing right things are to be justly approved and those holding contrary things refuted. And the Apostolic See, guarding this as was fitting by ancient tradition, judged that the synod was not to be repeated, but rather that in the expelling of its prevaricator this same synod was to be executed.
那麼他們立時就要同時承認:那不正當地接納他的以弗所陰謀理當被廢除,而那棄絕他的加采東大公會議理當被確立;如此他們就會看清:一次為大公與使徒之信仰、共融並真理而確立的會議,如前所述按古人的規式,不能藉新奇的問題被翻攪,反倒是:按其一經合法而公正地提出的規制,那些追隨正確之事的人當被公正地認可,而那些持相反之見的人當被駁斥。使徒座既如其所當地按古傳統守護此事,就裁定:那會議不當重開,倒不如說在逐出其背信者一事上,正當執行這同一會議。
1:945
Quapropter si quis adhuc secundum Chalcedonensem synodum haec ab apostolica sede gesta reprehendit, praeter quod et hac, quam superius adstruximus, et multiplici potest ratione conuinci, multo magis tamen Acacio non licuisse fatebitur ista temptare.
Wherefore, if anyone still, according to the Council of Chalcedon, reproves these things done by the Apostolic See, besides that he can be refuted both by this reasoning which we have built up above and by manifold reasoning, yet much more will he confess that it was not permitted to Acacius to attempt these things.
因此,若有人仍按加采東大公會議責備使徒座所行的這些事,那麼除了他能被我們上面所建立的這一推理、以及多重的推理所駁倒之外,他更要承認:亞加修根本不容擅自嘗試這些事。
1:946
dicat ergo, qua ipse synodo Iohannem secundae sedis antistitem qualemcumque, certe catholicum et a catholicis ordinatum nec de catholica fide et communione aliquatenus impetitum, duxerit excludendum et haereticum manifestum Petrum sua quoque executione damnatum pontifici catholico permiserit subrogari, cum etiamsi reus manifestus esset Iohannes, post eum saltem catholicum conuenisset praefici sacerdotem, sicut ipse quoque suis sacris sanctae memoriae Timotheo catholico in Alexandria faciendum promisisse legitur imperator.
Let him therefore say by what synod he judged that John, the bishop of the second see, whatever sort of man—certainly a Catholic and ordained by Catholics, and in no way assailed concerning the Catholic faith and communion—was to be excluded, and permitted that Peter, a manifest heretic condemned even by his own execution, be substituted for a Catholic pontiff; when, even if John had been a manifest culprit, at least after him it would have been fitting that a Catholic priest be set in his place—just as the emperor himself is read to have promised by his own sacred rescripts that this should be done for Timothy of holy memory, a Catholic, at Alexandria.
那麼讓他說:他是憑哪一次會議裁定第二座的主教約翰(無論是何等樣人——他確是大公信徒、由大公信徒所祝聖,且在大公信仰與共融上絲毫未受指控)當被排除,並容許以伯多祿——一個明顯的異端,甚至被他自己的執行所定罪者——來替代一位大公主教?因為即使約翰是明顯的罪人,至少在他之後,也理當立一位大公司鐸接替其位——正如皇帝本人在自己的聖諭中被讀到曾應許:當為聖名可記的、大公信徒的提摩太在亞歷山大如此行。
1:947
qua synodo tertiae sedis episcopum Calendionem idem expelli fecit Acacius ac nihilominus eidem Petrum tam haereticum manifestum, ut eidem palam nec se communicare praetenderet, sua passus est dispositione substitui? qua denique per totum Orientem synodo eiectis orthodoxis nullo crimine maculatis prauos quosque et criminibus inuolutos sua prouisione supposuit? qua synodo tot aliena priuilegia nefandus populator inuasit? sed libri non sufficiunt, si tragoedias eius, quas per ecclesias totius Orientis exercuit, singillatim scribere moliamur. An illud ipsius argumentum nobis aestimant opponendum, quo facinora sua in imperialem nisus est iactare personam?
By what synod did that same Acacius cause the bishop of the third see, Calendion, to be expelled, and nonetheless suffer that Peter—so manifest a heretic that he pretended not even openly to communicate with him—be substituted in his place by his own arrangement? By what synod, finally, throughout the whole East did he, with the orthodox cast out, stained by no crime, subject by his own provision those who were depraved and entangled in crimes? By what synod did that abominable plunderer invade so many privileges belonging to others? But books do not suffice, if we should endeavor to write out one by one the tragedies which he perpetrated through the churches of the whole East. Or do they think that argument of his is to be set against us, whereby he strove to throw his crimes upon the imperial person?
那同一亞加修是憑哪一次會議使第三座的主教卡倫迪翁被逐出,卻仍容許憑他自己的安排以伯多祿(一個如此明顯的異端,以致他公然假裝連自己都不與之共融)替代其位?他最終又是憑哪一次會議,在整個東方把毫無罪污的正統主教逐出,並憑自己的處置把那些邪僻、纏於罪中的人置於其位?那可憎的掠奪者是憑哪一次會議侵吞了他人如此眾多的特權?倘若我們試圖逐一寫下他在整個東方各教會所演出的悲劇,書卷也不夠用。難道他們以為該把他那論據拿來反駁我們,就是他竭力把自己的罪行推諉到皇帝身上的那論據麼?
1:948
cur igitur, quando uoluit, obstitit Basilisco, tyranno certe et haeretico uehementer infesto ? cur ipsi imperatori Zenoni, quia palam Antiocheno Petro noluit communicare, suam non subdidit uoluntatem? ecce potuit et in aliis resultare, si uellet. sed ut ea quae latius explicanda sunt omittamus, quid, quod ipse Zenon imperator suis litteris profitetur cuncta sese ex Acacii gessisse consilio nec hoc eum fallere litteris suis ipse pariter testatur Acacius, qui et eum nihilominus uniuersa recte gessisse conscripsit et suo consilio haec eadem gesta non tacuit?
