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Roman Pontiffs

Papal Letters 1 part 49/50

Latin original · 43 verses · some words can be tapped for a gloss · long chapter, split into parts; this part covers 1:1935–1:1977 (2003 verses in all)

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1:1935
ubi magis eos, qui catholicis sensibus instituti sunt, adhuc haerere miramur quam illos, qui a ueritate exciderunt et ab antiqua ecclesiae traditione sunt deuii, profanas uocum nouitates et ineptias caducae peruersitatis obtendere, quibus. eos uestra dilectio rettulit iactitare ideo Acacium non putare iure damnatum, quod non speciali synodo uideatur fuisse deiectus, et insuper dementiam suae uanitatis adcumulant pueriliter adicientes \'praecipue pontificem regiae ciuitatis\'. quapropter stultitiam respuentes inanium querellarum percurrere uos oportet ab ipsis beatis apostolis et considerare prudenter. quoniam patres nostri, catholici uidelicet doctique pontifices.
Wherein we marvel the more that those who are grounded in catholic sentiments still cling to this, than that those who have fallen from the truth and are astray from the ancient tradition of the Church should hold forth profane novelties of words and the follies of a fleeting perversity—by which, as your charity has reported that they boast, they suppose that Acacius was not justly condemned, because he does not appear to have been deposed by a special synod; and moreover they heap up the madness of their vanity by childishly adding, 'especially the pontiff of the royal city.' Wherefore, spurning their folly, you ought to run through their empty complaints from the blessed apostles themselves and consider prudently; for our fathers, namely the catholic and learned pontiffs,
在這事上,我們更為驚異的是:那些立根於大公教義的人竟仍執著於此,反倒過於那些已從真理墮落、偏離教會古老傳統的人所提出的褻瀆之言的新奇與轉瞬即逝之乖謬的愚妄——正如你們的愛心所報,他們憑此誇口,臆測亞加修並非公義地被定罪,因為他似乎並非被一次特別的會議所罷黜;他們更幼稚地加上一句「尤其是皇都的教長」,來堆砌其虛妄的瘋狂。因此,你們應唾棄他們的愚昧,從眾使徒本身查考他們空洞的怨言,並謹慎思量;因為我們的教父,即那些大公而博學的教長,
1:1936
in unaquaque haeresi quolibet tempore suscitata quidquid pro fide pro ueritate pro communione catholica atque apostolica secundum scripturarum tramitem praedicationemque maiorum facta semel congregatione sanxerunt, inconuulsum uoluerint deinceps firmumque constare nec in hac eadem causa denuo quae praefixa fuerant retractari qualibet recenti praesumptione permiserint, sapientissime peruidentes, quoniam si decreta salubriter cuiquam liceret iterare, nullum contra singulos quosque prorsus errores stabile persisteret ecclesiae constitutum ac semper isdem furoribus recidiuis omnis integra definitio turbaretur.
in each heresy raised up at any time, whatever they sanctioned for the faith, for the truth, for catholic and apostolic communion—according to the path of the scriptures and the preaching of the elders, once the assembly had been gathered—they willed thereafter to stand unshaken and firm, nor did they permit that in this same cause the things which had been fixed beforehand be retracted anew by any recent presumption; most wisely perceiving that, if it were permitted anyone to repeat decrees, however salutary, no ordinance of the Church against any and every error would stand firm, and by the same recurring frenzies every whole definition would forever be thrown into confusion.
在每一次隨時興起的異端中,凡他們為信德、為真理、為大公與使徒的相通——按照經文的軌道與先賢的宣講,一旦會議聚集——所裁定的事,此後都願其屹立不動、堅定不移,也不容在同一案件上,將已預先確定之事憑任何新近的擅斷重新翻案;他們極其明智地看出:倘若容許任何人重複那些即使有益的裁決,教會就沒有一條抵禦任何錯謬的定規能穩固存立,且藉著同樣復發的狂亂,每一完整的定論都將永遠陷於混亂。
1:1937
nam si limitibus etiam praefixis positarum semel synodalium regularum non cessant elisae pestes resumptis certaminibus contra fundamentum sese ueritatis attollere et simplicia quaeque corda percutere, quid fieret, si subinde fas esset perfidis inire concilium, cum quaelibet illa manifesta sit ueritas, numquam desit quod perniciosa depromat falsitas. etsi ratione uel auctoritate deficiens, sola tamen intentione non cedens?
For if, even with the limits fixed of the synodal rules once established, the crushed pestilences do not cease, with their contests renewed, to raise themselves against the foundation of the truth and to strike at simple hearts, what would come to pass if it were lawful for the faithless from time to time to enter into council? For however manifest that truth may be, there is never lacking what pernicious falsehood may bring forth—which, even if deficient in reason or authority, yet in sheer obstinacy does not yield.
因為即使那既已確立的會議規條的界限已定,被壓制的瘟疫仍不止息,重新掀起爭競,抬起自己攻擊真理的根基,並擊打那些單純的人心;那麼,倘若容許那些不信之人時而進入會議,又當如何呢?因為無論那真理何等明顯,惡毒的謬妄總不缺乏可拿出之物——它縱然在理性或權威上有所欠缺,卻單憑頑固而不肯退讓。
1:1938
quae maiores nostri diuina inspiratione cernentes necessarie praecauerunt, ut contra unamquamque haeresim quod acta synodus pro fide communione et ueritate catholica atque apostolica promulgasset, non sinerent nouis post haec retractationibus mutilari, ne prauis occasio praeberetur quae medicinaliter fuerant statuta pulsandi, sed auctore cuiuslibet insaniae ac pariter errore damnato sufficere iudicarunt, ut, quisque aliquando huius erroris communicator existeret, principali sententia damnationis eius esset obstrictus, quoniam manifeste quilibet uel professione sua uel communione posset agnosci. et ut breuitatis causa priora taceamus, quae diligens inquisitor facile poterit uestigare.
Our forefathers, perceiving these things by divine inspiration, of necessity took precaution that, against each several heresy, whatever an assembled synod had promulgated for the faith, for communion, and for catholic and apostolic truth, they would not suffer to be mutilated by new retractations thereafter, lest occasion be afforded to the wicked of assailing what had been established as a remedy; but, with the author of any madness condemned and the error together with it, they judged it sufficient that whoever should at any time prove to be a communicator of this error should be bound by the principal sentence of its condemnation—since anyone could manifestly be recognized either by his own profession or by his communion. And, that for brevity's sake we may pass over earlier matters, which a diligent inquirer will easily be able to trace:
我們的先祖藉神聖的默示看出這些事,便不得不加以防範:對每一個別的異端,凡一次聚集的會議為信德、為相通、為大公與使徒的真理所頒布之事,此後絕不容其被新的翻案所毀損,免得給那些惡人以攻擊那作為醫治所設立之事的機會;反倒是既定了任何瘋狂之首與那錯謬本身的罪,他們便判定:凡任何時候成為這錯謬之相通者的人,都當受其定罪之主要判決所約束——因為任何人都可藉其自己的宣認或其相通而被明顯地辨認出來。而為求簡潔,我們略過較早之事,那是殷勤的查究者容易查考得到的:
1:1939
Sabellium damnauit synodus nec fuit necesse, ut eius sectatores postea damnarentur, singulas uiritim synodos celebrari sed pro tenore constitutionis antiquae cunctos, qui uel prauitatis illius uel communionis extitere participes, uniuersalis ecclesia duxit esse refutandos. sic propter blasphemias Arrii forma fidei communionisque catholicae Nicaeno prolata conuentu Arrianos omnes uel quisquis in hanc pestem siue sensu seu communione deciderit sine retractatione concludit.
The synod condemned Sabellius, nor was it necessary that his followers be afterward condemned, or that individual synods be celebrated for each one; but according to the tenor of the ancient constitution, the universal Church deemed that all who had been partakers either of that depravity or of its communion should be repudiated. Thus, on account of the blasphemies of Arius, the form of faith and of catholic communion set forth by the Council of Nicaea shuts out, without retractation, all the Arians, or whoever should fall into this pestilence whether by conviction or by communion.
會議定了撒伯流(Sabellius)的罪,其後並不必再定他的門徒的罪,也不必為各人分別召開會議;而是按照古老定規的旨意,普世教會判定:凡曾參與那種敗壞或其相通的人,都當被駁斥。照樣,因亞流(Arius)的褻瀆,尼西亞會議所頒布的信德與大公相通的形式,不待翻案,便將一切亞流派,或凡陷入這瘟疫的人——無論是在信念上或在相通上——盡都排除在外。
1:1940
sic Eunomium, Macedonium, Nestorium synodus semel gesta condemnans ulterius ad noua concilia uenire non siuit sed uniuersos quocumque modo in has blasphemias recidentes tradito sibi limite synodali refutauit ecclesia nec umquam recte cessisse manifestum est qualibet necessitate cogente nouiter. quae fuerant salubriter constituta, temerasse.
