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Victorius of Aquitaine
Easter Cycle 1 part 2/4
Latin original · 38 verses · some words can be tapped for a gloss · long chapter, split into parts; this part covers 1:39–1:76 (121 verses in all)
1:39
Sub Episcopatu ejus No- vatus extra Ecclesiam ordinavit Novatianum in urbe Roma, et Ni- costratum in Africa, Hoc facto. Confessores qui se separaverunt a Cornelio, cum Maximo Presbytero, qui cum Moyse fuit, ad Ecclesiam sunt reversi. Post hoc Centumcellis expulsus, ibi cum gloria dormitio- nem accepit. Lucius annos tres, menses octo, dies decem. Fuit temporibus Galli et Volusiani, usque Valeriano III et Gallieno II. Hic exul fuit et postea nutu Dei ad Ecclesiam reversus. (Decessit) Tertio nonas Martii, Consulibus suprascriptis. Stephanus annos quatuor, men- ses duos, dies viginti unum.
Under his episcopate Novatus, outside the Church, ordained Novatian in the city of Rome, and Nicostratus in Africa. This done, the confessors who had separated themselves from Cornelius, together with the priest Maximus who had been with Moyses, returned to the Church. After this he was banished to Centumcellae, and there received his falling-asleep in glory. Lucius, three years, eight months, ten days. He lived in the times of Gallus and Volusianus, down to the third of Valerian and the second of Gallienus. He was an exile, and afterward, by God's will, returned to the Church. (He died) on the third day before the Nones of March, in the consulship aforesaid. Stephanus, four years, two months, twenty-one days.
在他任主教期間,諾瓦圖斯在教會之外於羅馬城祝聖了諾瓦提安,又在非洲祝聖了尼科斯特拉都斯。此事既成,那些曾與高爾乃略分離的宣信者,連同曾與梅瑟斯一起的司鐸馬克西穆斯,便都回到教會。此後他被放逐到琴圖姆切萊,並在那裡得享榮耀的安息。路求,三年八月十日。他生於加魯斯與沃路西阿努斯的時代,直到瓦肋良第三任與加里恩努斯第二任之年。他曾被流放,後來藉天主的旨意回到教會。(他逝世)於三月初七日前第三日,由前述者任執政官之時。斯德望,四年二月二十一日。
1:40
Fuit temporibus Valeriani et Gallieni, a Consulatu Volusiani et Maximini, usque Valeriano III et Gallieno II. Sixtus annis duobus, mensibus undecim, diebus sex. Coepit a Con- sulatu Maximi et Glabrionis, usque Tusco et Basso, et passus est VIII Idus Augusti (et presbyteri prae- fuerum) a Consulatu Tusci et Bassi usque in diem XII Kalendas Au- gusti, AEmiliano et Basso Consu- libus. Dionysius annis octo, mensibus duobus, diebus quatuor. Fuit tem- poribus Gallieni ex die undecimo Kalendarum Augusti, AEmiliano et Basso Consulibus, usque in diem septimum Kalendas Januarii, Con- sulibus Claudio et Paterno. Felix annis quinque, mensibus undecim, diebus viginti quinque.
He lived in the times of Valerian and Gallienus, from the consulship of Volusianus and Maximinus, down to the third of Valerian and the second of Gallienus. Sixtus, two years, eleven months, six days. He began from the consulship of Maximus and Glabrio, down to that of Tuscus and Bassus, and he suffered on the eighth day before the Ides of August (and the priests presided), from the consulship of Tuscus and Bassus to the day twelve before the Kalends of August, in the consulship of Aemilianus and Bassus. Dionysius, eight years, two months, four days. He lived in the times of Gallienus, from the eleventh day before the Kalends of August, in the consulship of Aemilianus and Bassus, to the seventh day before the Kalends of January, in the consulship of Claudius and Paternus. Felix, five years, eleven months, twenty-five days.
他生於瓦肋良與加里恩努斯的時代,自沃路西阿努斯與馬克西米努斯任執政官之年,直到瓦肋良第三任與加里恩努斯第二任之年。西斯篤,二年十一月六日。他自馬克西穆斯與格拉布里奧任執政官之年起,直到圖斯庫斯與巴蘇斯之年;他於八月望前第八日受難(其間由諸司鐸主理),自圖斯庫斯與巴蘇斯任執政官之年,直到八月朔前第十二日,由埃米利阿努斯與巴蘇斯任執政官之時。狄約尼削,八年二月四日。他生於加里恩努斯的時代,自八月朔前第十一日、由埃米利阿努斯與巴蘇斯任執政官之時起,直到一月朔前第七日、由克勞狄與帕特爾努斯任執政官之時。斐理斯,五年十一月二十五日。
1:41
Fuit temporibus Claudii et Aure- liani, a Consulam Claudii et Pa- terni, usque in Consulatum Aure- liani II et Capitolini. Eutychianus annis octo, mensi- bus undecim, diebus tribus. Fuit temporibus Aureliani, a Consulatu Aureliani III et Marcellini, usque in diem VII Idus Decembris, Caro II et Carino Consulibus. Caius annos duodecim, mensi- bus quatuor, diebus septem. Fuit temporibus Cari et Carini, ex die XVI Kalendas Januarii, Consulibus Caro II ex Carino, usque in X Ka- lendas Maii, Diocletiano VI et Con- stantio II Consulibus. Marcellinus annis octo, mensi- bus tribus, diebus viginti quinque.
He lived in the times of Claudius and Aurelian, from the consulship of Claudius and Paternus, to the second consulship of Aurelian and that of Capitolinus. Eutychianus, eight years, eleven months, three days. He lived in the times of Aurelian, from the third consulship of Aurelian and that of Marcellinus, to the seventh day before the Ides of December, in the consulship of Carus (his second) and Carinus. Caius, twelve years, four months, seven days. He lived in the times of Carus and Carinus, from the sixteenth day before the Kalends of January, in the consulship of Carus (his second) and Carinus, to the tenth day before the Kalends of May, in the consulship of Diocletian (his sixth) and Constantius (his second). Marcellinus, eight years, three months, twenty-five days.