Why then, when he wished, did he resist Basiliscus, a tyrant indeed and vehemently hostile as a heretic? Why did he not submit his own will to the emperor Zeno himself, because he was unwilling openly to communicate with Peter of Antioch? Behold, he could resist in other matters too, if he wished. But—to pass over those things which need to be more fully explained—what of the fact that the emperor Zeno himself professes in his own letters that he did all things by the counsel of Acacius, and that this did not escape him, Acacius himself likewise testifies by his own letters, who both wrote that Zeno had rightly done all things and did not keep silent that these same things were done by his own counsel?
那麼為何當他願意時,他能抵抗巴西利斯庫——一個確是僭主、作為異端而極其兇惡的人?為何他不肯把自己的意願屈從於皇帝澤諾本人,因為他不願公然與安提阿的伯多祿共融?看哪,他若願意,在別的事上也能抗拒。但——姑且撇下那些須更充分解說之事——皇帝澤諾本人在自己的書信中承認:他一切所行都是憑亞加修的謀劃,而這事並未瞞過他,亞加修本人也同樣藉自己的書信作證,他既寫道澤諾一切所行皆屬正當,又不緘默這同樣的事乃是憑他自己的謀劃而行,這又當如何看待?
1:949
quasi uero tantum in Alexandrini Petri communione Acacius praeuaricator extiterit et non in omnibus, quos uel fecit depulsis catholicis pontificibus tamquam tyrannus ecclesiis quibusque praeponi uel taliter praepositis peruersa communione permixtus est! qui hoc ipso secundum canones fuerant ab ecclesiastica communione pellendi, quo se passi sunt successores uiuis sacerdotibus adhiberi. quis autem non perspiciat Christianus, quod catholicis pontificibus propria sede deiectis non nisi haeretici potuerint introduci? quibus tamen cunctis uel auctor fuit Acacius subrogandis uel subrogatis communicator accessit, his utique, qui a communione haereticorum nullatenus discrepabant.
As though Acacius the prevaricator existed only in the communion of Peter of Alexandria, and not in all those whom he either caused, with the Catholic pontiffs expelled, to be set over the several churches like a tyrant, or was mingled with by a perverse communion when they had been thus set over! Who by this very fact ought, according to the canons, to have been driven from ecclesiastical communion, in that they suffered themselves to be brought in as successors while the priests were still living. And what Christian does not perceive that, with the Catholic pontiffs cast out from their own see, none but heretics could be brought in? To all of whom, however, Acacius was either the author of their being substituted or, once they were substituted, joined as a communicant—to these very men, that is, who in no way differed from the communion of heretics.
彷彿背信者亞加修只在亞歷山大伯多祿的共融中犯罪,而不在那一切人身上犯罪——就是他把大公主教逐出後、像僭主一般使他們被立於各教會,或在他們如此被立後、以悖謬的共融與他們相混的那些人!這些人單憑他們在司鐸尚存活時竟容自己被引為繼任者這一事,就理當按教規被逐出教會的共融。哪一個基督徒看不出:既把大公主教從其本座逐出,能被引入的除了異端別無他人?然而亞加修對這一切人,或作了他們被替補的主謀,或在他們被替補後作了共融者而加入——即加入這些絲毫不與異端之共融有別的人。
1:950
cur ergo uel cum haec so fieri uideret Acacius non sicut sub Basilisco iam fecerat ad apostolicam sedem referre curauit, ut, si solus ipse non poterat, iunctis cum eadem consiliis atque tractatibus apud imperatorem possent, quae religioni conpeterent, allegari?
Why then, even when Acacius saw these things being done, did he not take care to refer them to the Apostolic See, as he had already done under Basiliscus, so that, if he alone could not, then with counsels and deliberations joined with it, those things which befitted religion might be alleged before the emperor?
那麼為何,即使亞加修看見這些事正在進行,他卻不像在巴西利斯庫治下已做過的那樣,設法把它們呈報使徒座,好使——他若獨自不能——就與使徒座聯合謀議商討,把那些合乎信仰之事在皇帝面前陳明呢?
1:951
nam si Basiliscus, ut dictum est, tyrannus et haereticus scriptis apostolicae sedis uehementer infractus est et a plurimis reuocatus excessibus, quanto magis legitimus imperator, qui se catholicum uideri uolebat, potuit cum apostolica sede cunctorum quoque pontificum moderata suggestione mitigari, praecipue cum eiusdem Acacii esset specialis fautor et amator et qui litteris suis tam ipsum Acacium quam sanctae memoriae papam Simplicium magnis laudibus extulisse doceretur, quod haereticis constantissime restitisset? cur tanto tempore Acacius inter ista conticuit, nisi quia praepediri nolebat ullatenus, quae pro haereticis desiderabat impleri?
For if Basiliscus, as has been said, a tyrant and a heretic, was vehemently broken by the writings of the Apostolic See and recalled from very many excesses, how much more could a lawful emperor, who wished to be seen as Catholic, have been mollified by the Apostolic See together with the tempered suggestion of all the pontiffs—especially since he was a special favorer and lover of that same Acacius, and one who by his own letters is shown to have extolled with great praises both Acacius himself and Pope Simplicius of holy memory, because he had most constantly resisted the heretics? Why for so long a time did Acacius keep silent amid these things, except because he was unwilling to have hindered in any way those things which he desired to be fulfilled on behalf of the heretics?