Thus the synod, once held, condemning Eunomius, Macedonius, and Nestorius, did not suffer them thereafter to come to new councils; but the Church repudiated all who in any manner relapsed into these blasphemies by the synodal limit handed down to it. Nor is it ever manifest that, under any compelling necessity, it rightly gave way so as to violate anew what had been salutarily established.
照樣,那已一次舉行的會議,定了歐諾米(Eunomius)、馬其頓紐(Macedonius)、聶斯多留(Nestorius)的罪,此後便不容他們前來出席新的會議;而是憑那交託給教會的會議界限,駁斥一切以任何方式重陷這些褻瀆的人。也從未有明證顯示:在任何逼迫的必要下,教會曾正當地讓步,以致重新違背那有益地已確立之事。
1:1941
non autem nos latet in tempestate persecutionis Arrianae plurimos pontifices de exiliis pace reddita respirantes per certas prouincias congregatis secum fratribus ecclesias composuisse turbatas, non tamen ut illius synodi Nicaenae quidquid de fide et communione catholica definiuerat inmutarent nec noua quemquam pro lapsu damnatione percellerent, sed illius tenore decreti, nisi resipuisset, iudicarent damnatum essetque consequens ut, nisi corrigeret, damnationi procul dubio subiaceret.
But it is not hidden from us that, in the tempest of the Arian persecution, very many pontiffs, breathing again from their exiles when peace had been restored, throughout certain provinces, with the brethren gathered together with them, set in order the churches that had been troubled—yet not so as to alter whatever that Nicene synod had defined concerning the faith and catholic communion, nor to strike anyone with a new condemnation for his lapse; but by the tenor of that decree they judged him condemned unless he should repent, and it followed that unless he corrected himself, he would beyond doubt lie under condemnation.
但我們並非不知,在亞流派逼迫的風暴中,有極多的教長於平安恢復後從流放之地重獲喘息,遍及某些行省,與聚集在他們身邊的弟兄一同整頓那被攪擾的眾教會——然而卻不是要更改那尼西亞會議所定關於信德與大公相通的一切,也不是要以新的定罪擊打任何人的過失;而是憑那定規的旨意,判定他若不悔改便已被定罪,其結果便是:他若不改正自己,便毫無疑問地要落在定罪之下。
1:1942
quibus conuenienter, ut dictum est, ex paterna traditione perpensis confidimus, quod nullus iam ueraciter Christianus ignoret uniuscuiusque synodi constitutum, quod uniuersalis ecclesiae probauit adsensus, nullam magis exequi sedem prae ceteris oportere quam primam, quae et unamquamque synodum et sua auctoritate confirmat et continuata moderatione custodit, pro suo scilicet principatu, quem beatus Petrus apostolus domini uoce perceptum ecclesia nihilominus subsequente et tenuit semper et retinet.
These things, as has been said, having been suitably weighed from the paternal tradition, we are confident that no one now truly Christian is ignorant that the constitution of every synod which the assent of the universal Church has approved, no see ought more to carry out than the first—which both confirms every synod by its own authority and guards it by continued moderation, namely by reason of that primacy which the blessed apostle Peter, having received it by the voice of the Lord, both ever held and retains, the Church nonetheless following after.
如上所述,這些事既從教父的傳統得以妥善權衡,我們深信:如今凡真是基督徒的,無不曉得普世教會的同意所認可的每次會議的定規,沒有一個座位比那首要之座更當執行——它既以自己的權威確認每次會議,又以持續的節制加以護守,即憑那首席之權;這權柄是蒙福的使徒彼得藉主的話語所領受的,他既永遠持守,也仍舊保有,而教會亦隨之而行。
1:1943
haec dum Acacium certis comperisset indiciis a ueritate deuiasse, diutius ista non credens, quippe quem nouerat executorem saepe necessariae dispositionis suae contra haereticos extitisse, per triennium fere litteris destinatis eundem monere non destitit, sicut per diuersos missa familiariter scripta testantur. quibus ille primum tamquam dedito silentio nihil respondere proponens tandem aliquando missis litteris profitetur se Alexandrino Petro, quem expetita apostolicae sedis auctoritate executor ipse quoque damnarat, absque sedis apostolicae notitia communione permixtum;
While this see had discovered by certain indications that Acacius had deviated from the truth, not believing these things for a long while—since indeed it had known him to have often been the executor of its necessary disposition against heretics—for nearly three years it did not cease, by letters directed to him, to admonish the same man, as the writings sent familiarly through various persons attest. To these he at first, proposing to answer nothing as though with a devoted silence, at length at some point, by letters sent, professes that he had been mingled in communion with Peter of Alexandria—whom, at the requested authority of the Apostolic See, he himself also as executor had condemned—without the knowledge of the Apostolic See;
當這座位藉某些跡象發覺亞加修已偏離真理時,卻久久不肯相信這些事——因它確知他曾多次作為執行者,執行它抵禦異端的必要處置——於是近三年之久,藉發往的書信不斷勸誡此人,正如透過各人親切寄去的文書所證。起初他佯裝以恭順的緘默甚麼也不答覆,終於在某時藉所寄的書信承認:他曾與亞歷山大的彼得(Peter)相通——這彼得正是他自己也曾作為執行者、憑所請求的使徒座之權威所定罪的——且是在使徒座不知情的情況下如此相通;
1:1944
beati autem Petri sedes, quae Alexandrinum Petrum se tantummodo damnasse, non etiam soluisse nouerat, non recepit atque ideo, ne per Acacium in Petri consortium duceretur, ipsum quoque a sua communione submouit et multimodis transgressorem a sua societate fecit alienum. hic si examinatio quaeritur, iam iudicio non erat opus, postquam litteris suis ipse confessus est;
But the see of blessed Peter, which knew that it had only condemned Peter of Alexandria and not also absolved him, did not receive him; and therefore, lest through Acacius it should be led into fellowship with Peter, it removed him also from its own communion and in many ways made the transgressor a stranger to its society. Here, if an examination be sought, there was already no need of judgment, after he had himself confessed by his own letters;
但蒙福的彼得之座位,既知自己只是定了亞歷山大的彼得的罪,並未赦免他,便不接納亞加修;因此,免得藉著亞加修而被引入與彼得的交通,它便也將亞加修從自己的相通中除去,並以多種方式使這干犯者與它的團契隔絕。在此,若要尋求審查,其實已無需審判,因他自己已憑己書認罪了;
1:1945
si auctoritatis pondus inquiritur, Calchedonensis synodi tenore illius definitionis executio reperitur, quo damnati illic erroris communicator effectus praefixae nihilominus particeps damnationis existeret, quoniam idem ipse error, qui semel est cum suo auctore damnatus, in participe quolibet prauae communionis effectum et exsecrationem sui gestat et poenam. quo tenore Timotheus etiam atque ipse Alexandrinus Petrus, qui secundam certe sedem tenuisse uidebantur, non repetita synodo sed auctoritate tantummodo sedis apostolicae ipso quoque Acacio postulante uel exsequente probatur esse damnatus.
if the weight of authority be inquired into, by the tenor of the Council of Chalcedon the execution of that definition is found, by which whoever became a communicator of the error there condemned would nonetheless be a partaker of the aforesaid condemnation—since the same error, which was once condemned together with its author, bears in any partaker whatsoever of its wicked communion both the effect and the execration of itself and its penalty. By which tenor Timothy also, and Peter of Alexandria himself, who assuredly seemed to have held the second see, are proved to have been condemned—not by a repeated synod, but only by the authority of the Apostolic See, with Acacius himself also petitioning or executing it.
若要查究權威的份量,則由迦克墩會議(Chalcedon)的旨意,可見那定論的執行,據此凡成為在那裡所定之錯謬的相通者,仍要作前述定罪的分擔者——因為那同一錯謬,既已一次與其首同被定罪,便在任何與其邪惡相通有分的人身上,帶著它自身的果效、詛咒與刑罰。憑這旨意,提摩太(Timothy)以及亞歷山大的彼得本人——他們確乎似曾佔據第二座位——被證明是被定了罪的,並非藉重複的會議,而僅憑使徒座的權威,且是亞加修本人也請求或執行的。
1:1946
quod si utrum errori uel praeuaricationi communicarit Acacius forsitan dicatur oportuisse constare, breuiter praebemus ad ista responsum: aut enim ipsi doceant Petrum legitime ueraciterque purgatum et ab omni haereticorum contagione rite discretum, cum ei communicauit Acacius, si eius communicatorem putant Acacium aliquatenus excusandum, aut sicut magis est uerum, conuenienter atque legitime Petrum non probauerint expiatum, restat ut eius inexpiatione fuerit et qui ei communicauit infectus.
But if perhaps it be said that it ought to have been established whether Acacius communicated with the error or with the prevarication, we briefly furnish an answer to these things: for either let them themselves show that Peter was lawfully and truly purged, and duly separated from all contagion of heretics, when Acacius communicated with him—if they think Acacius, his communicator, is to any degree to be excused—or, as is rather the truth, they will not have suitably and lawfully proved that Peter was expiated; and it remains that, by his non-expiation, he too who communicated with him was infected.