他生於克勞狄與奧勒良的時代,自克勞狄與帕特爾努斯任執政官之年,直到奧勒良第二任與卡皮托利努斯任執政官之年。歐迪基安,八年十一月三日。他生於奧勒良的時代,自奧勒良第三任與馬爾切利努斯任執政官之年,直到十二月望前第七日,由卡魯斯第二任與卡里努斯任執政官之時。蓋約,十二年四月七日。他生於卡魯斯與卡里努斯的時代,自一月朔前第十六日、由卡魯斯第二任與卡里努斯任執政官之時,直到五月朔前第十日、由戴克里先第六任與君士坦提烏斯第二任任執政官之時。馬爾切利努斯,八年三月二十五日。
1:42
Fuit temporibus Diocletiani et Maximiani, ex die pridie Kalendas Julias, a Consulibus Diocletiano VI et Constantio II, usque in Consu- latum Diocletiani IX et Maxi- miani VIII. Quo tempore fuit per- secutio et cessavit Episcopatus an- nos IV , mensibus sex, diebus vi- ginti quinque. Marcellus anno uno mensibus septem, dies viginti. Fuit tempori- bus Maxentii a Consulatu (Maxi- miani Herculei) X et Maximiani (Ga- leri) VII, usque post Consula- tum X et VII. Eusebius menses quatuor, dies sedecim, a XIV Kalend. Malas us- que in diem XVI Kalendas Septem- bris.
He lived in the times of Diocletian and Maximian, from the day before the Kalends of July, from the consulship of Diocletian (his sixth) and Constantius (his second), to the consulship of Diocletian (his ninth) and Maximian (his eighth). At which time there was a persecution, and the episcopate ceased for four years, six months, twenty-five days. Marcellus, one year, seven months, twenty days. He lived in the times of Maxentius, from the consulship of Maximian Herculius (his tenth) and Maximian Galerius (his seventh), to after the tenth and seventh consulship. Eusebius, four months, sixteen days, from the fourteenth day before the Kalends of May to the sixteenth day before the Kalends of September.
他生於戴克里先與馬克西米安的時代,自七月朔前一日、自戴克里先第六任與君士坦提烏斯第二任任執政官之年起,直到戴克里先第九任與馬克西米安第八任任執政官之年。其時發生了一場迫害,主教職分中斷了四年六月二十五日。馬爾切魯斯,一年七月二十日。他生於馬克森提烏斯的時代,自馬克西米安·赫庫利烏斯第十任與馬克西米安·加肋里烏斯第七任任執政官之年,直到第十任與第七任執政官之後。歐瑟伯,四月十六日,自五月朔前第十四日,直到九月朔前第十六日。
1:43
Miltiades annis tribus, mensibus sex, diebus novem 3 , et die sexto Nonas Julias, a Consulatu Maxi- miano VIII solo, quod fuit mense Septembri, Volusiano et Rufino, usque in III Idus Januarii, Volu- siano et Aniano Coss. Silvester annis viginti uno, men- sibus undecim. Fuit temporibus Constantini, a Consulatu Voluslani et Anniani, ex die pridie Kalendas Februarii, usque in diem (pridie) Kalendarum Januariarum, Constan- tino et Albino Coss. Marcus menses VIII , dies XX . Fuit temporibus Constantini, Ne- potiano et Facundo Consulibus; ex die XV Kalendas Februarii, usque in diem Nonarum Octobrium, Con- sulibus supradictis. Julianus annos quindecim, men- ses duos, dies sex.
Miltiades, three years, six months, nine days, from the sixth day before the Nones of July, from the consulship of Maximian (his eighth) alone—which was in the month of September—to that of Volusianus and Rufinus, down to the third day before the Ides of January, in the consulship of Volusianus and Annianus. Silvester, twenty-one years, eleven months. He lived in the times of Constantine, from the consulship of Volusianus and Annianus, from the day before the Kalends of February, to the day before the Kalends of January, in the consulship of Constantine and Albinus. Marcus, eight months, twenty days. He lived in the times of Constantine, in the consulship of Nepotianus and Facundus; from the fifteenth day before the Kalends of February to the day of the Nones of October, in the consulship aforesaid. Julius, fifteen years, two months, six days.
米爾弟亞德,三年六月九日,自七月初五日前第六日、自馬克西米安第八任獨任執政官之時起(那是在九月),直到沃路西阿努斯與魯非努斯之年,再到一月望前第三日、由沃路西阿努斯與安尼阿努斯任執政官之時。西爾物斯特,二十一年十一月。他生於君士坦丁的時代,自沃路西阿努斯與安尼阿努斯任執政官之年、二月朔前一日起,直到一月朔前一日、由君士坦丁與阿爾比努斯任執政官之時。馬爾谷,八月二十日。他生於君士坦丁的時代,由涅波提阿努斯與法昆都斯任執政官之時;自二月朔前第十五日,直到十月初五日、由前述者任執政官之時。儒略,十五年二月六日。
1:44
Fuit temporibus Constantis, a Consulatu Feliciani et Titiani, ex die VIII Idus Februa- rii, in diem pridie Idus Aprilis, Constantio V et Constantio Caesare Consulibus. Hic multas fabricas fecit, basilicam in via Portuensi, milliario III ; basilicam in via Fla- minia, milliario II , quae vocatur Valentini; basilicam Juliam, quae est regione VII , juxta forum Divi Trajani; basilicam trans Tiberim, regione XIV , juxta Callistum; basi- licam in via Aurelia, milliario III ad Callistum. Liberius fuit temporibus Con- stantii, ex die XI Kalendas Junias, in diem..... a Consulibus Constantio V et Constantio Caesare. Antiquitas Ecclesiae illustrata, tom, I , pag. 402.
