Life of Martin & Chronicle 2 part 4/4

When he came to Seleucia, received with great favor, he had turned the minds and zeal of all toward himself. And first it was asked of him what was the faith of the Gauls; because then, since the Arians were spreading perverse reports about us, we were held suspect by the Easterners of having believed, according to Sabellius, in a three-named oneness of a solitary God. But, having set forth his faith in accordance with those things which had been written by the fathers at Nicaea, he gave testimony for the Westerners. Thus, the minds of all having been satisfied, he was received within the conscience of communion and also into fellowship, and was admitted to the council. Then it began to be proceeded with, and the authors of the perverse heresy were discovered and torn away from the body of the Church.

In that number were Georgius of Alexandria, Acacius, Eudoxius, Uranius, Leontius, Theodosius, Euagrius, Theodulus. But, the synod being finished, a legation was decreed to the emperor, which should report what had been done. The condemned also set out to the king, sufficiently confident in the strength of their allies and in the fellowship of the prince. Meanwhile the emperor compels the legates of the Council of Ariminum, on the part of our people, to be united to the communion of the heretics; and he hands over to them a faith composed by the wicked, wrapped in deceiving words, which should speak the catholic discipline with a hidden treachery.

For it abolished the word 'substance' (usia) as ambiguous and rashly used by the fathers, and not proceeding from the authority of the scriptures, under the appearance of a false reasoning, lest the Son should be believed to be of one substance with the Father. The same faith confessed the Son to be like the Father. But within there lay a fraud prepared, that he should be 'like,' but not be 'equal.' Thus, the legates having been dismissed, it was commanded to the prefect that he should not release the synod before all should profess by their subscriptions that they consented to the composed faith; and if any should resist too obstinately, provided that number were within fifteen, they should be driven into exile. But when the legates returned, although they deprecated the royal force, communion was denied.

Indeed, when what had been decreed became known, there was a greater confusion of affairs and counsels; then gradually most of our people, partly overcome by weakness of character, partly by weariness of their sojourning abroad, gave themselves up to the adversaries, while now, after the return of the legates, the former party and the Church were held by ours being thrust out from there; and once the inclination of minds had taken place, they went over in troops to the other party, until the number of our people was diminished to twenty. But these, the fewer they were, the stronger they were. The most steadfast among them were held to be our Foegadius and Servatius, bishop of Tongres. These, because they had not yielded to threats and terrors, Taurus assails with entreaties, and weeping implores them to take milder counsels.

He urged that the bishops, shut up within one city, were now spending the seventh month, worn out by the injury of winter and by want, and that no hope of return was given them; what end at last would there be? Let them follow the example of the majority, and at least take authority from numbers. But indeed Foegadius professed himself ready for exile and for every punishment to which he might be demanded; that he would not accept the faith conceived by the Arians. Thus in this contest several days were drawn out; and when they availed little toward peace, gradually even he himself became more broken, and at last, a condition having been proposed, he is overcome. For Valens and Ursacius, affirming that the present faith was conceived by catholic reasoning, and put forth by the Easterners on the emperor's authority, was being repudiated with sacrilege;

and what end of discords would there be, if what had pleased the Easterners should displease the Westerners? Finally, if anything seemed to have been set forth less fully in the present faith, let them themselves add what they thought ought to be added; they would give their consent to those things which were added. The favorable profession was received with the willing minds of all, and our people no longer dared to resist, now desiring in whatever way to put an end to affairs. Then the professions conceived by Foegadius and Servatius began to be set forth; in which, first, Arius was condemned and all his treachery, and moreover the Son of God is pronounced equal to the Father and without beginning, without time.

Then Valens, as if helping our people, subjoined a statement in which there lurked a hidden deceit: that the Son of God was not a creature like the other creatures; and the fraud of the profession deceived the hearers. For by these words, by which the Son was denied to be like the other creatures, he was nevertheless pronounced to be a creature, only superior to the rest. Thus neither party could think itself wholly victorious or defeated, because the faith itself was for the Arians, but the professions afterward added were for ours, except for that one which Valens had subjoined, which, not understood at the time, was at last noticed too late. In this manner the council was dismissed, consummated with a good beginning and a foul ending.