因為巴西利斯庫既如前所述、身為僭主與異端,尚被使徒座的文書強力挫折、並從許多過犯中被喚回,那麼一位願被看為大公信徒的合法皇帝,豈不更能藉使徒座、連同眾主教審慎的進言而被安撫麼?尤其他既是那同一亞加修的特別支持者與愛慕者,並被證明曾在自己的書信中以極大的稱讚推崇亞加修本人以及聖名可記的教宗辛普利修,因後者極其堅定地抵擋了異端。亞加修在這些事中為何長久緘默,若非因他不願以任何方式阻礙他所渴望為異端成就之事呢?
1:952
Ponamus tamen etiamsi nulla synodus praecessisset, cuius apostolica sedes recte fieret executrix: cum quibus erat de Acacio synodus ineunda? numquid cum his, qui iam participes tenebantur Acacio et per Orientem totum catholicis sacerdotibus uiolenter exclusis perque exilia diuersa relegatis socii euidenter existebant communionis externae, prius se ad haec consortia transferentes quam sedis apostolicae scita consulerent? cum quibus ergo erat synodus ineunda?
Let us however suppose that, even if no synod had preceded of which the Apostolic See could rightly become the executrix: with whom was a synod to be entered upon concerning Acacius? Surely not with those who were already held as partakers with Acacius and, throughout the whole East, with the Catholic priests violently excluded and relegated into various exiles, were evidently associates of the external communion, transferring themselves to these fellowships before they consulted the decrees of the Apostolic See? With whom then was a synod to be entered upon?
然而,讓我們姑且假設:即使並無會議在先、可讓使徒座正當地成為其執行者:那麼論到亞加修,該與誰召開會議呢?難道是與那些已然被視為與亞加修同夥、並在整個東方——大公司鐸被強行逐出、被放逐到各處流亡之地——顯然是外邦共融之同黨的人麼?這些人在諮詢使徒座的裁定之前,就已把自己轉入這些結交。那麼該與誰召開會議呢?
1:953
catholici pontifices fuerant undique iam depulsi solique remanserant socii perfidorum, cum quibus iam nec licebat habere conuentum, quia moris ecclesiastici omnino non esset cum his, qui pollutam communionem tenerent permixtamque cum perfidis, ullum miscere concilium propheta quoque dicente: non sedi in concilio uanitatis et cum iniqua gerentibus non introibo, odiui congregationem malignorum et cum impiis non sedebo. recte igitur per Calcedonensis synodi formam huiusmodi praeuaricatio repulsa est potius quam ad concilium, quod nec opus erat post primam synodum nec cum talibus haberi licebat, adducta est.
The Catholic pontiffs had already been driven out from everywhere, and there remained alone the associates of the faithless, with whom it was no longer even lawful to hold an assembly, because it was in no way of ecclesiastical custom to mingle any council with those who held a defiled communion mixed with the faithless—the prophet also saying: 'I have not sat in the council of vanity, and I will not go in with those who do iniquity; I have hated the assembly of the malignant, and I will not sit with the impious.' Rightly therefore, by the form of the Council of Chalcedon, prevarication of this kind was repelled, rather than being brought to a council, which after the first synod was neither needed nor permitted to be held with such men.
大公的主教已從各處被逐出,所剩的唯有那些不忠者的同黨,與他們甚至再不容舉行任何集會,因為與那些持守受玷污、雜有不忠者之共融的人共聚任何會議,全然不合教會的慣例——先知也說:「我沒有在虛妄的會中坐過,也不與作惡的人同進;我恨惡惡人的聚會,必不與不虔者同坐。」因此,這等背信理當藉加采東大公會議的規式被拒絕,而非被帶到一次會議中去——這會議在第一次大公會議之後既不需要,也不容與這樣的人一同舉行。
1:954
nam et quid ageretur de fide catholica, si intellegere uoluissent, ignorare non poterant, cum uiderent catholicos pontifices nulla synodi discussione, nullo concilio, praecipue cum nouas causas esse perpenderent, toto Oriente depelli, et ceteri quid cauerent ex illorum discere qualitate potuissent. restat igitur, ut illius partis eos fuisse sit clarum, cui se post tot experimenta dediderunt, meritoque ab apostolica sede ceterisque catholicis non iam consulendi erant potius sed notandi. Risimus autem, quod praerogatiuam uolunt Acacio conparari, quia episcopus fuerit regiae ciuitatis. numquid apud Rauennam, apud Mediolanum, apud Sirmium, apud Triueros multis temporibus non constitit imperator?
For also what was being done concerning the Catholic faith, if they had been willing to understand, they could not be ignorant of, since they saw the Catholic pontiffs being driven out of the whole East with no discussion of a synod, with no council—especially when they should have weighed that the cases were new; and the rest could have learned from the quality of those men what they should beware of. It remains therefore that it be clear that they were of that party to which, after so many proofs, they gave themselves; and deservedly they were no longer to be consulted by the Apostolic See and the other Catholics, but rather to be marked. But we laughed that they wish a prerogative to be conferred on Acacius because he was bishop of the royal city. Did not the emperor for many times reside at Ravenna, at Milan, at Sirmium, at Trier?
因為就連那論到大公信仰所正在進行之事,他們若肯明白,也不能不知,既然他們看見大公主教毫無會議的審議、毫無公會,就被逐出整個東方——尤其當他們該衡量到這些案件乃是新的;其餘的人本可從那些人的境遇學到自己當提防什麼。所以所剩的便是:清楚可見他們乃屬那一黨——就是他們在如此眾多的憑證之後所投靠的一黨;他們理所當然地不再是使徒座及其他大公信徒當去諮詢的對象,倒不如說是當被標記譴責的對象。但我們發笑,因為他們想把某種優先權加給亞加修,理由是他曾作京城的主教。皇帝豈不是曾多次駐蹕於拉溫納、於米蘭、於西爾米烏姆、於特里爾麼?