He lived in the times of Constans, from the consulship of Felicianus and Titianus, from the eighth day before the Ides of February, to the day before the Ides of April, in the consulship of Constantius (his fifth) and Constantius Caesar. He made many structures: a basilica on the Portuensian Way, at the third milestone; a basilica on the Flaminian Way, at the second milestone, which is called Valentini's; the Julian Basilica, which is in the seventh region, beside the forum of the deified Trajan; a basilica across the Tiber, in the fourteenth region, beside Callistus; a basilica on the Aurelian Way, at the third milestone, near Callistus. Liberius lived in the times of Constantius, from the eleventh day before the Kalends of June, to the day..... from the consulship of Constantius (his fifth) and Constantius Caesar. Antiquitas Ecclesiae Illustrata, vol. I, page 402.
他生於君士坦斯的時代,自費利基阿努斯與提提阿努斯任執政官之年、二月望前第八日,直到四月望前一日、由君士坦提烏斯第五任與君士坦提烏斯·凱撒任執政官之時。他建造了許多建築:在波爾圖恩斯大道第三里程碑處的一座大殿;在弗拉米尼烏斯大道第二里程碑處、稱為瓦倫提尼之大殿的一座大殿;位於第七區、毗鄰已神化的圖拉真廣場的儒略大殿;位於第十四區、毗鄰卡利斯都、橫跨台伯河的一座大殿;在奧勒良大道第三里程碑處、靠近卡利斯都的一座大殿。利伯略生於君士坦提烏斯的時代,自六月朔前第十一日,直到……之日,自君士坦提烏斯第五任與君士坦提烏斯·凱撒任執政官之年。《教會古制圖釋》(Antiquitas Ecclesiae Illustrata),第一冊,第402頁。
1:45
Juxta antiquiorem catalogum Bi- blioth. Caesareae, ad MS . exem- plar et editionem Cuspiniani . Imperante Tiberio Caesare, pas- sus est Dominus noster Jesus Chri- stus duobus Geminis Consulibus, VIII Kal. Aprilis, et post ascensum ejus Beatissimus Petrus Episcopa- tum suscipit. Ex quo tempore per successionem dispositum, quis Epi- scopus, quot annis praefuit, vel quo imperante. Petrus annis 25, mense 1, die- bus 9. Fuit temporibus Tiberii Cae- saris, et Caii, et Tiberii Claudii, et Neronis a Consulatu Vinicii et Longini, usque Neronis et Veteris : passus autem cum Paulo die 3. Kal. Julias, Consulibus suprascri- ptis, imperante Nerone. Linus annis duodecim, mensi- bus 4, diebus 12.
According to the more ancient catalogue of the Imperial Library, after the manuscript exemplar and the edition of Cuspinian. In the reign of Tiberius Caesar, our Lord Jesus Christ suffered, in the consulship of the two Gemini, on the eighth day before the Kalends of April; and after His ascension the most blessed Peter received the episcopate. From that time it was set down by succession who was bishop, for how many years he presided, and under whose reign. Peter, twenty-five years, one month, nine days. He lived in the times of Tiberius Caesar, of Caius, of Tiberius Claudius, and of Nero, from the consulship of Vinicius and Longinus to that of Nero and Verus: and he suffered, together with Paul, on the third day before the Kalends of July, in the consulship aforesaid, under the reign of Nero. Linus, twelve years, four months, twelve days.
依照帝國圖書館較古的目錄,按庫斯皮尼安的手稿原本與刊本而錄。在提庇留·凱撒在位時,我們的主耶穌基督受難,時當二格米尼烏斯任執政官之年,四月朔前第八日;在祂升天之後,至福的伯多祿承受了主教職分。自那時起,便按繼承順序記載:誰為主教、在位幾年、又當誰在位之時。伯多祿,二十五年一月九日。他生於提庇留·凱撒、蓋約、提庇留·克勞狄與尼祿的時代,自維尼基烏斯與隆基努斯任執政官之年,直到尼祿與維魯斯之年:他與保祿一同受難,時當七月朔前第三日,由前述執政官任職、尼祿在位之時。理諾,十二年四月十二日。
1:46
Fuit temporibus Neronis a Consulatu Saturnini, et Scipionis, usque Capitone et Rufo. Clemens annis IX , mensibus XI , diebus XII . Fuit temporibus Galbae et Vespasiani, a Consulatu Tra- chali et Italici, usque Vespasiano VII et Tito. ( Clemens tertio, Cletus quarto loco ponuntur, qua vero ratione ignoratur : cum canon Missae Tra- ditionem Ecclesiae Romanae his verbis exhibeat : Lini, Cleti, Clementis.) Cletus annis 6. mensibus 2. die- bus 10. Fuit temporibus Vespa- siani et Titi, et initio Domitiani a Consulibus Vespasiano VIII et Do- mitiano V, usque Domitiano IX et Rufo. Anacletus annis 12. mensibus 10. diebus 3.
He lived in the times of Nero, from the consulship of Saturninus and Scipio to that of Capito and Rufus. Clement, nine years, eleven months, twelve days. He lived in the times of Galba and Vespasian, from the consulship of Trachalus and Italicus to the seventh of Vespasian and the consulship of Titus. (Clement is placed third, Cletus fourth, but for what reason is unknown: whereas the canon of the Mass sets forth the Tradition of the Roman Church in these words: 'Linus, Cletus, Clement.') Cletus, six years, two months, ten days. He lived in the times of Vespasian and Titus and at the beginning of Domitian, from the eighth consulship of Vespasian and the fifth of Domitian, to the ninth of Domitian and the consulship of Rufus. Anacletus, twelve years, ten months, three days.