Therefore the Arians, with affairs flowing too prosperously and according to their wishes, rush to the emperor at Constantinople; there, finding the legates of the Council of Seleucia, they compel them by the royal force, after the example of the Westerners, to accept that perverse faith. Most, refusing, were vexed by injurious imprisonment and even by hunger, and gave up their captive conscience. Many, resisting more steadfastly, were deprived of their bishopric and thrust into exile, and others were put in their place. Thus, the best priests being either terrified by fear or led off into exile, all had yielded to the treachery of a few. Hilary was present there then, having followed the legates from Seleucia, with no certain instructions concerning himself, awaiting the emperor's will, in case he should perhaps be ordered to return to exile.

When he perceived the extreme peril of the faith—that the Westerners having been deceived, the Easterners were being overcome by wickedness—having publicly presented three petitions, he demanded a hearing of the king, that he might dispute concerning the faith in the presence of his adversaries. But this the Arians refused with the utmost effort. Finally, as if he were a seed-plot of discord and a disturber of the East, he is ordered to return to the Gauls, without the indulgence of exile.

But when he had traversed almost the whole world, badly infected with treachery, doubtful in mind and tossed by a great weight of cares, since it seemed to most that communion ought not to be entered into with those who had accepted the Council of Ariminum, judging it best to recall all to amendment and penitence, by frequent councils within the Gauls, and with nearly all the bishops professing concerning their error, he condemns what had been done at Ariminum and reforms the faith of the churches to its pristine state. Saturninus, bishop of Arles, a man assuredly most wicked and of an evil and perverse disposition, resisted these sound counsels. But he, besides the infamy of heresy, having been convicted of many and unspeakable crimes, was cast out of the Church.

Thus the strength of the party, its leader being lost, was broken. Paternus too of Périgueux, equally senseless and not refusing to profess treachery, was driven from his priesthood; to the rest pardon was given. This was established among all: that by the kindness of Hilary alone our Gauls were freed from the sacrilege of heresy. But Lucifer then at Antioch was of a far different opinion. For he condemned those who had been at Ariminum to such a degree that he separated himself even from the communion of those who had received them either under satisfaction or penitence. Whether he established this rightly or wrongly I dare not say. Paulinus and Rhodanius died in Phrygia; Hilary, in the sixth year after he had returned, departed this life in his fatherland.

There follow the times of our own age, grievous and perilous, in which the churches were polluted by an unwonted evil and all things were disturbed. For then first that infamous heresy of the Gnostics was detected within the Spains, a destructive superstition hidden in arcane secrets. The origin of that evil was the East and Egypt, but by what beginnings it grew together there is not easy to discuss; one Marcus first brought it into the Spains, having set out from Egypt, born at Memphis. His hearers were a certain Agape, a woman of no ignoble birth, and the rhetorician Helpidius.

By these Priscillian was instructed, a man of noble family, exceedingly rich in resources, keen, restless, eloquent, learned by much reading, most ready in discoursing and disputing—truly happy, if he had not corrupted an excellent intellect by a perverse zeal; for you could discern many goods of mind and body in him. He could keep watch much, endure hunger and thirst, least covetous of possessing, most sparing in using. But the same man was most vain and inflated more than is right with the knowledge of profane things; nay, it was believed that he had practiced magic arts from his adolescence. When he had taken up the destructive teaching, he allured into fellowship many of the nobility and more of the common people by the authority of persuading and the art of flattering.

To this, women eager for novelties, of fickle faith and of a temperament curious about all things, flowed together to him in crowds; for, presenting a show of humility in face and dress, he had cast over all a respect and reverence for himself. And now gradually the corruption of that treachery had spread through the greater part of Spain; nay, some even of the bishops were corrupted, among whom Instantius and Salvianus had received Priscillian not only with agreement, but even under a certain conspiracy, until Hyginus, bishop of Córdoba, acting from nearby, having learned of these things, reported them to Ydacius, priest of Mérida.

But he, without measure and beyond what was fitting, provoking Instantius and his associates, applied a kind of torch to the rising conflagration, so that he exasperated the wicked rather than suppressed them. Therefore, after many contests among them, not worthy of mention, a synod is gathered at Saragossa, at which the Aquitanian bishops also then took part. But the heretics did not dare to commit themselves to judgment; nevertheless a sentence was passed against the absent, and the bishops Instantius and Salvianus, and the laymen Helpidius and Priscillian, were condemned. It was added also that, if anyone should receive the condemned into communion, he should know that the same sentence would be pronounced against himself.