1:955
numquidnam harum urbium sacerdotes ultra mensuram sibimet antiquitus deputa tam quippiam suis dignitatibus usurparunt? numquid Acacius ut Iohannem qualemlibet hominem, catholicum tamen a catholicis ordinatum, de Alexandria excluderet Petrumque in haeresi iam detectum atque damnatum absque sedis apostolicae consultatione reciperet, aliqua synodo saltem illic habita hoc audacter arripuit? ut Calendionem de Antiochia depelleret haereticumque Petrum, quem ipse quoque damnauerat, absque notitia sedis apostolicae rursus admitteret, aliqua synodo id fecisse monstratur? si certe de dignitate agitur ciuitatum.
Did the priests of these cities ever usurp anything for their own dignities beyond the measure anciently assigned to them? Did Acacius, in order to exclude John—whatever sort of man, yet a Catholic ordained by Catholics—from Alexandria, and to receive Peter, already detected and condemned in heresy, without consultation of the Apostolic See, boldly seize upon this with at least some synod held there? Is he shown to have done it by any synod, so as to drive Calendion from Antioch and again admit the heretic Peter, whom he himself too had condemned, without the cognizance of the Apostolic See? If indeed it is a question of the dignity of cities:
這些城的司鐸可曾為自己的尊位僭取任何超過古時所分派給他們之限度的東西麼?亞加修為了把約翰(無論何等樣人,卻是由大公信徒所祝聖的大公信徒)從亞歷山大排除、並在未諮詢使徒座的情況下接納已在異端中被察覺並定罪的伯多祿,可曾至少在該處舉行過某次會議,才如此膽大妄為地攫取此事麼?他把卡倫迪翁從安提阿逐出、又在未經使徒座知情下重新接納那連他自己也曾定罪的異端伯多祿,這可被證明是憑任何會議所行的麼?若這確是有關諸城尊位的問題:
1:956
secundae sedis et tertiae maior est dignitas sacerdotum quam eius ciuitatis, quae non solum inter sedes minime numeratur sed nec inter metropolitanorum iura censetur. nam quod dicitis \'regiae ciuitatis\', alia potestas est regni saecularis, alia ecclesiasticarum distributio dignitatum. sicut enim quamuis parua ciuitas praerogatiuam praesentis regni non minuit, sic imperialis praesentia mensuram dispensationis religiosae non mutat. sit clara urbs illa potestate praesentis imperii, religio sub eadem tunc firma, tunc libera, tunc prouecta consistit, si potius hoc praesente propriam teneat sine ulla perturbatione mensuram.
the dignity of the priests of the second and third sees is greater than that of that city, which is not only in no way numbered among the sees, but is not even reckoned among the rights of metropolitans. For as to what you say, 'of the royal city'—the power of a worldly kingdom is one thing, the distribution of ecclesiastical dignities another. For just as a city, however small, does not diminish the prerogative of the present kingdom, so the imperial presence does not change the measure of religious dispensation. Let that city be renowned by the power of the present empire; religion under it then stands firm, then free, then advanced, if rather, this being present, it holds its own measure without any disturbance.
那麼第二座與第三座之司鐸的尊位,勝過那座城的尊位——那城不但絲毫不被列於諸座之中,甚至不被算在諸大主教之權柄之列。因為就你們所說的「京城」而言:屬世之國的權力是一回事,教會諸尊位的分配是另一回事。因為正如一座城無論何等微小,都不減損當今王國的優先權,照樣皇帝的臨在也不改變信仰職分的限度。願那城因當今帝國的權力而顯赫;信仰在其下,惟有當它縱在此臨在之下仍毫無擾亂地守住自己的限度時,方才穩固、方才自由、方才長進。
1:957
postremo si sibi de imperatoris praesentia blandiuntur et inde putant Constantinopolitanae ciuitatis episcopi potiorem fieri posse personam, audiant Marcianum eiusdem principem ciuitatis. posteaquam pro augmento urbis ipsius sacerdotis intercessor accedens contra regulas optinere nihil potuit, sanctae memoriae papam Leonem summis laudibus prosecutum. quod canonum regulas uiolari nulla fuerit ratione perpessus;
Finally, if they flatter themselves concerning the presence of the emperor and think that from this the person of the bishop of the city of Constantinople can be made more prominent, let them hear Marcian, the prince of that same city, who, after the intercessor coming forward on behalf of the aggrandizement of that city's bishop could obtain nothing against the rules, followed up Pope Leo of holy memory with the highest praises, because he by no reasoning suffered the rules of the canons to be violated;
最後,他們若因皇帝的臨在而自誇,並以為君士坦丁堡城的主教之身分可因此變得更為顯要,那麼就讓他們聽那同一城的君王馬爾西安:當那為抬高該城主教而挺身出面的說項者,違背規章卻絲毫不能得逞之後,馬爾西安便以最高的稱讚推崇聖名可記的教宗良(利奧),因為良絕不以任何理由容許教規的規章被違犯;
1:958
audiant Anatolium eiusdem sedis antistitem clerum potius Constantinopolitanum quam se temptasse talia confitentem atque in apostolici praesulis totum dicentem positum potestate ipsumque beatum papam Leonem sedis apostolicae praesulem, cuius synodus Chalcedonensis auctoritate firmata est, quidquid ultra quam ab eodem pro fide et communione catholica atque apostolica illic agendum constaret esse delegatum, per occasionem congregationis illius praeter Nicaenos canones noua uideretur actione temptatum, conpetenti refutatione uacuasse eaque nihilominus etiam sub sanctae memoriae papa Simplicio legatum sedis apostolicae sanctae memoriae Probum Canusinae urbis episcopum Leone principe tunc petente praesente docuisse nullatenus posse temptari neque his prorsus praebuisse consensum;
let them hear Anatolius, the prelate of that same see, confessing that it was rather the Constantinopolitan clergy than he himself that had attempted such things, and saying that the whole matter was placed in the power of the apostolic prelate; and that the blessed Pope Leo himself, the prelate of the Apostolic See, by whose authority the Council of Chalcedon was confirmed, emptied by a competent refutation whatever, beyond what had been agreed to be delegated by him to be done there for the Catholic and apostolic faith and communion, seemed to have been attempted by a new action against the Nicene canons on occasion of that assembly; and that nonetheless, even under Pope Simplicius of holy memory, the legate of the Apostolic See, Probus of holy memory, bishop of the city of Canusium, at the request of the emperor Leo then present, taught that these things could in no way be attempted, and gave no consent to them at all.