他生於尼祿的時代,自撒杜爾尼努斯與西庇阿任執政官之年,直到卡皮托與魯弗斯之年。革利免,九年十一月十二日。他生於加爾巴與維斯帕先的時代,自特拉卡魯斯與意大利庫斯任執政官之年,直到維斯帕先第七任與提多任執政官之年。(革利免被列為第三、克勒圖斯為第四,然而出於何種緣由則無從得知:因為彌撒典經以如下言詞陳述羅馬教會的傳統:「理諾、克勒圖斯、革利免。」)克勒圖斯,六年二月十日。他生於維斯帕先與提多,並多米田初年的時代,自維斯帕先第八任與多米田第五任,直到多米田第九任與魯弗斯任執政官之年。亞那克勒圖斯,十二年十月三日。
1:47
Fuit temporibus Domi- tiani, a Consulibus Domitiano X et Sabino, usque Domitiano XVII et Clemente. Evaristus annis 13. mensibus 7. diebus 2. Fuit temporibus novissi- mis Domitiani, et Nervae, et Tra- jani, a Consulatu Valentis et Veri, usque Gallo et Bradua. Alexander annis septem, mensi- bus duobus, die uno. Fuit tempo- ribus Trajani, a Consulatu Palmae et Tulli, usque AEliano et Vetere. Sixtus annis decem, mensibus tribus, diebus viginti uno. Fuit temporibus Hadriani, a Consulatu Nigri et Aproniani, usque Veronio et Ambibulo. Telesphorus annis undecim mensibus tribus, diebus tribus. Fuit temporibus Antonini Macrini 3 , a Consulatu Titiani et Gallicani, usque Caesare et Albino.
He lived in the times of Domitian, from the consulship of Domitian (his tenth) and Sabinus, to the seventeenth of Domitian and the consulship of Clemens. Evaristus, thirteen years, seven months, two days. He lived in the latest times of Domitian, and of Nerva, and of Trajan, from the consulship of Valens and Verus to that of Gallus and Bradua. Alexander, seven years, two months, one day. He lived in the times of Trajan, from the consulship of Palma and Tullus to that of Aelianus and Verus. Sixtus, ten years, three months, twenty-one days. He lived in the times of Hadrian, from the consulship of Niger and Apronianus to that of Veronius and Ambibulus. Telesphorus, eleven years, three months, three days. He lived in the times of Antoninus Macrinus, from the consulship of Titianus and Gallicanus to that of Caesar and Albinus.
他生於多米田的時代,自多米田第十任與撒比努斯任執政官之年,直到多米田第十七任與革利免任執政官之年。厄瓦理斯多,十三年七月二日。他生於多米田末年,並涅爾瓦與圖拉真的時代,自瓦倫斯與維魯斯任執政官之年,直到加魯斯與布拉都阿之年。亞歷山大,七年二月一日。他生於圖拉真的時代,自帕爾瑪與圖魯斯任執政官之年,直到埃利阿努斯與維魯斯之年。西斯篤,十年三月二十一日。他生於哈德良的時代,自尼革爾與阿普羅尼阿努斯任執政官之年,直到維羅尼烏斯與安比布魯斯之年。德肋斯佛羅,十一年三月三日。他生於安東尼·馬克里努斯的時代,自提提阿努斯與加利卡努斯任執政官之年,直到凱撒與阿爾比努斯之年。
1:48
Hyginus annis duodecim, men- sibus tribus, diebus sex. Fuit tem- poribus 4 ......... Anicetus annis..... a Con- sulatu Gallicani et Veteris, usque Praesente et Rufino. Pius annis viginti, mensibus quatuor, diebus viginti uno. Fuit temporibus Antonini Pii, a Consu- latu Clari et Severi, usque duobus Augustis. Sub hujus Episcopatu frater ejus Hermes librum scripsit, in quo mandatum continetur quod ei praecepit Angelus, cum venit ad eum in habitu pastoris. Soter annis novem, mensibus tribus. Fuit temporibus 5 .... ............ ............ Eleutherius annis..... Fuit temporibus Antonini Commodi a Consulatu Veri et Ereniani, usque Paterno et Bradua.
Hyginus, twelve years, three months, six days. He lived in the times of...... Anicetus, ... years, from the consulship of Gallicanus and Verus to that of Praesens and Rufinus. Pius, twenty years, four months, twenty-one days. He lived in the times of Antoninus Pius, from the consulship of Clarus and Severus to that of the two Augusti. Under his episcopate his brother Hermas wrote a book, in which is contained the command that the Angel gave him when he came to him in the garb of a shepherd. Soter, nine years, three months. He lived in the times of...... Eleutherius, ... years. He lived in the times of Antoninus Commodus, from the consulship of Verus and Herennianus to that of Paternus and Bradua.
希吉努斯,十二年三月六日。他生於……的時代。安尼克都,……年,自加利卡努斯與維魯斯任執政官之年,直到普雷森斯與魯非努斯之年。庇護,二十年四月二十一日。他生於安東尼·庇護的時代,自克拉魯斯與塞維魯任執政官之年,直到兩位奧古斯都之年。在他任主教期間,他的弟兄黑馬寫了一卷書,其中載有那位天使在牧人裝束中來見他時所給他的命令。索德爾,九年三月。他生於……的時代。厄留德羅,……年。他生於安東尼·康茂德的時代,自維魯斯與赫倫尼阿努斯任執政官之年,直到帕特爾努斯與布拉都阿之年。
1:49
Victor annis decem, mensibus duobus, diebus decem..... ............ ............ Zephyrinus annis.... a Con- sulatu Saturnini et Galli, usque Praesente et Extricato. Callistus annos 5. menses 2. dies 10. Fuit temporibus Macrini et Heliogabali, a Consulatu Anto- nini et Adventi, usque Antonino III et Alexandro. Urbanus annus octo, menses 11, dies 12. Fuit temporibus Alexandri a Consulatu Maximi et AEliani, us- que Agricola cl Clementino. Pontianus annos quinque, men- ses duos, dies septem. Fuit tempo- ribus Alexandri, a Consulatu Pom- peiam et Peligniani.