And this business was given to Ithacius, bishop of Ossonoba, that he should bring the decree of the bishops to the notice of all, and especially should put Hyginus outside communion, who, when he had been the first of all to begin openly to attack the heretics, had afterward, basely corrupted, received them into communion. Meanwhile Instantius and Salvianus, condemned by the judgment of the priests, in order to strengthen their own forces, establish as bishop in the town of Ávila Priscillian also—a layman, but the chief of all the evils, marked together with themselves by the Synod of Saragossa—thinking no doubt that, if they should arm a keen and crafty man with priestly authority, they would be the safer. Then indeed Ydacius and Ithacius pressed more sharply, judging that the evil could be suppressed at its beginnings;

but with counsels too little sound they approach the secular judges, that by their decrees and executions the heretics might be driven from the cities. Therefore, after many and foul contests, at Ydacius's entreaty a rescript is elicited from Gratian, then emperor, by which all heretics whatsoever were ordered to be driven out not only from the churches or cities, but beyond all lands. Learning of this, the Gnostics, distrusting their affairs, not daring to contend by judgment, those who seemed to be bishops yielded of their own accord; fear scattered the rest. And then Instantius, Salvianus, and Priscillian set out for Rome, that before Damasus, at that time bishop of the city, they might clear themselves of the charges objected against them.

But their journey lay through inner Aquitania, where, then magnificently received by the unskilled, they scattered the seeds of treachery. And most of all they perverted the people of Éauze, then truly good and zealous for religion, by their perverse preachings. Repulsed at Bordeaux through Delphinus, nevertheless having tarried a while on the estate of Euchrotia, they infected not a few with their errors. Thence, having begun the journey set out, with a truly base and shameful retinue, with their wives and even with other women's wives, among whom was Euchrotia and her daughter Procula—concerning whom there was talk among men that, made pregnant by Priscillian's debauchery, she had procured for herself an abortion by herbs. When these came to Rome, desiring to clear themselves before Damasus, they were not even admitted into his sight.

Returning to Milan, they found Ambrose equally opposed to them. Then they changed their counsels, so that, because they had not deluded the two bishops who at that time had the highest authority, they might by lavishing bribes and by intriguing extort their desires from the emperor. Thus, Macedonius, then master of the offices, having been corrupted, they elicit a rescript by which, the things previously decreed having been trampled upon, they were ordered to be restored to their churches. Relying on this, Instantius and Priscillian sought again the Spains—for Salvianus had died in the city—and then, without any contest, recovered the churches over which they had presided. But to Ithacius for resisting not the spirit, but the means was lacking, because the heretics, having corrupted the proconsul Volventius, had confirmed their forces.

Nay more, Ithacius was even accused by these as a disturber of the churches, and being ordered to be led off by a fierce execution, in alarm fled to the Gauls; there he approached the prefect Gregorius. He, having learned what had been done, orders the authors of the disturbances to be seized to himself, and reports concerning everything to the emperor, that he might block the heretics' way of intriguing. But this was in vain, because through the lust and power of a few all things there were venal. Therefore the heretics by their arts, a great sum of money having been given to Macedonius, obtain that, by imperial authority, the cognizance of the Spains, taken from the prefect, should be transferred to the vicar; for they had now ceased to have a proconsul;

and officials were sent by the master to drag back to the Spains Ithacius, then acting at Trier. But he, cunningly frustrating them, and afterward defended through the bishop Britannius, eluded them. And by then a favorable rumor had crept in that Maximus had assumed the imperial power within Britain and would shortly burst out into the Gauls. So then Ithacius resolved, although in doubtful circumstances, to await the coming of the new emperor; meanwhile he should agitate nothing. Therefore, when Maximus victoriously entered the town of Trier, he heaps up petitions full of odium and of charges against Priscillian and his associates.

Moved by these, the emperor, letters having been given to the prefect of the Gauls and to the vicar of the Spains, orders absolutely all whom that taint had involved to be led to the Synod of Bordeaux. Thus Instantius and Priscillian were brought; of whom Instantius, ordered to plead his cause first, after he cleared himself too little, was pronounced unworthy of the bishopric. But Priscillian, lest he should be heard by the bishops, appealed to the prince. And this was permitted by the inconstancy of our people, who ought either to have passed sentence even on one resisting, or, if they themselves were held suspect, to have reserved the hearing for other bishops, not to commit to the emperor a case of crimes so manifest.