但倘若有人說,理當先確定亞加修究竟是與那錯謬相通、抑或與那背信相通,我們就簡要地對此作答:要麼讓他們自己證明,當亞加修與彼得相通時,彼得已合法而真實地被潔淨,並按規矩與異端一切的污染隔絕——若他們認為亞加修這相通者尚可在某程度上被開脫;要麼,如更合真理者,他們無法妥善而合法地證明彼得已得贖罪;那麼,其結論便是:因彼得未得贖罪,那與他相通之人也就受了污染。
1:1947
nec plane tacemus, quod cuncta per mundum nouit ecclesia, quoniam quorumlibet sententiis ligata pontificum sedes beati Petri apostoli ius habeat resoluendi, utpote quae de omni ecclesia fas habeat iudicandi neque cuiquam de eius liceat iudicare iudicio, siquidem ad illam de qualibet mundi parte canones appellari uoluerunt, ab illa autem nemo sit appellare permissus. quapropter satis constet Acacium nullum habuisse pontificium sententiam sedis apostolicae sine ulla eius notione soluendi. qua certe synodo hoc ille praesumpsit, quod nec sic absque apostolica sede fas quidem haberet efficere? cuius sedis episcopus? cuius metropolitanae ciuitatis antistes? nonne paroeciae Heraclensis ecclesiae?
Nor do we altogether keep silence about what the Church throughout the whole world knows: that the see of the blessed apostle Peter has the right of loosing whatever has been bound by the sentences of any pontiffs whatsoever, inasmuch as it has the right of judging concerning the whole Church, nor is it lawful for anyone to sit in judgment upon its judgment—since to it the canons willed that appeal be made from any part of the world, whereas from it no one is permitted to appeal. Wherefore let it be sufficiently established that Acacius had no pontifical authority to loose the sentence of the Apostolic See without any cognizance of it. By what synod, indeed, did he presume this, which not even so could he lawfully effect apart from the Apostolic See? Bishop of what see? Prelate of what metropolitan city? Was he not of the parish of the church of Heraclea?
我們也絕不對全世界教會所共知之事保持緘默:蒙福的使徒彼得之座位,有權解開凡被任何教長之判決所捆綁之事,因它有權審斷全教會,且無人可對它的判斷加以審判——因為法規定意,天下各地都當上訴於它,而從它卻無人得以上訴。因此,當充分確立:亞加修毫無教長之權,可在使徒座毫不知情之下解開它的判決。他究竟憑哪一次會議擅行此事,就連如此他也不能合法地在使徒座之外實行?他是哪一座位的主教?哪一都主教之城的教長?他豈不是屬於希拉克利亞(Heraclea)教會的堂區嗎?
1:1948
si illi certe licuit sine synodo sententiam apostolicae sedis abrumpere nulla eius consultatione quaesita, itane uero non licuit primae sedi Calchedonensis synodi constituta, sicut decuit, exsequenti huiusmodi praeuaricatorem sua auctoritate detrudere? sed nec illa praeterimus, quod apostolica sedes frequenter, ut dictum est, more maiorum etiam sine ulla synodo praecedente exsoluendi, quod synodus iniqua damuauerat, et damnandi nulla exsistente synodo, quos oportuit, habuerit facultatem. sanctae memoriae quippe Athanasium synodus Orientalis addixerat, quem tamen exceptum sedes apostolica, quia damnationi Graecorum non consensit, absoluit.
If indeed it was lawful for him, without a synod, to break off the sentence of the Apostolic See, no consultation of it having been sought, was it then truly not lawful for the first see, executing the ordinances of the Council of Chalcedon as was fitting, to thrust down such a prevaricator by its own authority? But neither do we pass this by, that the Apostolic See has frequently, as has been said, after the manner of the elders, even without any preceding synod, possessed the faculty both of loosing what an unjust synod had condemned, and of condemning, with no synod existing, those whom it behoved. For a synod of the East had condemned Athanasius of holy memory, whom nevertheless the Apostolic See, having made an exception, absolved, because it did not consent to the condemnation of the Greeks.
倘若他確可在無會議、且毫未徵詢使徒座的情況下擅斷使徒座的判決,那麼,難道那首要之座,按理妥當地執行迦克墩會議的規定,竟不可憑自己的權威把這樣一個背信者黜退嗎?但我們也不略過此事:使徒座屢次,如前所述,按先賢的慣例,甚至在毫無前置會議的情況下,既有權解開不義的會議所定之罪,也有權在毫無會議存在時定那些理當受定罪之人的罪。因為東方的一次會議曾定了聖名可念的亞他那修(Athanasius)的罪,然而使徒座卻將他除外予以赦免,因它不同意希臘人的定罪。
1:1949
sanctae memoriae nihilominus Iohannem Constantinopolitanum synodus etiam catholicorum praesulum certe damnauerat, quem simili modo sedes apostolica etiam sola, quia non consensit, absoluit. itemque sanctum Flauianum pontificum Graecorum congregatione damnatum pari tenore. quoniam sola sedes apostolica non consensit, absoluit potiusque qui illic receptus fuerat Dioscorum secundae sedis praesulem sua auctoritate damnauit et impiam synodum non consentiendo sola submouit et <pro> neritate ut synodus Calchedonensis fieret sola decreuit.
Likewise a synod, even of catholic prelates, had assuredly condemned John of Constantinople of holy memory, whom in like manner the Apostolic See, even alone, because it did not consent, absolved. And likewise holy Flavian, condemned by an assembly of the Greek pontiffs, in like tenor—since the Apostolic See alone did not consent—it absolved; and rather it condemned by its own authority Dioscorus, prelate of the second see, who had there been received, and alone, by not consenting, removed the impious synod, and for the sake of the truth alone decreed that the Council of Chalcedon should be held.
照樣,一次甚至由大公教會諸教長所組成的會議,確曾定了聖名可念的君士坦丁堡的約翰(John)的罪,而使徒座同樣地,甚至獨自一座,因它不同意,便予以赦免。同樣,聖名可念的弗拉維安(Flavian),被希臘諸教長的集會所定罪,也依同一旨意——因惟獨使徒座不同意——而被它赦免;反倒是它憑自己的權威定了在那裡被接納的第二座位教長狄奧斯古若(Dioscorus)的罪,並獨自藉著不同意而撤除了那不虔的會議,且惟獨為真理的緣故裁定應召開迦克墩會議。
1:1950
in qua ut ergo sola ius habuit absoluendi eos, quos synodica decreta perculerant, sic etiam sine synodo in hac eadem causa plurimos etiam metropolitanos damnasse cognoscitur. quod si quis haec ab apostolica sede uel secundum synodum acta reprehendit, praeter quod prisca rerum probatione conuincitur, interim multo magis Acacio non licuisse fatebitur. dicat ergo, qua ipse synodo secundae sedis antistitem qualemcumque, certe catholicum et a catholicis ordinatum nec de catholica fide et communione aliquatenus inpetitum duxerit excludendum et haereticum manifestum Petrum sua quoque executione damnatum pontifici catholico permiserit subrogari.
In which, therefore, as it alone had the right of absolving those whom the synodical decrees had struck, so also it is known to have condemned, even without a synod, very many metropolitans in this same cause. But if anyone reprehends these things done by the Apostolic See, whether according to a synod or otherwise—besides that he is convicted by the ancient proof of the facts—meanwhile he will confess all the more that it was not lawful for Acacius. Let him say, therefore, by what synod he judged that the prelate of the second see—of whatever sort, yet certainly catholic and ordained by catholics, and in no way impeached concerning the catholic faith and communion—should be excluded, and permitted a manifest heretic, Peter, condemned also by his own execution, to be substituted for a catholic pontiff.
因此,正如惟獨它有權赦免那些被會議裁決所打擊的人,照樣,也可知它在同一案件上,甚至在無會議的情況下,定了極多都主教的罪。但若有人非議使徒座所行的這些事,無論是依會議或另行處置——除了他要被歷史事實的古老明證所折服之外——同時他將更加承認:這對亞加修是不可行的。那麼,就讓他說:他究竟憑哪一次會議判定第二座位的教長——無論其為何等人,卻確是大公的、由大公信徒所按立、且在大公信德與相通上毫無可指摘之處——當被逐出,並容許一個顯明的異端者彼得——他也是被亞加修自己的執行所定罪的——來頂替一位大公教長?
1:1951
qua synodo tertiae sedis episcopum sanctum Calendionem fecit expelli ac nihilominus eidem Petrum tam haereticum manifestum, ut eidem palam nec se communicare praetenderet, sua passus est dispositione substitui? qua denique per totum Orientem synodo eiectis orthodoxis nullo crimine maculatis prauos quosque et criminibus inuolutos sua prouisione subposuit? qua synodo tot aliena priuilegia nefandus populator inuaserit? sed libri non sufficient, si tragoedias eius, quas per ecclesias totius Orientis exercuit, singillatim describere moliamur. an illud ipsius argumentum nobis aestimant opponendum, quo facinora sua in imperialem uisus est iactare personam?