Victor, ten years, two months, ten days...... Zephyrinus, ... years, from the consulship of Saturninus and Gallus to that of Praesens and Extricatus. Callistus, five years, two months, ten days. He lived in the times of Macrinus and Heliogabalus, from the consulship of Antoninus and Adventus, to the third of Antoninus and the consulship of Alexander. Urbanus, eight years, eleven months, twelve days. He lived in the times of Alexander, from the consulship of Maximus and Aelianus to that of Agricola and Clementinus. Pontianus, five years, two months, seven days. He lived in the times of Alexander, from the consulship of Pompeianus and Pelignianus.
維克托,十年二月十日……。則斐林,……年,自撒杜爾尼努斯與加魯斯任執政官之年,直到普雷森斯與厄斯特里卡都斯之年。卡利斯都,五年二月十日。他生於馬克里努斯與厄拉伽巴路斯的時代,自安東尼與阿德文都斯任執政官之年,直到安東尼第三任與亞歷山大任執政官之年。烏爾巴努斯,八年十一月十二日。他生於亞歷山大的時代,自馬克西穆斯與埃利阿努斯任執政官之年,直到阿格里科拉與克勒門提努斯之年。彭謙,五年二月七日。他生於亞歷山大的時代,自龐培亞努斯與貝利尼阿努斯任執政官之年起。
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Eo tempore Pontianos Episcopus et Hippolitus Presbyter exules sunt deportati in insulam nocivam Sardiniam, Se- vero et Quintino Consulibus : in eadem insula discinctus est IV . Kal. Octobris, et loco ejus ordinatus est Anteros XI . Kal. Decembris Consu- libus suprascriptis. Anteros mense uno, diebus de- cem. Dormit III Nonas Januarii, Maximino et Africano Consulibus. Fabianus annos quatuordecim, mensem unum, dies decem. Fuit temporibus Maximini, et Gordiani, et Philippi, a Consulatu Maximini et Africani, usque Decio II et Grato. Passus XIII . Kal. Februarias. Hic regiones divisit Diaconibus, et mul- tas fabricas per coemeteria fieri jussit.
At that time Bishop Pontianus and the Presbyter Hippolytus were deported as exiles to the noxious island of Sardinia, in the consulship of Severus and Quintinus; on that same island Pontianus was deposed on the fourth day before the Kalends of October, and in his place Anteros was ordained on the eleventh day before the Kalends of December, under the consuls named above. Anteros held the office one month and ten days. He died on the third day before the Nones of January, in the consulship of Maximinus and Africanus. Fabianus held it fourteen years, one month, and ten days. He lived in the times of Maximinus, Gordianus, and Philippus, from the consulship of Maximinus and Africanus down to that of Decius (second time) and Gratus. He suffered martyrdom on the thirteenth day before the Kalends of February. He divided the regions among the deacons, and ordered many structures to be built throughout the cemeteries.
那時,主教彭提安努斯與長老希波律陀被流放至有害的撒丁島,時值塞維魯與昆提努斯任執政官;彭提安努斯就在同一島上於十月朔前第四日被罷免,安泰羅斯遂於前述執政官任內、十二月朔前第十一日受按立繼任。安泰羅斯在位一個月零十日。他於正月初五前第三日逝世,時值馬克西米努斯與阿非黎加努斯任執政官。法比安努斯在位十四年一個月零十日。他生於馬克西米努斯、戈爾迪安努斯與腓力時代,自馬克西米努斯與阿非黎加努斯執政官之年,直到德修斯(第二次)與格拉圖斯之年。他於二月朔前第十三日殉道。他將各區分配給眾執事,並下令在各墓園中建造許多建築。
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Post passionem ejus, Moyses et Maximus Presbyteri et Nicostra- tus Diaconus comprehensi sunt et ili carcerem sunt missi. Eo tem- pore supervenit Novatus ex Africa, et separavit de Ecclesia Novatia- num, et quosdam Confessores, postquam Moyses defunctus est, qui fuit ibi menses undecim, dies undecim. Cornelius annos duos, menses tres, dies decem, a Consulibus De- cio IV et Decio II usque Gallo et Volusiano. Sub Episcopatu ejus Novatus extra Ecclesiam ordinavit Novatianum in urbe Roma, et Ni- costratum in Africa. Hoc facto, confessores qui se separaverunt a Cornelio cum Maximo Presbytero, qui cum Moyse fuit, ad Ecclesiam sunt reversi.
After his martyrdom, the Presbyters Moyses and Maximus and the Deacon Nicostratus were arrested and cast into prison. At that time Novatus arrived from Africa and separated Novatianus from the Church, together with certain confessors, after Moyses had died, who had been there eleven months and eleven days. Cornelius held the office two years, three months, and ten days, from the consulship of Decius (fourth time) and Decius (second time) down to that of Gallus and Volusianus. Under his episcopate Novatus, outside the Church, ordained Novatianus in the city of Rome and Nicostratus in Africa. When this had been done, the confessors who had separated themselves from Cornelius along with the Presbyter Maximus, who had been with Moyses, returned to the Church.
在他殉道之後,長老摩西與馬克西穆斯,以及執事尼科斯特拉圖斯被逮捕並下入監牢。那時諾瓦圖斯從非洲前來,在摩西死後,將諾瓦提安努斯連同某些認信者從教會中分離出去;摩西在獄中共十一個月零十一日。哥尼流在位兩年三個月零十日,自德修斯(第四次)與德修斯(第二次)執政官之年,直到迦路斯與沃路西安努斯之年。在他任主教期間,諾瓦圖斯在教會之外,於羅馬城按立諾瓦提安努斯,又在非洲按立尼科斯特拉圖斯。此事既成,那些連同曾與摩西在一起的長老馬克西穆斯一同脫離哥尼流的認信者們,便重返教會。
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Post hoc Centumcel- lis expulsus, ibi cum gloria dor- mitionem accepit. Lucius annos tres, menses octo, dies decem. Fuit temporibus Galli et Volusiani, usque Valeriano III et Gallieno II. Hic exul fuit, et postea nutu Dei, incolumis ad Ec- clesiam reversus est. Decessit 3 Nonas Martii, Coss. suprascriptis. Stephanus annos quatuor, men- ses duos, dies viginti unum. Fuit temporibus Valeriani et Gallieni, a Consulatu Volusiani et Maximini, usque Valeriano III et Gallieno II. Sixtus annis duobus, mensibus undecim, diebus sex. Coepit a Con- sulatu Maximi et Glabrionis, usque Tusco et Basso, et passus est VIII Idus Augusti..........