讓他們也聽那同一座的主教阿納托略:他承認乃是君士坦丁堡的教士、而非他本人,嘗試了這樣的事,並說整件事都置於使徒座主教的權柄之下;他還說,有福的教宗良本人——使徒座的主教、加采東大公會議正是憑其權威得以確立——曾以合宜的駁斥廢除了那超出範圍之事:即凡越過那已議定、由良所委派在該處為大公與使徒之信仰與共融而當行之事,藉那集會的機緣、以違背尼西亞教規的新舉措所嘗試的一切;而且即便在聖名可記的教宗辛普利修治下,使徒座的使者、聖名可記的卡努西烏姆城主教普羅布斯,也曾應當時在場的皇帝良之請求,教導說這些事絕不可嘗試,並對它們毫不表示贊同。
1:959
atque ideo non ad ciuitatis cuiuslibet respiciant qualitatem sed modum dispensationis ecclesiasticae paterna traditione firmatum conuenienter obseruent. Dicatur autem de Alexandrino et Antiocheno episcopis certis ex causis principem magis illa, quae gesta sunt, non Acacium praecepisse. sed principi Christiano decuerat suggerere sacerdotem, maxime cuius familiaritate et fauore fruebatur, saluam fore de eiusdem iniuria contumeliaque uindictam, tantum ut ecclesiae sineret Christianus princeps regulas custodiri, quia et noua in utroque pontifice causa esset exorta et nouam discussionem consequenter inquireret, et.
And therefore let them not have regard to the rank of any particular city, but let them fittingly observe the manner of ecclesiastical governance as established by the tradition of the fathers. But let it be said concerning the bishops of Alexandria and Antioch that for certain reasons it was the emperor, rather than Acacius, who commanded the things that were done. Yet it would have befitted a bishop to suggest to a Christian prince — especially one of whose intimacy and favor he enjoyed — that redress for the wrong and outrage done to that same bishop would be secured only if the Christian prince allowed the rules of the Church to be preserved, since a new case had arisen in the matter of both bishops and consequently called for a new examination; and —
因此,他們不當顧念任何城市的地位高低,而應合宜地遵守由列祖傳統所確立的教會治理方式。至於亞歷山大與安提阿的主教,當說,基於某些緣由,是君王而非亞加修下令做了那些事。然而,一位主教本該向一位基督徒君王進言——尤其是一位他享有其親近與恩寵的君王——就是說:唯有當這位基督徒君王容許教會的規章得以保全,對這主教所受的傷害與凌辱,方能有穩妥的伸雪;因為在這兩位主教的事上已生出新的案由,理應隨之尋求新的審查;而且——
1:960
sicut semper esset effectum ac diuinae pariter leges humanaeque censerent, ut sacerdotali concilio de sacerdotibus iudicia prouenirent, non a saeculari uiderentur qualescumque pontifices, etsi errore humanitus accedente non tamen religionem ullatenus excedentes. potestate percelli. an ad haec iusta ratione principi suggerenda non erat regiae ciuitatis honore sublimis? si factus erat illa regia ciuitate sublimior, tanto magis in his suggerendis debuit esse constantior; si autem in his, quae pro religione fuerant exserenda, extitit contemptibilis atque despectus et aut segnis aut fiduciam non habens intimandi. in quo per regiam ciuitatem maior effectus est?
just as it has ever been the practice, and as both divine and human laws alike decree, that judgments concerning priests should proceed from a council of priests, and that bishops of whatever sort — even if human error crept in, yet in no way departing from the faith — should not be seen struck down by secular power. Or was he who was exalted by the honor of the royal city not the man to suggest these things to the prince by just reasoning? If he had been made loftier by that royal city, then all the more in suggesting these matters he ought to have been more steadfast; but if in those things which had to be put forth on behalf of religion he stood forth contemptible and despised, and either slothful or lacking the confidence to declare them — in what respect has he been made greater through the royal city?
正如向來的慣例,也是神律與人律所共同裁定的:關於神職人員的審判,應出自神職人員的會議,並且無論何等主教——縱使有出於人性的錯誤混入,卻絲毫未偏離信仰——都不當被看為受世俗權力所擊倒。難道那因王城之尊榮而被高舉的人,竟不是以公義的理由向君王進言之人嗎?他若因那王城而被高舉得更高,那麼在進言這些事上就更當更加堅定;但他若在那些應為信仰而彰顯的事上顯得卑微可鄙、被人輕看,或懶散、或無膽陳明——那麼他藉著王城究竟在何處被造成了更大呢?