By what synod did he cause the bishop of the third see, holy Calendio, to be expelled, and nonetheless suffered, by his own disposition, that Peter—so manifest a heretic that Acacius openly did not even pretend to communicate with him—be substituted in his place? By what synod, finally, throughout the whole East, with the orthodox, stained by no crime, cast out, did he by his own provision set beneath them all the wicked and those enmeshed in crimes? By what synod did that nefarious despoiler invade so many privileges belonging to others? But books would not suffice, were we to endeavor to describe one by one the tragedies which he wrought throughout the churches of the whole East. Or do they think that argument of his is to be opposed to us, by which he was seen to cast his crimes upon the imperial person?
他究竟憑哪一次會議使第三座位的主教聖迦倫狄約(Calendio)被逐,卻仍憑自己的處置容讓彼得——這彼得是如此顯明的異端者,以致亞加修公開地連假意與他相通都不肯——被立在他的位上?他究竟憑哪一次會議,遍及全東方,將那些毫無罪愆的正統人士逐出,卻憑自己的安排把一切邪惡之人和身陷罪行之輩安置在他們之下?那可惡的掠奪者又憑哪一次會議侵佔了他人如此眾多的特權?但倘若我們試圖逐一描述他在全東方眾教會所造成的種種慘劇,眾書卷也不足以記載。抑或他們以為,他那藉以將自己的罪行推諉於皇帝之身的論調,是可用來反駁我們的嗎?
1:1952
cur igitur quando uoluit obstitit Basilisco tyranno certe et haeretico uehementer infesto? cur ipsi imperatori Zenoni, quia palam Antiocheno Petro noluit communicare, suam non subdidit uoluntatem? ecce potuit in aliis resultare, si nollet. an non apostolus dicit non solum qui faciunt sed etiam qui consentiunt facientibus reatu pariter inretiri ? sed ut ea quae latius explicanda sunt omittamus, quid, quod ipse Zenon imperator suis litteris profitetur cuncta sese ex Acacii gessisse consilio nec hoc eum fallere litteris suis ipse quoque testatur Acacius, qui et eum nihilominus uniuersa recte gessisse conscripsit et suo consilio haec eadem gesta non tacuit?
Why then, when he willed it, did he withstand Basiliscus, assuredly a tyrant and a heretic vehemently hostile? Why did he not subject his own will to the emperor Zeno himself, because he openly refused to communicate with Peter of Antioch? Behold, he was able to resist in other matters, if he were unwilling. Or does not the apostle say that not only those who do, but also those who consent to the doers, are alike ensnared in guilt? But, to omit those things which need to be explained more at large—what of this, that the emperor Zeno himself professes in his own letters that he had done all things by the counsel of Acacius; nor does Acacius himself, who by his own letters likewise testifies this, conceal it—Acacius who nonetheless wrote that Zeno had done all these things rightly, and did not keep silent that these same things were done by his own counsel?
那麼,當他願意時,為何他抗拒了巴西利斯庫(Basiliscus)——這人確是暴君、且是極其懷有敵意的異端者?為何他不肯將自己的意志順服於皇帝芝諾(Zeno)本人,反倒公開拒絕與安提阿的彼得相通?看哪,若他不願意,他在別的事上是能夠抵抗的。難道使徒沒有說:不僅行惡的人,就連那些贊同行惡者的人,也同樣陷在罪責之中嗎?但姑且略去那些需更詳加解釋之事——這又當如何說:皇帝芝諾本人在其書信中承認,他所行的一切都是憑亞加修的計謀;亞加修本人也藉自己的書信同樣為此作證,並不隱瞞——這亞加修既寫下芝諾所行這一切都是正當的,也不諱言這些事乃是憑他自己的計謀而行的?
1:1953
quasi uero tantum in Alexandrini Petri communione Acacius praeuaricator extiterit et non in omnibus, quos uel fecit depulsis catholicis pontificibus tamquam tyrannus ecclesiis quibus<que> praeponi uel taliter praepositis peruersa communione permixtus est! qui hoc ipso secundum canones fuerant ab ecclesiastica communione pellendi, quo se passi sunt successores uiuis sacerdotibus adhiberi. quis autem non perspiciat Christianus, quod catholicis pontificibus propria sede deiectis non nisi haeretici potuerint introduci? quibus tamen cunctis uel auctor fuit Acacius subrogandis uel subrogatis communicator accessit, his utique, qui a communione haereticorum nullatenus discrepabant.
As though, forsooth, Acacius were a prevaricator only in the communion of Peter of Alexandria, and not also in all those whom he either caused—having driven out the catholic pontiffs, like a tyrant—to be set over whatsoever churches, or with whom, thus set over, he was mingled by perverse communion! Men who by this very fact ought, according to the canons, to have been driven from ecclesiastical communion, in that they suffered themselves to be brought in as successors to living priests. And what Christian does not perceive that, with the catholic pontiffs cast out from their own sees, none but heretics could be introduced? To all of whom, nevertheless, Acacius was either the author of their being substituted, or, once they were substituted, acceded as their communicator—to these, that is, who in no way differed from the communion of heretics.
彷彿亞加修僅在與亞歷山大的彼得相通上是背信者,而不也在那一切人身上如此——他或是像暴君般逐出大公教長,使那些人被立來管轄各樣的教會,或是與那些已被如此立起之人以乖謬的相通相混雜!這等人正因這事,按法規本當被逐出教會的相通,因他們容讓自己作為在世祭司的繼任者被引入。哪一個基督徒看不出:既將大公教長從其本座逐出,除異端者外還能引入誰呢?然而對所有這些人,亞加修或是他們被頂替的主謀,或在他們被頂替之後作為相通者附從——就是對那些與異端者的相通毫無分別的人。
1:1954
cur ergo uel cum haec fieri uideret non sicut sub Basilisco iam fecerat ad apostolicam sedem referre curauit, ut, si solus ipse non poterat, iunctis cum eadem consiliis atque tractatibus apud imperatorem < possent >, quae religioni competerent, allegari?
Why then, even when he saw these things being done, did he not take care to refer them to the Apostolic See, as he had already done under Basiliscus, so that, if he alone could not, then with counsels and deliberations joined to the same see, those things which pertained to religion might be alleged before the emperor?
那麼,即使他看見這些事正在發生,為何他不像從前在巴西利斯庫治下所已行的那樣,設法把這些事呈報使徒座,好使——倘若他獨自不能——便可將計議與商討與那同一座位聯合起來,把凡關乎信仰之事在皇帝面前陳明呢?
1:1955
nam si Basiliscus, ut dictum est, tyrannus haereticus scriptis apostolicae sedis uehementer infractus est et a plurimis reuocatus excessibus, quanto magis legitimus imperator, qui se catholicum uideri uolebat, potuit cum apostolica sede cunctorum quoque pontificum moderata suggestione mitigari, praecipue cum eiusdem Acacii esset specialis fautor et amator et qui litteris suis tam ipsum Acacium quam sanctum papam Simplicium magnis laudibus extulisset, quod haeretico constantissime restitissent? cur tanto tempore Acacius inter ista conticuit, nisi quia praepediri nolebat ullatenus, quae desiderabat expleri ?
For if Basiliscus, as has been said, a heretical tyrant, was vehemently broken by the writings of the Apostolic See and recalled from very many excesses, how much more could a legitimate emperor, who wished to be seen as catholic, have been mollified by the moderate suggestion of all the pontiffs together with the Apostolic See—especially since he was the special favorer and lover of the same Acacius, and had by his own letters extolled with great praises both Acacius himself and the holy pope Simplicius, because they had most steadfastly resisted the heretic? Why did Acacius for so long a time keep silence amid these things, unless because he was unwilling to be hindered in any way from the things which he desired to be accomplished?
因為巴西利斯庫,如前所述,一個異端的暴君,尚且被使徒座的文書強烈折服,並從極多的過度之舉中被召回,那麼,一位願被視為大公的合法皇帝,豈不更能藉眾教長連同使徒座溫和的建言而得緩和嗎?——尤其他既是這位亞加修特別的擁護者與愛戴者,且曾藉自己的書信以極大的讚譽推崇亞加修本人與聖教宗辛普利修(Simplicius),因他們最堅定地抵抗了那異端者。那麼,亞加修為何在這些事中緘默如此之久,若非因他不願自己所渴望成就之事以任何方式受到阻攔呢?
1:1956
Ponamus tamen etiamsi nulla synodus praecessisset, cuius apostolica sedes recte fieret executrix, cum quibus erat de Acacio synodus ineunda? numquid cum his, qui iam participes tenebantur Acacio et per Orientem totum catholicis sacerdotibus uiolenter exclusis et per exilia diuersa relegatis socii euidenter existebant communionis externae, prius se ad haec consortia transferentes quam sedis apostolicae scita consulerent? cum quibus ergo erat synodus ineunda? catholici pontifices fuerant undique iam depulsi solique remanserant socii perfidorum, cum quibus iam nec licebat habere conuentum dicente psalmo: non sedi in concilio uanitatis et cum iniqua gerentibus non introibo.