After this, having been expelled to Centumcellae, he there received his rest in glory. Lucius held the office three years, eight months, and ten days. He lived in the times of Gallus and Volusianus, down to Valerianus (third time) and Gallienus (second time). He was an exile, and afterwards, by the will of God, returned unharmed to the Church. He died on the third day before the Nones of March, under the consuls named above. Stephanus held the office four years, two months, and twenty-one days. He lived in the times of Valerianus and Gallienus, from the consulship of Volusianus and Maximinus down to that of Valerianus (third time) and Gallienus (second time). Sixtus held it two years, eleven months, and six days. He began from the consulship of Maximus and Glabrio down to that of Tuscus and Bassus, and suffered martyrdom on the eighth day before the Ides of August.
此後,他被驅逐至琴圖姆切萊,並在那裡於榮耀中安息。路修斯在位三年八個月零十日。他生於迦路斯與沃路西安努斯時代,直到瓦勒良(第三次)與迦利埃努斯(第二次)之年。他曾被流放,後來藉著神的旨意,平安無恙地返回教會。他於三月初七前第三日逝世,時值前述執政官在任。司提反在位四年兩個月零二十一日。他生於瓦勒良與迦利埃努斯時代,自沃路西安努斯與馬克西米努斯執政官之年,直到瓦勒良(第三次)與迦利埃努斯(第二次)之年。西斯篤在位兩年十一個月零六日。他自馬克西穆斯與格拉布里奧執政官之年開始,直到圖斯庫斯與巴蘇斯之年,於八月望前第八日殉道。
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a Consulatu Tusci et Bassi, usque in diem XII Kalendas Augusti, AEmi- llano et Basso Consulibus. Dionysius annis octo, mensibus duobus, diebus quatuor. Fuit tem- poribus Gallieni ex die XI Kalen- darum Augusti, AEmiliano et Basso Consulibus, usque in diem septi- mum Kalendar. Januarii, Consuli- bus Claudio et Paterno. Felix annis V , mensibus XI , die- bus XXV . Fuit temporibus Claudii et Aureliani, a Consulatu Claudii et Paterni, usque in Consulatum Au- reliani II, et Capitolini. Eutychianus annis octo, mensi- bus undecim, diebus tribus. Fuit temporibus Aurelium III, et Mar- cellini, usque in diem IV Idus De- cembris, Caro II et Carino Consu- libus.
From the consulship of Tuscus and Bassus down to the twelfth day before the Kalends of August, in the consulship of Aemilianus and Bassus. Dionysius held the office eight years, two months, and four days. He lived in the times of Gallienus, from the eleventh day before the Kalends of August, in the consulship of Aemilianus and Bassus, down to the seventh day before the Kalends of January, in the consulship of Claudius and Paternus. Felix held it five years, eleven months, and twenty-five days. He lived in the times of Claudius and Aurelianus, from the consulship of Claudius and Paternus down to the consulship of Aurelianus (second time) and Capitolinus. Eutychianus held the office eight years, eleven months, and three days. He lived in the times of Aurelianus (third time) and Marcellinus, down to the fourth day before the Ides of December, in the consulship of Carus (second time) and Carinus.
自圖斯庫斯與巴蘇斯執政官之年,直到八月朔前第十二日,時值埃米利安努斯與巴蘇斯任執政官。狄奧尼修斯在位八年兩個月零四日。他生於迦利埃努斯時代,自八月朔前第十一日、埃米利安努斯與巴蘇斯執政官之日,直到正月朔前第七日、克勞狄烏斯與帕特爾努斯執政官之日。斐理斯在位五年十一個月零二十五日。他生於克勞狄烏斯與奧勒良時代,自克勞狄烏斯與帕特爾努斯執政官之年,直到奧勒良(第二次)與卡皮托利努斯執政官之年。歐提基安努斯在位八年十一個月零三日。他生於奧勒良(第三次)與馬爾切利努斯時代,直到十二月望前第四日,時值卡魯斯(第二次)與卡里努斯任執政官。
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Caius annis XII , mensibus IV , diebus VII . Fuit temporibus Cari et Carini ex die XVI Kalendas Janua- rii, Consulibus Caro II et Carino, usque in X Kalendas Mad, Diocle- tiano VI et Constantio II Consu- libus. Marcellinus annis octo, mensibus tribus, diebus viginti quinque. Fuit temporibus Diocletiani et Maxi- miani, ex die pridie Kalendas Ju- lias, a Consulibus Diocletiano VI, et Constantio II, usque in Consula- tum Diocletiani IX et Maximiani VIII. Quo tempore fuit persecutio et cessavit Episcopatus annos VII 4 , mens. VI , dies XXV . Marcellus anno I , mensibus VI , diebus XX .
Caius held the office twelve years, four months, and seven days. He lived in the times of Carus and Carinus, from the sixteenth day before the Kalends of January, in the consulship of Carus (second time) and Carinus, down to the tenth day before the Kalends of May, in the consulship of Diocletianus (sixth time) and Constantius (second time). Marcellinus held it eight years, three months, and twenty-five days. He lived in the times of Diocletianus and Maximianus, from the day before the Kalends of July, from the consulship of Diocletianus (sixth time) and Constantius (second time) down to the consulship of Diocletianus (ninth time) and Maximianus (eighth time). At that time there was the persecution, and the episcopate ceased for seven years, six months, and twenty-five days. Marcellus held the office one year, six months, and twenty days.