Thus all whom the case had involved were led to the king. The accusers also followed, the bishops Ydacius and Ithacius, whose zeal in attacking the heretics I would not reprehend, if they had not contended more than was fitting out of a zeal for conquering. And it is indeed my opinion that the defendants as well as the accusers displease me; certainly I define that Ithacius had nothing of scruple, nothing of holiness; for he was bold, talkative, shameless, extravagant, devoting very much to his belly and his gullet. This man had advanced to such a degree of folly that he summoned to a charge even all holy men, who either had a zeal for reading or had set themselves to contend by fastings, as though they were associates or disciples of Priscillian.

The wretch even dared at that time openly to cast the infamy of heresy upon the bishop Martin, a man plainly to be compared with the Apostles. For then Martin, stationed at Trier, did not cease to rebuke Ithacius, that he should desist from the accusation, and to entreat Maximus that he should abstain from the blood of the unhappy men; that it was enough and more than enough that the heretics, judged by episcopal sentence, should be driven from the churches; that it was a savage and unheard-of impiety that a judge of the world should judge a cause of the Church. And so, as long as Martin was at Trier, the inquiry was deferred; and as he was about to depart, he elicited from Maximus, by his remarkable authority, a pledge that nothing bloody should be determined against the defendants.

But afterward the emperor, corrupted through the bishops Magnus and Rufus and turned away from milder counsels, committed the case to the prefect Euodius, a man keen and severe. He, having heard Priscillian in a twofold inquiry and convicted him of sorcery—Priscillian not denying that he had devoted himself to obscene doctrines, that he had also held nocturnal gatherings of base women and had been accustomed to pray naked—pronounced him guilty and remanded him into custody, until he should report to the prince. The proceedings having been delivered to the palace, the emperor decreed that Priscillian and his associates ought to be condemned to death.

But Ithacius, seeing how odious it would be to himself among the bishops if he, as accuser, had also stood by at the last capital judgments—for it was necessary that the judgment be repeated—withdraws himself from the cognizance, cunning in vain now that the crime was already accomplished. And then through Maximus a certain Patricius, an advocate of the treasury, is appointed as accuser. Thus, with him pressing on, Priscillian was condemned to death, and together with him Felicissimus and Armenius, who recently, when they were clerics, having followed Priscillian, had defected from the catholics. Latronianus too and Euchrotia were slain by the sword. Instantius, whom we said above had been condemned by the bishops, was deported to the island of Sylina, which is situated beyond Britain.

(4) Thereafter the proceedings moved on to the rest in the trials that followed, and Asarivus and the deacon Aurelius were condemned to the sword, while Tiberianus, his goods confiscated, was deported to the island of Sylinancis. Tertullus, Potamius, and Iohannes, as persons of lower rank and deserving of mercy because they had betrayed themselves and their associates before being put to the question, were banished to a temporary exile within the bounds of Gaul. (5) In roughly this manner men utterly unworthy of the light of day were either put to death by a most evil precedent or punished with exile. This proceeding, which at the outset had been upheld by the rule of law and by signal public sanction, was afterwards turned back by Ithacius — first provoked by quarrels, and at last convicted — upon those at whose command and counsel he had carried it through; yet he alone of all was thrust out of his episcopate.

(6) For Ydacius, though less guilty, had of his own accord resigned his bishopric — wisely and modestly, had he not afterwards attempted to recover the post he had lost. (7) For the rest, once Priscillian had been put to death, the heresy which had burst forth under his leadership was not only not suppressed but, confirmed, was spread more widely. For his followers, who had earlier honoured him as a saint, now began to venerate him as a martyr. (8) The bodies of the executed were carried back to Spain and their funerals celebrated with great ceremony; indeed it was reckoned the height of religious devotion to swear by Priscillian. Meanwhile among our own people a perpetual war of discords had blazed up, which, already churned for fifteen years by shameful dissensions, could in no way be quieted.

(9) And now, when all things were seen to be thrown into utter turmoil and confusion chiefly by the discords of the bishops, and everything was corrupted through them by hatred or favour, by fear, fickleness, envy, faction, lust, greed, arrogance, sloth, and idleness, (10) at the last the many strove against the few who counselled well, with insane designs and obstinate zeal; and amid all this the people of God and every best man was held up to reproach and mockery.