Yet let us grant that, even if no synod had preceded of which the Apostolic See might rightly become the executrix, with whom was a synod to be entered upon concerning Acacius? Surely not with those who were already held as partakers with Acacius, and who—throughout the whole East, with the catholic priests violently excluded and relegated to divers exiles—were evidently associates of an alien communion, transferring themselves to these associations before they consulted the decrees of the Apostolic See? With whom, then, was a synod to be entered upon? The catholic pontiffs had already been driven out on every side, and there remained alone the associates of the faithless, with whom it was no longer lawful to hold an assembly, the psalm saying: I have not sat in the council of vanity, and with those who do iniquity I will not enter in.
然而,就算假定並無在先的會議、使徒座可正當地成為其執行者,那麼,論及亞加修,這會議該與誰一同召開呢?豈是與那些已被視為與亞加修有分之人?——他們在全東方,隨著大公祭司被強暴地逐出、被放逐到各處流放之地,顯然是外邦相通的同夥,且在諮詢使徒座的裁定之前,就已將自己轉入這些結黨之中?那麼,這會議該與誰一同召開呢?大公教長已四處被逐,所餘的惟有那些不信之人的同夥,與他們已不再可舉行集會,正如詩篇所說:「我沒有坐在虛妄人的會中,也不與作惡的人同進。」
1:1957
nec ecclesiastici moris est cum his, qui pollutam habent communionem permixtamque cum perfidis, miscere concilium. recte igitur per Calchedonensis synodi formam huiusmodi praeuaricatio repulsa est potius quam ad concilium, quod nec opus erat post primam synodum nec cum talibus haberi licebat, <adducta est>. nam et quid ageretur de fide catholica, intellegere si uellent, ignorare non poterant, cum uiderent catholicos pontifices nulla synodi discussione, nullo concilio, praecipue cum nouas causas esse perpenderent, toto Oriente depelli et ceteri quid cauerent ex illorum discere qualitate potuissent.
Nor is it of ecclesiastical custom to hold council with those who have communion polluted and mingled with the faithless. Rightly, therefore, was such a prevarication repelled by the form of the Council of Chalcedon, rather than brought to a council—which was neither needful after the first synod, nor lawful to be held with such persons. For they could not be ignorant, if they were willing to understand, what was being done concerning the catholic faith, since they saw the catholic pontiffs, with no discussion of a synod, with no council, expelled throughout the whole East—especially since they weighed that the causes were new—and the rest could have learned, from the character of those men, what they themselves should beware.
與那些其相通已被玷污、且與不信之人相混雜的人一同開會,也不合教會的慣例。因此,這樣的背信理當憑迦克墩會議的形式被駁回,而非被帶到會議之前——這會議在首次會議之後既無必要,與這等人一同召開也不合法。因為他們若肯明白,便不能不知道關乎大公信德所發生的事,因他們既看見大公教長在毫無會議之討論、毫無會議之下,被逐出全東方——尤其他們既已衡量這些案件是新的——其餘的人本可從那些人的樣式,學會他們自己當防備甚麼。
1:1958
restat igitur, ut illius partis eos fuisse sit clarum, cui se post tot experimenta dederunt, meritoque ab apostolica sede ceterisque catholicis non iam consulendi erant potius sed notandi. Risimus autem, quod praerogatiuam uolunt Acacio comparari, quia episcopus fuerit regiae ciuitatis. numquid apud Mediolanum, apud Rauennam, apud Sirmium, apud Triueros multis temporibus non constitit imperator? numquidnam harum urbium sacerdotes ultra mensuram sibimet antiquitus deputatam quippiam suis dignitatibus usurparunt?
It remains, therefore, that it be clear that they were of that party to which they gave themselves after so many trials, and deservedly they were now not so much to be consulted by the Apostolic See and the other catholics, but rather to be marked as guilty. But we have laughed that they wish a prerogative to be procured for Acacius, because he was bishop of the royal city. Was it not at Milan, at Ravenna, at Sirmium, at Trier that the emperor resided for many periods of time? Did the priests of these cities usurp anything for their own dignities beyond the measure anciently allotted to them?
因此,其結論便是要顯明:他們既在經過如此多的試驗之後,投靠了那一黨,就是屬那黨的了;且按理,如今對於使徒座和其餘的大公信徒而言,他們與其說是當受諮詢,不如說是當被標記為有罪。但我們竟發笑,因他們想要為亞加修爭取特權,只因他是皇都的主教。皇帝豈不是曾在米蘭、拉溫納(Ravenna)、色米昂(Sirmium)、特里爾(Trier)多次駐蹕嗎?這些城的祭司豈曾為自己的尊位僭取任何超過古時分派給他們之限度的東西嗎?
1:1959
numquid Acacius, ut Iohannem qualemlibet hominem, catholicum tamen a catholicis ordinatum, de Alexandria excluderet Petrumque in haeresi iam detectum atque damnatum absque sedis apostolicae consultatione reciperet, aliqua synodo saltim illic habita hoc audacter arripuit? ut Kalendionem de Antiochia depelleret haereticumque Petrum, quem ipse damnauerat, absque notitia sedis apostolicae rursus admitteret, aliqua synodo id fecisse monstratur? si certe de dignitate agitur ciuitatum, secundae sedis et tertiae maior est dignitas sacerdotum quam eius ciuitatis, quae non solum inter sedes minime numeratur sed nec inter metropolitanorum iura censetur.
Did Acacius, in order to expel from Alexandria John—an ordinary man, to be sure, yet a Catholic ordained by Catholics—and to receive without any consultation of the Apostolic See Peter, who had already been exposed and condemned as a heretic, boldly seize upon this at least with some synod held there on the spot? Is it shown that he did this by any synod, so as to drive Kalendion from Antioch and to admit again, without the knowledge of the Apostolic See, the heretic Peter whom he himself had condemned? If indeed it is a question of the dignity of cities, greater is the dignity of the bishops of the second and third sees than that of a city which is not only in no way reckoned among the sees but is not even counted among the rights of metropolitans.
亞加修為了把約翰逐出亞歷山大——約翰固然是個平凡的人,卻是天主教徒、由天主教徒所祝聖的——並且未經宗座諮詢便接納了已被揭發並定罪為異端的伯多祿,他難道曾至少在當地召開過某個會議、憑此便大膽妄為嗎?是否有證據顯示他是憑某個會議行事,以致把卡倫狄翁逐出安提阿,又未經宗座知悉便重新接納那個他自己所定罪的異端伯多祿?若果真論及各城市的尊榮,那麼第二、第三宗座的主教之尊榮,遠大於那座城市的尊榮——那座城市不但根本不列於諸宗座之中,甚至也不算在各都主教的職權之列。
1:1960
nam quod dicitis \'regiae ciuitatis\', alia potestas est regni saecularis, alia ecclesiasticarum distributio dignitatum. sicut enim quamuis parua ciuitas praerogatiuam praesentis regni non minuit, sic imperialis praesentia mensuram dispensationis religiosae non mutat. sit clara urbs illa potestate praesentis imperii, religio sub eodem tunc firma, tunc libera, tunc prouecta consistit, si potius hoc praesente propriam teneat sine ulla perturbatione mensuram. Sed dicatur forsitan de Alexandrino et Antiocheno certis ex causis principem magis illa, quae gesta sunt, non Acacium praecepisse.
For as to what you say, 'of the royal city,' the power of a secular kingdom is one thing, and the distribution of ecclesiastical dignities is another. For just as however small a city does not diminish the prerogative of the present kingdom, so the imperial presence does not alter the measure of religious dispensation. Let that city be illustrious in the power of the present empire; religion under that same empire then stands firm, then free, then advanced, if rather, with that empire present, it holds its own measure without any disturbance. But it may perhaps be said that concerning the Alexandrian and the Antiochene, for certain reasons the emperor rather than Acacius commanded what was done.
至於你們所說的「王城」,世俗王權的權力是一回事,教會品級的分配又是另一回事。因為正如一座城無論多麼渺小,都不會削減現世王國的特權;同樣,皇帝的臨在也不會改變宗教職分的尺度。讓那座城因現世帝國的權勢而顯赫吧;而宗教在同一帝國之下,若在皇帝臨在時,不受任何攪擾地持守自己的分寸,那時它才穩固、才自由、才得以長進。但或許有人會說,關於亞歷山大和安提阿之事,基於某些緣由,是皇帝而非亞加修下令行了所行的那些事。
1:1961
sed principi Christiano decuerat suggerere sacerdotem, maxime cuius familiaritate et fauore fruebatur, saluam fore de eius iniuria contumeliaque uindictam, tantum ut ecclesiae sineret Christianus princeps regulas custodiri, quia et noua in utroque pontifice causa esset exorta et nouam discussionem consequenter inquireret, et, sicut semper esset effectum, sacerdotali concilio de sacerdotibus iudicia prouenirent, non a saeculari uiderentur qualescumque pontifices, etsi errore humanitus accedente, non tamen contra religionem ullatenus excedentes potestate percelli. an ad haec iusta ratione principi suggerenda non erat regiae ciuitatis honore sublimis?