迦猶在位十二年四個月零七日。他生於卡魯斯與卡里努斯時代,自正月朔前第十六日、卡魯斯(第二次)與卡里努斯執政官之日,直到五月朔前第十日、戴克里先(第六次)與君士坦提烏斯(第二次)執政官之日。馬爾切利努斯在位八年三個月零二十五日。他生於戴克里先與馬克西米安時代,自七月朔前一日、戴克里先(第六次)與君士坦提烏斯(第二次)執政官之日,直到戴克里先(第九次)與馬克西米安(第八次)執政官之年。在那時發生了逼迫,主教職位中斷了七年六個月零二十五日。馬爾切盧斯在位一年六個月零二十日。
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Fuit temporibus Maxen- til a Consulatu Maximiani Hercu- lei X et Maximiani Galerii VII, us- que post Consulatum X et VII. Eusebius menses IV , dies XVI , a XIV Kalendas Mali, usque in diem XVI Kalendas Septembris. Miltiades annis tribus, mensibus sex, diebus octo, a die sexto Nonas Julias; a Consulatu Maximiano VIII solo, quod fuit mense Septembri, Volusiano et Rufino, usque in III Idus Januarii, Volusiano et Aniano Consulibus. Sylvester annis viginti uno, men- sibus undecim. Fuit temporibus Constantini, a Consulatu Volusiani et Aniani, et die pridie Kalendas Februarii, usque in diem pridie Kalendarum Januariarum Constan- tino et Albino Consulibus. Marcus menses VIII , dies XX .
He lived in the times of Maxentius, from the consulship of Maximianus Herculeus (tenth time) and Maximianus Galerius (seventh time), down to after the consulship of those tenth and seventh terms. Eusebius held the office four months and sixteen days, from the fourteenth day before the Kalends of May down to the sixteenth day before the Kalends of September. Miltiades held it three years, six months, and eight days, from the sixth day before the Nones of July; from the consulship of Maximianus (eighth time) alone, which fell in the month of September, in the consulship of Volusianus and Rufinus, down to the third day before the Ides of January, in the consulship of Volusianus and Anianus. Sylvester held the office twenty-one years and eleven months. He lived in the times of Constantinus, from the consulship of Volusianus and Anianus, and from the day before the Kalends of February, down to the day before the Kalends of January, in the consulship of Constantinus and Albinus. Marcus held the office eight months and twenty days.
他生於馬克森提烏斯時代,自馬克西米安·赫庫利烏斯(第十次)與馬克西米安·迦列里烏斯(第七次)執政官之年,直到那第十次與第七次執政官任期之後。優西比烏斯在位四個月零十六日,自五月朔前第十四日,直到九月朔前第十六日。米爾提阿德斯在位三年六個月零八日,自七月初五前第六日起;自馬克西米安(第八次)獨任執政官(即九月間,沃路西安努斯與魯非努斯任內),直到正月望前第三日、沃路西安努斯與阿尼安努斯執政官之日。西爾維斯特在位二十一年零十一個月。他生於君士坦丁時代,自沃路西安努斯與阿尼安努斯執政官之年、及二月朔前一日,直到正月朔前一日、君士坦丁與阿爾比努斯執政官之日。馬爾庫斯在位八個月零二十日。
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Fuit temporibus Constantini, Ne- potiano et Facundo Consulibus, ex dic XV Kalend. Februarii usque in diem Nonarum Octobrium, Consu- libus supradictis. Julius annos quindecim, mensem unum, dies undecim. Fuit tempori- bus Constantini, a Consulatu Feli- ciani et Titiani ex die VIII Idus Fe- bruarii, in diem pridie Idus Apri- lis, Constantio V, et Constantio Caesare Consulibus. Hic multas fa- bricas fecit.—Basilicam in via Portuensi milliario III . Basilicam in via Flaminia milliario II , quae vo- catur Valentini; Basilicam Juliam, quae est regione VII . juxta forum D. Trajani, Basilicam trans Tibe- rim, regione XIV , juxta Calistum, Basilicam in via Aurelia, milliario tertio ad Calistum.
He lived in the times of Constantinus, in the consulship of Nepotianus and Facundus, from the fifteenth day before the Kalends of February down to the day of the Nones of October, under the consuls named above. Julius held the office fifteen years, one month, and eleven days. He lived in the times of Constantinus, from the consulship of Felicianus and Titianus, from the eighth day before the Ides of February to the day before the Ides of April, in the consulship of Constantius (fifth time) and Constantius Caesar. He built many structures: a basilica on the Via Portuensis at the third milestone; a basilica on the Via Flaminia at the second milestone, which is called the basilica of Valentinus; the Basilica Julia, which is in the seventh region, beside the Forum of the deified Trajan; a basilica across the Tiber, in the fourteenth region, beside the cemetery of Calixtus; and a basilica on the Via Aurelia at the third milestone, near Calixtus.