1:961
an ut per eam suae praeuaricationis exereret potius tyrannidem quam causas religionis legitime procuraret? Nathan propheta palam publiceque in facie regi Dauid et commissum pronuntiauit errorem et ipsum conmisisse non tacuit et confessione correctum consequenter absoluit. beatae memoriae Ambrosius Mediolanensis sacerdos ecclesiae maiori Theodosio imperatori communionem publice palamque suspendit atque ad paenitentiam redegit regiam potestatem. beatae memoriae papa Leo. sicut legitur, imperatorem Theodosium iuniorem Epheseno latrocinio libere coarguit excedentem.
Or was it that through it he might rather exercise the tyranny of his own transgression than lawfully attend to the cause of religion? The prophet Nathan, openly and publicly to the face of King David, both declared the error committed and did not keep silent that he himself had committed it, and then, when he was corrected by confession, absolved him accordingly. Ambrose of blessed memory, bishop of the church of Milan, publicly and openly suspended the elder Theodosius the emperor from communion and reduced the royal power to penance. Pope Leo of blessed memory, as we read, freely rebuked the emperor Theodosius the younger when he transgressed at the Robber-Council of Ephesus.
抑或是他藉著它,寧可施行自己僭越的暴政,而非合法地料理信仰的事務?先知拿單公然當眾,面對面地向大衛王宣告他所犯的錯,並未緘默不言他自己犯了此事;及至大衛藉認罪而得糾正,便隨即赦免了他。蒙福記念的安波羅修,米蘭教會的主教,公開而公然地將老狄奧多西皇帝停止聖餐,並使王權俯就悔改。蒙福記念的良教宗,如經上所讀,在以弗所匪類會議上曾坦然斥責逾越規範的小狄奧多西皇帝。
1:962
sanctae memoriae quoque papa Hilarus Anthemium imperatorem, cum Filotheus Macedonianus eius familiaritate suffultus diuersarum conciliabula noua sectarum in urbem uellet inducere, apud beatum Petrum apostolum palam, ne id fieret, clara uoce constrinxit in tantum, ut non ea facienda cum interpositione sacramenti idem promitteret imperator. sanctae memoriae nihilominus papa Simplicius et post eum sanctae memoriae papa Felix non solum Basiliscum tyrannum sed etiam imperatorem Zenonem pro isdem ipsis excessibus auctoritate libera saepius increpasse noscuntur flectique potuisset.
The holy-memoried pope Hilarus likewise, when Philotheus the Macedonian, upheld by that emperor's intimacy, wished to introduce into the city new conventicles of divers sects, publicly restrained the emperor Anthemius at the shrine of blessed Peter the apostle with a clear voice, that this should not be done, to such a degree that the emperor promised, under the sanction of an oath, that those things should not be carried out. No less did the holy-memoried pope Simplicius, and after him the holy-memoried pope Felix, more than once rebuke with free authority not only the tyrant Basiliscus but also the emperor Zeno for these very same excesses — and he might have been swayed,
同樣,聖潔記念的希拉略教宗,當那馬其頓派的腓羅提烏憑藉皇帝的親近,想要把各樣異端的新集會引進城中時,便在使徒聖彼得的聖所前,以清晰的聲音公開約束皇帝安特彌烏,不許此事發生,以致那皇帝藉起誓應許不作那些事。聖潔記念的辛普利修教宗,以及在他之後的聖潔記念的斐理斯教宗,也都以自由的權柄多次斥責的,不僅是僭主巴西利斯古,還有皇帝芝諾,為的正是這些同樣的踰越——他本可被勸轉,
1:963
nisi Constantinopolitani praesulis accenderetur instinctu, qui particeps externae communionis effectus necessario, in quod inciderat, iam fouebat, malens in suae praeuaricationis obstinatione persistere quam curandus ad salubria remeare, sicut ipse rerum probauit euentus. ecce nuper Honorico regi Uandalicae nationis uir magnus et egregius sacerdos Eugenius Cartaginensis episcopus multique cum eodem catholici sacerdotes constanter restitere saeuienti cunctaque extrema tolerantes hodieque persecutoribus resistere non omittunt. nos quoque Odouacri barbaro haeretico regnum Italiae tunc tenenti, cum aliqua non facienda praeciperet, deo praestante nullatenus paruisse manifestum est.
had he not been inflamed at the instigation of the prelate of Constantinople, who, having necessarily become a sharer of an alien communion, now fostered that into which he had fallen, preferring to persist in the obstinacy of his own transgression rather than, needing healing, to return to what was wholesome — as the very outcome of events proved. Behold, lately, when Honoric king of the Vandal nation was commanding certain things that ought not to be done, Eugenius bishop of Carthage, a great and outstanding man and priest, together with many catholic priests, steadfastly resisted the raging king, and, enduring all extremities, even today they do not fail to resist their persecutors. We too, it is manifest, by God's help in no wise obeyed Odoacer, the barbarian heretic then holding the kingdom of Italy, when he commanded certain things that ought not to be done.
若非他被君士坦丁堡主教的煽動所激動;那主教既已不得已成了與外邦人相通的同夥,便如今扶持自己所陷入的錯謬,寧可固執地堅持自己的踰越,也不肯需要醫治而回歸有益之事——正如事態的結局所證明的。看哪,近來當汪達爾民族的君王洪內里克命令某些不當作之事時,迦太基的主教尤金尼烏,這位偉大卓越的人與神職者,連同許多公教的神職人員,堅定地抵擋那暴怒的君王,並忍受一切極刑,直到今日仍不停止抵抗逼迫者。我們也是如此:當那把持義大利王國、蠻族異端的奧多亞塞命令某些不當作之事時,藉著神的扶助,我們斷然不曾順從,這是顯而易見的。
1:964
hic autem uir bonus Acacius et sacerdos eximius in tantum se et suggerere potuisse monstrauit et noluisse deprompsit, immo fauisse patefecit, ut et imperator cuncta se ex eius gessisse consilio non taceret et ipse imperatorem magnis praeconiis eleuaret ista facientem seseque proderet his agendis rebus fuisse participem. Sed esto, Calendion imperatoris nomen abstulerit, Iohannes principi mentitus fuisse iactetur: quae tamen cum nouae essent causae, noua debuit ecclesiastica prouenire discussio.