But a Christian prince ought to have been advised by the bishop—especially by one of whose intimacy and favour he enjoyed—that vindication for the injury and insult done to him would be safe, provided only that the Christian prince allowed the rules of the Church to be kept; for a new case had arisen in the matter of both bishops, and it consequently called for a new examination, and, as had always been done, judgments concerning bishops should proceed from a priestly council, and bishops of whatever rank—even if human error had crept in, yet not in any way transgressing against religion—should not seem to be struck down by a secular power. Or, for advising the prince of these just things, was one not exalted by the honour of the royal city?
但一位基督徒君王本應受主教勸諫——尤其是那位享有君王親密之情與寵眷的主教——告以:對加於他的傷害與凌辱,伸冤自可穩妥得著,只要這位基督徒君王容許教會的規章得以遵守;因為在兩位主教的事上已生出新的案由,順理成章便需要新的審查,並且如同向來所行的,論斷主教之事應出於神職會議,而無論何等品階的主教,縱使有人性軟弱造成的過失混入,只要絕未以任何方式干犯宗教,就不當顯得被世俗權力所擊倒。難道為了向君王進諫這些合宜之事,那位因王城之尊榮而被高舉的人,竟不勝任嗎?
1:1962
si factus erat illa regia ciuitate sublimior, tanto magis in his suggerendis debuit esse constantior; si autem in his, quae pro religione fuerant exerenda, extitit contemptibilis atque despectus et aut segnis aut fiduciam non habens intimandi, in quo per regiam ciuitatem maior effectus est? Nathan propheta palam publiceque in facie regi Dauid et commissum pronuntiauit errorem et ipsum commisisse non tacuit et confessione correctum consequenter absoluit.
If he had been made more exalted by that royal city, so much the more ought he to have been more steadfast in advising these things; but if in those things which had to be put forth on behalf of religion he proved contemptible and despised, and either slothful or lacking the confidence to make them known, in what was he made greater through the royal city? The prophet Nathan openly and publicly, to the very face of King David, both declared the error committed and did not keep silence that David had committed it, and, when he had been corrected by confession, consequently absolved him.
若他因那王城而被高舉得更尊貴,他就更當在進諫這些事上更加堅定;但若在那些本應為宗教挺身而出的事上,他竟顯得可鄙、遭人輕視,又或怠惰、或缺乏膽量去進言,那麼他藉著王城究竟在什麼事上被造得更偉大呢?先知拿單當面、公開地在大衛王面前,既宣告了他所犯的過錯,也不隱瞞是大衛犯了此罪,又在大衛藉認罪得糾正之後,隨即赦免了他。
1:1963
hic autem uir bonus et sacerdos egregius in tantum se et suggerere potuisse monstrauit et noluisse deprompsit, immo fauisse patefecit, ut et imperator cuncta se ex eius gessisse consilio non taceret et ipse imperatorem magnis praeconiis eleuaret ista facientem seseque proderet his agendis rebus fuisse participem. Sed esto, Kalendion imperatoris nomen abstulerit, Iohannes principi mentitus fuisse iactetur: quae tamen cum nouae essent causae, noua debuit ecclesiastica prouenire discussio.
But this good man and outstanding bishop showed that he both could have made such representations and disclosed that he was unwilling to—nay rather made plain that he had approved—so much so that the emperor did not keep silent that he had done everything on his counsel, and he himself extolled the emperor with great praises for doing these things and betrayed that he had been a partner in these transactions. But grant that Kalendion had taken away the emperor's name, and that John is claimed to have lied to the prince: yet since these were new cases, a new ecclesiastical examination ought to have taken place.
但這位善人、卓越的主教卻表明:他本能夠進言,又明言自己不肯進言,甚至公然表示他其實贊同——以致皇帝毫不隱諱地說一切都是照他的意見行的,而他本人又以極大的頌讚高舉那行這些事的皇帝,並自曝他曾是這些行動的參與者。但就算卡倫狄翁曾除去皇帝的名號,又就算有人指控約翰向君王撒了謊:然而既然這些都是新的案由,本就應當進行新的教會審查。
1:1964
an [obiectio], qui in homine imperatore peccasse dicebantur, nulla interueniente synodo deici debuerunt et in deum, qui summus et uerus est imperator, Acacium delinquentem sinceramque communionem diuini sacramenti studentem miscere cum perfidis secundum synodum, qua haec est damnata perfidia, non oportebat excludi? quid per totum Orientem de innumeris urbibus pulsi catholici sacerdotes et haeretici subrogati? nouae certe erant causae et his consequenter noua synodus debebatur.
Or ought those who were said to have sinned against a man, the emperor, to have been deposed without any intervening synod, while against God—who is the highest and true emperor—Acacius, who offended and was zealous to mingle the sincere communion of the divine sacrament with the treacherous, contrary to the synod by which this treachery was condemned, ought not to have been excluded? What of the Catholic bishops driven out from countless cities throughout the whole East, and the heretics substituted in their place? Surely these were new cases, and consequently a new synod was owed for them.
難道那些被指干犯了一個人——即皇帝——的人,竟該在毫無會議介入之下被廢黜;而那干犯了天主(祂才是至高而真實的皇帝)的亞加修,他既冒犯了天主,又熱衷於違反那定此背信之罪的會議、把神聖聖事的純正共融與那些背信者相混雜——這樣的人竟不當被逐出嗎?那在整個東方、從無數城市被逐出的天主教主教,以及被安插替補的異端,又當如何?這些確實是新的案由,順理成章便當為此召開新的會議。
1:1965
cur tunc non uenit in mentem, ut in talibus causis peteretur a principe saltim qualiscumque synodus celebranda, ut quocumque uel colorato iudicio traditionis ecclesiasticae passim pontifices uiderentur exclusi, non solum quarumcumque urbium sacerdotes, sed metropolitani incunctanter antistites? his omnibus cum non restitit suggestione qua potuit, consensit Acacius communicando cunctis, qui in catholicorum locum haeretici fuerant subrogati. apostolus autem dicit non solum qui faciunt sed et qui consentiunt facientibus reos indubitanter adscribi.
Why then did it not come to mind that in such cases at least some sort of synod should be requested from the prince to be convened, so that whenever bishops were seen to be everywhere excluded by even a specious judgment against ecclesiastical tradition—not only bishops of any cities whatever, but without hesitation metropolitan prelates—Acacius, since he did not resist by such representation as he could, consented by communicating with all who had been substituted as heretics in the place of Catholics? But the Apostle says that not only those who do such things, but also those who consent to those who do them, are without doubt reckoned guilty.
那麼為何當時竟沒有想到:在這樣的案件中,至少該請求君王召開某種會議,好使無論何時、只要主教們四處被逐——哪怕是憑一個貌似合理、卻違反教會傳統的判決而被排斥——不僅任何城市的主教,連都主教級的高級主教也毫不遲疑地被逐時,能有所處置?亞加修既未以他所能的進諫加以抵擋,便藉著與一切頂替天主教徒之位、被安插的異端者共融而表示了贊同。然而使徒說:不但行這些事的人,連贊同行這些事之人的,也無疑要被算為有罪。
1:1966
an haec licuit saeculari potestati et actis talibus Acacio consentienti absque ulla synodo, quam ipsa rerum nouitas exigebat, absque sedis apostolicae consultatione perficere et sedi apostolicae non licuit secundum tenorem synodi Calchedonensis in ueteri utique causa et ueteri constituto iusta definitione damnata inimicis synodi Calchedonensis Acacium communicantem a sua communione depellere? Sed inquiunt, Acacius principibus obuiare non potuit. cur Basilisco, quia uoluit, obuiauit? cur ipsi Zenoni, ne palam Petro Antiocheno, quamuis latenter hoc fecerit, communicare uideretur, non commodauit assensum?
Or was it permitted to the secular power, and to Acacius consenting to such acts, to accomplish these things without any synod—which the very novelty of the affairs demanded—and without consultation of the Apostolic See, while it was not permitted to the Apostolic See, according to the tenor of the Synod of Chalcedon, in a matter indeed already old and condemned by a just definition under an old decree, to expel from its communion Acacius, who was communicating with the enemies of the Synod of Chalcedon? But they say, Acacius could not oppose the emperors. Why then did he oppose Basiliscus, because he wished? Why did he not lend his assent to Zeno himself, so as not to seem openly to communicate with Peter of Antioch, although he did this covertly?
難道世俗權力,以及贊同這等行為的亞加修,竟可以不經任何會議——即便事態本身的新奇正要求召開會議——又不經宗座諮詢,便完成這些事;而宗座卻不可以按照迦克墩會議的旨意,在一件確已是舊案、且已按公義的裁定、依舊有的成規被定罪的事上,把那與迦克墩會議之仇敵共融的亞加修逐出其共融之外嗎?但他們說,亞加修無法違抗皇帝。那麼他為何又因己意違抗了巴西利斯庫斯?他為何不肯順從芝諾本人,以免顯得公然與安提阿的伯多祿共融——縱然他暗中確實這樣做了?
1:1967
ecce resultanti non restitit imperator, ecce uim nolenti non intulit, ecce refugienti contagia manifesta concessit. postremo cur tanto tempore, cum ista gererentur uel gerenda cognosceret, non ad sedem apostolicam, a qua sibi curam illarum regionum nouerat delegatam, referre curauit sed prius laudator factus est ipse gestorum quam uel praemoneret talia esse temptanda uel ne temptarentur obsisteret, sicut sub Basilisco iam fecerat? cur illis ceteris communicare consensit, qui depulsis catholicis sacerdotibus indubitanter haeretici singulis urbibus fuerant substituti?
Behold, the emperor did not resist him when he objected; behold, he did not force him when he was unwilling; behold, he conceded manifest defilements to one who was fleeing them. Finally, why, over so long a time, while these things were being done or he came to know they were to be done, did he not take care to refer them to the Apostolic See, from which he knew the care of those regions had been delegated to him, but rather became himself a praiser of the deeds before he even forewarned that such things were to be attempted, or resisted lest they be attempted—as he had already done under Basiliscus? Why did he consent to communicate with those others who, once the Catholic bishops were driven out, had without doubt been substituted as heretics in the individual cities?
看哪,當亞加修反對時,皇帝並未抵擋他;看哪,當他不願時,皇帝並未強迫他;看哪,對那本可逃避污穢的人,皇帝竟容他沾染明顯的污穢。末了,在如此漫長的時日裡,當這些事正在進行、或他已知這些事將要施行時,他為何不肯把這些事呈報宗座——他明知那些地區的照管正是宗座委託給他的——反倒在他預先警告這等事將被嘗試、或抵擋以免它們被嘗試(如同他在巴西利斯庫斯治下已做過的)之前,自己先成了這些行徑的稱頌者?他為何贊同與那些人共融?那些人在天主教主教被逐之後,無疑已作為異端被安插到各城之中。
1:1968
postremo si ille defuit suis partibus et quae sacerdoti catholico competerent agere non curauit, ideo sedes apostolica, quod ad eam pertinebat, uel potuit uel debuit, praeterire? quolibet modo haereticorum complicem refutauit et consortem communionis externae a sua communione dimouit nec opus fuit noua synodo, cum ueteris constituti sufficienter hoc forma praescriberet, nec opus fuit, ut haec facienda Orientis episcopis intimaret, quos et expulsione catholicorum, quae agebantur in causa fidei, non ignorasse manifestum sit et communicando haereticis subrogatis facto tali consensisse.
Finally, if he failed in his own part and did not care to do what befitted a Catholic bishop, was the Apostolic See therefore permitted, or bound, to pass over what pertained to it? By whatever means it rejected the accomplice of heretics and removed from its communion a partner of an alien communion; nor was there need of a new synod, since the form of the old decree sufficiently prescribed this; nor was there need to make known to the bishops of the East that these things were to be done—bishops who, it is plain, were not ignorant of the expulsion of Catholics that was being carried on in a matter of the faith, and who, by communicating with the substituted heretics, had consented to such a deed.
末了,若他在自己的本分上有虧,又不肯去做一位天主教主教所當做的事,那麼宗座難道就可以、或就當忽略那屬於它自己職責的事嗎?宗座無論以何種方式,都已駁斥了異端的同謀,並將一位與外邦共融者相通的人逐出自己的共融;既不需要新的會議,因為舊成規的形式已充分規定了此事;也不需要通知東方的主教們該行這些事——顯然,這些主教並非不知道那在信仰之事上進行的、驅逐天主教徒之舉,他們既與被安插的異端共融,便對這樣的行為表示了贊同。
1:1969
non dubium est etiam externae communionis effectos atque ideo cum eis iam nec potuisse nec debuisse sedis apostolicae scita tractari. ecce agnouerunt in eorum professione, qui constantissime perdurarunt, quid fidei communionique catholicae deberetur. ecce agnouerunt, quemadmodum a talibus recedendo, immo talibus contraria moliendo, a fide et communione catholica deuiarit Acacius seque pariter cum eodem errori subdiderint.
There is no doubt that they too were rendered members of an alien communion, and that therefore the decrees of the Apostolic See could now neither be, nor ought to have been, treated of with them. Behold, in the profession of those who most steadfastly persevered, they recognized what was owed to the faith and to Catholic communion. Behold, they recognized how, by withdrawing from such men—nay rather by contriving things contrary to such men—Acacius had deviated from the Catholic faith and communion, and how they had likewise subjected themselves along with him to the same error.
毫無疑問,他們自己也已成了外邦共融的成員,因此宗座的決議已不能、也不應再與他們商議。看哪,在那些最堅定持守之人的信仰宣認中,他們認出了信仰與天主教共融所當歸屬之處。看哪,他們認出:亞加修藉著背離這樣的人——甚至藉著策劃與這樣的人相反之事——如何偏離了天主教的信仰與共融;而他們自己也如何隨他一同陷入了同樣的錯謬。
1:1970
ecce agnouerunt, quam iustis ex causis pro fide et communione catholica atque apostolica, cui et illi qui in ea perstiterant congruebant et illi qui perstantibus obuiabant ab eadem docebantur alieni, sedis apostolicae auctoritate sit remotus Acacius eiusque pariter quicumque complices extiterunt atque ab illa merito cum his communione discretus, a qua se ipse primum cum suis consortibus catholicis pontificibus discrepando cognoscitur separasse, iureque sententiam ille damnationis excepit ceteris consortibus promulgandam, qui solus pro omnibus suis consortibus in communionem se recidisse perfidiae ad apostolicam sedem missis litteris est professus.
Behold, they recognized for how just causes—on behalf of the Catholic and apostolic faith and communion, with which both those who had stood firm in it were in accord, and from which those who opposed the steadfast were taught to be estranged—Acacius was removed by the authority of the Apostolic See, and likewise whoever were his accomplices, and was deservedly severed together with them from that communion, from which he is known to have separated himself first, by dissenting with his associates from the Catholic bishops; and rightly did he receive the sentence of condemnation to be promulgated to his other associates, who alone, on behalf of all his associates, professed in a letter sent to the Apostolic See that he had fallen back into the communion of treachery.
看哪,他們認出了亞加修被宗座權柄革除,是出於何等公義的緣由——為著那天主教與宗徒性的信仰與共融;那些在其中堅立的人與此相合,而那些抵擋堅立者之人,則被教導是與此疏離的。連同他一切的同謀也照樣如此,他理當與他們一同被逐出那共融;而他自己是最先與其同夥、藉著背離天主教主教而使自己脫離了那共融。他也理當領受那定罪的判決,好宣布給他其餘的同夥;因為唯獨他一人,代表他所有的同夥,在寄往宗座的信中宣認自己已跌回了背信的共融。
1:1971
cui si communicauerant Orientales episcopi, antequam huc referret, pari utique reatu sine dubio probabantur inuolui iureque per illum transgressionis sententiam susceperunt tamquam facti cum eodem communionis externae, qui utique non consuli tamquam nostrae communionis homines iam deberent sed tamquam in contrario positi consortio refutari. si uero non communicauerant, antequam Acacius huc referret, et communicantem notare debuerant et ipsi de eodem potius huc referre atque apostolicae sedis uigore perculsum merito conprobare cumque ea sede apostolica tantisque illis catholicis pontificibus magis tenere concordiam.
If the Eastern bishops had communicated with him before he referred the matter here, they were without doubt proved to be involved in an equal guilt, and rightly through him they received the sentence of transgression, as having been made partners with him in an alien communion—men who indeed ought no longer to be consulted as men of our communion, but to be rejected as set in a contrary fellowship. But if they had not communicated before Acacius referred here, they ought both to have marked him as one communicating, and themselves rather to have referred concerning him here, and deservedly to have approved him as struck down by the vigour of the Apostolic See, and to have held concord rather with that Apostolic See and with those so many Catholic bishops.
若東方的主教在亞加修把此事呈報這裡之前,曾與他共融,那麼他們無疑就被證實同陷於相等的罪責,並理當藉著他而領受背逆的判決,如同已與他同為外邦共融的夥伴——這等人實在不當再被當作我們共融之人來諮詢,而該被當作處於相反團契中的人加以駁斥。但若他們在亞加修呈報這裡之前並未與他共融,那麼他們既當標明他為一個與異端共融的人,自己也該就他之事寧可呈報這裡,並理當認同他已被宗座的權能所擊倒,反倒該與那宗座以及那許許多多天主教主教保持和睦。
1:1972
sed quia ab illorum societate desciuerant et eorum successoribus communicare delegerant, ideo cum sede apostolica minime congruebant, quia in sortem reciderant praeuaricatoris Acacii (et) illius se sine dubio peruidebant sententia consequenter adstringi, ob hoc eum uideri nolebant esse damnatum, quia se cognoscebant in eadem praeuaricatione damnatos, in qua hodieque manere persistunt.