But this «good man» Acacius, this «excellent priest», showed to such a degree that he both could have made his suggestion and declared that he was unwilling — nay, made plain that he had actually connived — that the emperor did not conceal that he had done everything by that man's counsel, and Acacius himself extolled the emperor with great praises for doing these things and betrayed that he had been a partner in carrying them out. But be it so: let Calendion have removed the emperor's name, let John be alleged to have lied to the prince; yet since these were new cases, a new ecclesiastical examination ought to have arisen.
然而這位「好人」亞加修、這位「傑出的神職者」,竟如此顯明:他既表明自己本可進言、又自承其實是不願——不,更是暴露了自己實乃默許——以致那皇帝並不隱瞞說,他所行的一切都是照著那人的謀劃而行,而亞加修本人也以大大的頌讚高舉那行這些事的皇帝,並洩露出自己曾是這些行動的參與者。但就算如此吧:縱使加倫狄翁除去了皇帝的名,縱使約翰被指控向君王撒了謊;然而既然這些都是新的案由,就理應興起新的教會審查。
1:965
an qui in hominem imperatorem peccasse dicebantur, nulla interueniente synodo deici debuerunt et in deum, qui summus et uerus est imperator, Acacium delinquentem sinceramque communionem diuini sacramenti studentem miscere cum perfidis secundum synodum, qua haec est damnata perfidia. non oportebat expelli? quid de innumeris per totum Orientem catholicis sacerdotibus propria sede depulsis et indubitanter haereticis intromissis? nouae certe erant causae et his consequenter noua synodus debebatur.
Were those who were said to have sinned against a man, the emperor, to be deposed with no synod intervening — while Acacius, who offended against God, who is the highest and true Emperor, and who strove to mingle the pure communion of the divine sacrament with the faithless — according to the synod by which this perfidy was condemned, ought not to have been expelled? What of the countless catholic priests throughout the whole East driven from their own sees, and heretics beyond doubt let in? Surely these were new cases, and consequently a new synod was owed to them.
那些被說成得罪了一個人、即皇帝的人,竟要無任何會議介入便被廢黜;而亞加修,他得罪了那至高又真實的君王——神,又力圖將神聖聖禮的純潔相通與那些悖信之人相混——按照那定此悖謬為罪的會議,難道不該被逐出嗎?那遍及全東方、被逐離自己教座的無數公教神職者,和毫無疑問被引進的異端者,又當如何?這些確是新的案由,因而理應為他們召開新的會議。
1:966
cur tunc non uenit in mentem, ut in talibus causis peteretur a principe saltem qualiscumque synodus celebranda, ut quocumque uel colorato iudicio traditionis ecclesiasticae passim pontifices uiderentur exclusi, non solum quarumcumque urbium sacerdotes, sed metropolitani incunctanter antistites? his omnibus cum non restitit suggestione qua potuit, consensit Acacius communicando cunctis, qui in catholicorum locum haeretici fuerant subrogati. apostolus autem dicit non solum qui faciunt sed et qui consentiunt facientibus reos indubitanter adscribi.
Why then did it not come to mind that in such cases at least some synod, of whatever kind, should be sought from the prince to be convened — so that, by whatever colored judgment of ecclesiastical tradition, bishops might be seen to be excluded everywhere, and not only priests of whatever cities but even metropolitan bishops without delay? When Acacius did not resist all these things with the suggestion he was able to make, he consented by communicating with all those heretics who had been substituted in the place of catholics. But the Apostle says that not only those who do these things, but also those who consent to the doers, are beyond doubt reckoned guilty.
那麼,為何沒有想到:在這樣的案件中,至少該向君王求得召開某種會議,無論何等會議——好叫縱使藉著任何披上教會傳統色彩的判決,也能看出主教們到處被排除,不僅是各城的神職者,連都主教也毫不遲延地被逐?當亞加修沒有用他所能作的進言去抵擋這一切時,他便藉著與所有那些頂替公教徒之位的異端者相通而表示同意。但使徒說:不僅行這些事的人,連贊同行事者的人,也毫無疑問被算為有罪。
1:967
an haec licuit saeculari potestati et actis talibus Acacio consentienti absque ulla synodo, quam ipsa rerum nouitas exigebat, absque sedis apostolicae consultatione perficere et sedi apostolicae non licuit secundum tenorem synodi Calcedonensis in ueteri utique causa et ueteri constituto iusta definitione damnata inimicis synodi Calchedonensis Acacium conmunicantem a sua conmunione depellere? Sed inquiunt: Acacius principi obuiare non potuit. cur Basilisco, quia uoluit, obuiauit? cur ipsi Zenoni, ne palam Petro Antiocheno, quamuis latenter hoc fecerit, communicare uideretur, non commodauit adsensum?
Was it lawful for the secular power to do these things, and for Acacius, consenting to such deeds, without any synod which the very novelty of the matter demanded, without consulting the Apostolic See, to bring them to completion — and yet not lawful for the Apostolic See, according to the tenor of the synod of Chalcedon, in an old case indeed and by an old ordinance justly condemned by a just definition, to drive from its own communion Acacius who was communicating with the enemies of the synod of Chalcedon? But they say: Acacius could not oppose the prince. Why then did he oppose Basiliscus, because he willed to? Why did he not lend his assent to Zeno himself, so that he might not be seen to communicate openly — though he did so covertly — with Peter of Antioch?