But because they had defected from the fellowship of those men and had chosen to communicate with their successors, therefore they by no means agreed with the Apostolic See, since they had fallen into the lot of the prevaricator Acacius, and saw that they were without doubt consequently bound by his sentence; on this account they were unwilling that he should appear to be condemned, because they knew themselves condemned in the same prevarication, in which even to this day they persist in remaining.
但因為他們背離了那些人的團契,又選擇與那些人的繼任者共融,所以他們斷不與宗座相合,因為他們已陷入背約者亞加修的同一命運,並看出自己無疑順理成章地被他的判決所束縛;因此,他們不願他顯得被定罪,因為他們自知在同一背約之罪上也被定了罪,而他們至今仍執意留在其中。
1:1973
sed sicut hi simili conditione constricti complicem suum non possunt iudicare non iure damnatum neque rei reum possunt competenter absoluere, sic illo iuste praeuaricatore damnato isti quoque pari iacent damnatione prostrati neque nisi resipiscentes inde poterunt prorsus absolui, quia sicut per unum scribentem eorum omnium uulgata transgressio est, qui in eandem perfidiae reciderant actionem, sic in uno eodemque, qui pro omnibus scripserat uel scribendo omnium prodiderat uoluntates, transgressione punita <pariter quoque cum eodem uel in eodem est complicum transgressio punita) cunctorum.
But just as these men, bound by a like condition, cannot judge their accomplice to have been unjustly condemned, nor fittingly absolve one guilty of the charge, so, since that prevaricator was justly condemned, these too lie prostrate under an equal condemnation, nor can they at all be absolved from it except by coming to their senses; for as through one man who wrote, the transgression of them all was published—men who had fallen back into the same action of treachery—so in one and the same man, who had written on behalf of all, or by writing had betrayed the wills of all, when his transgression was punished, the transgression of all the accomplices was likewise punished together with him or in him.
但正如這些受同樣境況所束縛的人,既不能斷定他們的同謀是被不公義地定了罪,也不能名正言順地開釋一個當受此指控之罪的人;照樣,那背約者既被公義地定了罪,這些人也照樣伏在相等的定罪之下,除非幡然悔悟,否則斷不能從中得開釋。因為正如藉著一個執筆之人,他們眾人的背逆得以公開——這些人都跌回了同樣的背信行動;照樣,在那一個代表眾人執筆、或藉執筆而洩露眾人心意的人身上,當他的背逆受了懲罰,眾同謀的背逆也照樣連同他、或在他裡面一同受了懲罰。
1:1974
Quae ad instructionem uestrae dilectionis satis abundeque sufficere iudicamus, quamuis eadem latius, si dominus concesserit facultatem, studeamus exponere, quatenus et fidelium quisque cognoscat nihil apostolicam sedem, quod absit. praepropere censuisse.
These things we judge to be amply and more than sufficient for the instruction of your beloved selves, although we shall endeavour, if the Lord grants the opportunity, to set forth these same matters more fully, so that every one of the faithful may know that the Apostolic See has decided nothing—far be it!—over-hastily.
我們判斷,這些話對於教導你們親愛的眾人,已綽綽有餘;不過,若主賜下機會,我們必竭力把這些事更詳盡地闡明,好叫每一位信徒都知道:宗座絕未——但願不至於此——草率地裁決過任何事。
1:1975
quae tamen sententia in Acacium destinata etsi nomine tantummodo praesulis apostolici, cuius erat utique potestatis, legitime probatur esse deprompta, praecipue cum secretim dirigenda uideretur, ne custodiis ubique praetentis dispositio salutaris quibuslibet difficultatibus inpedita necessarium habere non posset effectum, tamen quia orthodoxis ubique deiectis et haereticis tantummodo eorumque consortibus iam relictis in Oriente catholici pontifices aut residui omnino non essent aut nullam gererent libertatem, plurimorum in Italia catholicorum congregatio sacerdotum rationabiliter cognouit in Acacium < sententiam > fuisse prolata<m>.
Yet although that sentence directed against Acacius, even if in the name only of the apostolic prelate—whose authority it certainly was—is lawfully proved to have been pronounced (especially since it seemed it had to be conveyed secretly, lest, with watch-guards everywhere set out, the saving arrangement, hindered by whatever difficulties, might fail to have its necessary effect); nevertheless, because with the orthodox everywhere cast out and only heretics and their associates now left in the East, there were either no Catholic bishops remaining at all, or they exercised no freedom, a gathering of very many Catholic bishops in Italy reasonably acknowledged that the sentence against Acacius had been rightly pronounced.
那針對亞加修所發的判決,縱然只是以宗座高級主教的名義所出(此權柄無疑正屬於他),仍合法地被證實是依規宣布的——尤其因為看來此判決須秘密傳遞,免得處處佈下崗哨、使這救贖性的安排被種種難處攔阻、無法收得其必需的效果;然而,由於正統信徒處處被逐,如今東方只剩下異端及其同夥,以致天主教主教或全然無存、或毫無自由可言,於是義大利許許多多天主教主教的一次聚會,便合理地認定:針對亞加修的判決是正當宣布的。
1:1976
quae congregatio facta pontificum non contra Calchedonensem, non tamquam noua synodus contra ueterem primamque conuenit sed potius secundum tenorem ueteris constituti particeps apostolicae executionis effecta est, ut satis appareat ecclesiam catholicam sedemque apostolicam, quia alibi iam omnino non posset, ubi potuit et cum quibus potuit, nihil penitus omisisse, quod ad fraternum pertineret pro intemerata fide et sincera communione tractatum. EXPLICIT RATIONIS REDDENDAE ACACIUM A SEDE APOSTOLICA COHPETENTER FUISSE DAMNATUM NEC POSSE QVEMQVAM SINE DISCRIMINE ANIMAE SUAE EIUS COMMUNIONIS PARTICIPEM EFFICI. II. NARRATIONIS ORDO DE PRAUITATE DIOSCORI AIEXANDRINI.
This gathering of bishops that took place convened not against Chalcedon, nor as a new synod against the old and first, but rather, according to the tenor of the old decree, was made a participant in the apostolic execution, so that it may sufficiently appear that the Catholic Church and the Apostolic See—because elsewhere it now could not at all—where it could and with whom it could, omitted absolutely nothing that pertained to a fraternal treatment on behalf of the undefiled faith and sincere communion. HERE ENDS THE ACCOUNT OF THE REASON TO BE RENDERED THAT ACACIUS WAS COMPETENTLY CONDEMNED BY THE APOSTOLIC SEE, AND THAT NO ONE CAN BE MADE A PARTAKER OF HIS COMMUNION WITHOUT PERIL TO HIS OWN SOUL. II. THE ORDER OF THE NARRATIVE CONCERNING THE DEPRAVITY OF DIOSCORUS OF ALEXANDRIA.
這次舉行的主教聚會,並非為反對迦克墩,也不是作為一個新會議來對抗那舊而首要的會議,乃是按照舊成規的旨意,成了宗座執行的參與者;好叫人足以看明:天主教會與宗座——因為在別處如今全然不能——在它所能之處、與它所能相合之人一同,對於為著純潔無玷的信仰與純正共融的弟兄式處置,絕無半點遺漏。《論宗座妥當定罪亞加修、且無人能不危及自己靈魂而成其共融之伙的說明》至此完結。二、關於亞歷山大的狄奧斯古魯之邪僻的敘事次序。
1:1977
Posteaquam Dioscorus Alexandrinus episcopus [qui] pro facti sui qualitate, id est quia consenserat Eutycheti haeretico et damnauit Flauianum episcopum catholicum Constantinopolitanum, apud Calcedonam < tam) a principe sanctae memoriae Marciano quam ab aulicis potestatibus uel cuncta synodo damnatus est, Proterius catholicus fit sacerdos. tunc Timotheus presbyter, cui cognomen erat Ellurus, et Petrus diaconus sectatores Dioscori ab Alexandrina se ecclesia separarunt. quos cum Proterius episcopus ad ministerium proprium reuocare non posset, utrumque damnauit.
After Dioscorus, bishop of Alexandria, on account of the character of his deed—that is, because he had consented to the heretic Eutyches and had condemned Flavian, the Catholic bishop of Constantinople—was condemned at Chalcedon both by the prince of holy memory Marcian and by the palace authorities and by the whole synod, Proterius was made Catholic bishop. Then Timothy the presbyter, whose surname was Aelurus, and Peter the deacon, followers of Dioscorus, separated themselves from the Church of Alexandria. When bishop Proterius could not recall them to their proper ministry, he condemned them both.
亞歷山大主教狄奧斯古魯,因其行為的性質——即因他曾贊同異端歐迪克,又定罪了君士坦丁堡的天主教主教弗拉維安——在迦克墩被聖名可紀念的君王馬爾西安、以及宮廷諸權貴和全體會議所定罪;此後,普洛特留被立為天主教主教。那時,長老提摩太(綽號「貓」)與執事伯多祿,同為狄奧斯古魯的追隨者,從亞歷山大教會分離出去。主教普洛特留既不能召他們回到本職的事奉,便將二人一同定罪。
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