世俗權力行這些事、亞加修贊同這樣的行為,竟可合法地——沒有事態的新奇本身所要求的任何會議,沒有請教使徒座——加以完成;而使徒座按照迦克墩會議的旨意,在一件既古老、又已由古老的規定藉公義的裁定所正當定罪的案件上,將那與迦克墩會議之敵相通的亞加修逐出自己的相通之外,竟成了不合法的嗎?但他們說:亞加修無法違抗君王。那麼他為何違抗了巴西利斯古,只因他願意?他為何不肯順從芝諾本人,好叫自己不被看為公開地——雖然是暗中——與安提阿的彼得相通?
1:968
ecce resultanti non institit imperator, ecce uim nolenti non intulit, ecce refugienti contagia manifesta concessit. postremo cur tanto tempore, cum ista gererentur uel gerenda cognosceret, non ad sedem apostolicam. a qua sibi curam illarum regionum nouerat delegatam, referre maturauit sed prius laudator factus est ipse gestorum quam uel praemoneret talia esse temptanda uel, ne temptarentur, obsisteret, sicut sub Basilisco iam fecerat? cur illis ceteris communicare consensit, qui depulsis catholicis sacerdotibus indubitanter haeretici singulis urbibus fuerant substituti?
Behold, the emperor did not press him when he resisted; behold, he did not force him when he was unwilling; behold, he granted manifest contagions to him when he shrank away. Finally, why, over so long a time, when these things were being done — or when he knew they were about to be done — did he not hasten to refer them to the Apostolic See, from which he knew that care of those regions had been delegated to him? Rather he became himself a praiser of the deeds before he either forewarned that such things were to be attempted, or resisted lest they should be attempted, as he had already done under Basiliscus. Why did he consent to communicate with those others who, once catholic priests had been driven out, had beyond doubt been set up as heretics in the several cities?
看哪,當他抗拒時,皇帝並未強迫他;看哪,當他不願時,皇帝並未加以逼壓;看哪,當他退縮時,皇帝任由那明顯的污染臨到他。末了,在如此長久的時日中,當這些事正被進行、或當他知道這些事將被進行時,他為何不急速將之呈報給使徒座——他明知那些地區的照管已被託付於他?反倒他先成了這些行為的稱讚者,才有所行動,竟不曾預先警告說這樣的事將被圖謀,也不曾阻止免得被圖謀,如同他先前在巴西利斯古之下所已作的。他為何贊同與那些人相通——就是那些在公教神職者被逐後,毫無疑問被立為異端、頂替各城之位的人?
1:969
postremo si ille defuit suis partibus et quae sacerdoti catholico competerent agere fastidiuit, ideo sedes apostolica, quod ad eam pertinebat, uel potuit uel debuit praeterire? Quolibet igitur modo haereticorum complicem refutauit et consortem communionis externae a sua communione dimouit nec opus fuit noua synodo. cum ueteris constituti sufficienter hoc forma praescriberet, nec opus fuit ut haec facienda Orientis episcopis intimaret, quos et expulsione catholicorum, quae agebantur in causa fidei, non ignorasse manifestum est et communicando haereticis subrogatis facto tali consensisse.
Finally, if he failed his own part and disdained to do what befitted a catholic priest, was the Apostolic See therefore able, or bound, to pass over what pertained to it? By whatever manner, then, it repudiated the accomplice of the heretics and removed from its own communion the partner of an alien communion, there was no need of a new synod, since the form of the old ordinance sufficiently prescribed this; nor was there need that these things to be done should be intimated to the bishops of the East, whom it is manifest were not ignorant of the expulsion of the catholics — deeds that were being carried out in a cause of faith — and who, by communicating with the substituted heretics, had consented to such a deed.
末了,他若在自己的本分上有虧,又鄙棄去作合乎公教神職者的事,難道使徒座就因此能夠、或應當放過屬於自己的職責嗎?那麼,無論使徒座以何等方式擯棄那異端者的同夥、將那外邦相通的同夥從自己的相通中除去,都不需要新的會議,因為古老規定的形式已足以規範此事;也不需要將這些應作之事通知東方的主教們,因為顯而易見,他們對公教徒被逐一事並非無知——那是在信仰之事上所行的作為——並且他們藉著與被頂替上位的異端者相通,已對這樣的行為表示了同意。
1:970
non dubium est etiam, cum externae communionis effectis nec potuisse nec debuisse sedis apostolicae scita tractari. ecce agnouerunt in eorum professione, qui constantissime perdurarunt, quid fidei communionique catholicae deberetur. ecce agnouerunt, quemadmodum a talibus recedendo, immo talibus contraria moliendo, a fide et communione catholica deuiarit Acacius seque pariter cum eodem errori subdiderint.
Nor is there any doubt that, once they had become sharers of an alien communion, the decrees of the Apostolic See neither could nor ought to be transacted with them. Behold, in the profession of those who most steadfastly endured, they acknowledged what was owed to faith and to catholic communion. Behold, they acknowledged how, by withdrawing from such men — nay, by contriving things contrary to such men — Acacius deviated from the catholic faith and communion, and how they, together with him, subjected themselves likewise to the same error.
毫無疑問,他們既已成為外邦相通的同夥,使徒座的裁決便既不能、也不當與他們商議施行。看哪,在那些至為堅定持守到底之人的宣認中,他們承認了信仰與公教相通所應得的是什麼。看哪,他們承認:亞加修如何藉著離棄這樣的人——不,更是藉著圖謀與這樣的人相反的事——而偏離了公教的信仰與相通,又如何與他一同同樣地使自己屈服於這同一的錯謬之下。
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