他生於君士坦丁時代,時值內波提安努斯與法昆杜斯任執政官,自二月朔前第十五日,直到十月初七之日,前述執政官在任。猶利烏斯在位十五年一個月零十一日。他生於君士坦丁時代,自費理西安努斯與提提安努斯執政官之年,自二月望前第八日,直到四月望前一日、君士坦提烏斯(第五次)與凱撒君士坦提烏斯執政官之日。他建造了許多建築:在波爾圖恩西斯大道第三里程碑處的一座聖殿;在弗拉米尼亞大道第二里程碑處的一座聖殿,稱為瓦倫提努斯聖殿;猶利亞聖殿,位於第七區、神化的圖拉真廣場旁;台伯河對岸第十四區、卡里斯圖斯墓園旁的一座聖殿;以及奧勒利亞大道第三里程碑、卡里斯圖斯附近的一座聖殿。
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Liberius fuit temporibus Con- stantini, ex die XI Kalend. Junias, in diem.... a Consulibus Con- stantio V, et Constantio Caesare. Postquam hunc catalogum sub oculos lectoris po- suere, sequentia subjungunt eruditi Benedictini : Telle est la Chronique des Pontifes Romains con- nue sous le nom de catalogue de Libere. Anant d’en établir l’autorité, nous avons d'abord à examiner l’époque à laquelle elle aura été rédigée, et l’auteur à qui il serait possible de l’attribuer. De tous les savants qui se sont occupés de ce mo- nument, nous ne connaissons que Dodwel qui l’ait voulu faire plus récent que l’époque de Libere, et il a été refuté par Tillemont lui-même.
Liberius lived in the times of Constantius, from the eleventh day before the Kalends of June, down to the day... in the consulship of Constantius (fifth time) and Constantius Caesar. After having set this catalogue before the reader's eyes, the learned Benedictines append the following: This is the Chronicle of the Roman Pontiffs known under the name of the Liberian catalogue. Before establishing its authority, we must first examine the period in which it would have been compiled, and the author to whom it might be attributed. Of all the scholars who have concerned themselves with this monument, we know of none but Dodwell who has sought to make it more recent than the epoch of Liberius, and he was refuted by Tillemont himself.
利貝里烏斯生於君士坦提烏斯時代,自六月朔前第十一日,直到……之日,時值君士坦提烏斯(第五次)與凱撒君士坦提烏斯任執政官。在將此目錄陳於讀者眼前之後,博學的本篤會學者附加如下說明:這就是以「利貝里目錄」之名為人所知的羅馬教宗編年史。在確立其權威性之前,我們首先須查考它編纂的年代,以及它可能歸屬的作者。在所有研究過此文獻的學者中,我們所知唯有多德威爾曾試圖將其定為晚於利貝里烏斯時代的作品,而他已被提勒蒙本人所駁倒。
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Sans parler de l’argument qu'on doit naturellement tirer de la coincidence de date dece monument avec les quatre autres opuscules qui l’accompagnent sur les divers manuscrits, circonstance qui suffit à elle seule pour en préciser l’époque, n’y ayant dans le texte du ca- talogue rien qui contredise cette antiquité, cette chronique ne porte-t-elle pas irrécusablement la date de sa redaction dans ces dernières lignes : Li- berius fuit temporibus Constantii, ex die XI Kalend. Junias, in diem... a consulibus Constantio V. et Caesare.
Not to mention the argument that one must naturally draw from the coincidence of date of this monument with the four other little works that accompany it in the various manuscripts, a circumstance which alone suffices to fix its epoch, since there is nothing in the text of the catalogue to contradict this antiquity, does not this chronicle bear irrefutably the date of its composition in these last lines: 'Liberius lived in the times of Constantius, from the eleventh day before the Kalends of June, down to the day... in the consulship of Constantius (fifth time) and Caesar'?
且不論人們自然會從以下情況中得出的論據:此文獻與在各抄本中伴隨它的其他四篇小著作日期相吻合——這一情況本身就足以確定其年代,因為目錄的文本中並無任何與此古老性相矛盾之處——這部編年史豈不是在其末尾數行中無可辯駁地標明了它撰成的日期嗎:「利貝里烏斯生於君士坦提烏斯時代,自六月朔前第十一日,直到……之日,時值君士坦提烏斯(第五次)與凱撒任執政官」?
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« Cette fin, comme le dit Tillemont, convient bien moins à un copiste arrêté par quelque accident, qu’à un auteur qui sa vait le commencement de Li- bère, mais qui n’en savait pas la fin parce qu’elle n’était pas encore arrivée » ( a ). Mais il est un autre argument plus invincible en- core. Outre le catalogue des Papes dit de Libère, il en existe un autre composé au sixième siècle et s’ar- rêtant à Félix IV.
'This ending,' as Tillemont says, 'suits far less a copyist halted by some mishap than an author who knew the beginning of Liberius's pontificate but did not know its end, because that end had not yet come' (a). But there is another argument still more invincible. Besides the catalogue of the Popes called the Liberian, there exists another one composed in the sixth century and stopping at Felix IV.
提勒蒙說:「這樣的結尾,與其說適合一位因某種意外而被迫中斷的抄寫者,不如說更適合一位知道利貝里烏斯任期之始、卻不知其終的作者,因為那結局尚未到來」(甲)。但還有另一個更為不可駁倒的論據。除了被稱為「利貝里」的教宗目錄外,還存在另一部於六世紀編成、止於斐理斯四世的目錄。
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Or, ce second catalogue, que Dod- wel voudrait faire passer pour le plus ancien, tan- dis que celui de Libère n’en serait que l’abrégé ( b ), le second, disons-nous, insère textuellement les fas- tes consulaires établis dans le premier pour les an- nées de chaque Pape, et, arrivé à l’époque de Libère, il cesse de les donner, il n’y supplée en aucune fa- çon et ne les reprend que plus d’un siècle après l’é- poque où s’arrête la Chronique Libérienne. Pour- quoi, sinon parce que le monument qu’il transcrivait n’allait pas au delà du consulat de Constance quinto et Constance César? Or, quel peut être ce monument, si ce n’est celui qui fait l’objet de la présente dis- cussion?
Now this second catalogue, which Dodwell would have pass for the more ancient, while that of Liberius would be only its abridgement (b)—this second one, we say, inserts textually the consular fasti established in the first for the years of each Pope, and, having reached the epoch of Liberius, it ceases to give them, supplies them in no way, and only resumes them more than a century after the epoch at which the Liberian Chronicle stops. Why, if not because the monument it was transcribing did not extend beyond the consulship of Constantius the fifth time and Constantius Caesar? Now, what can this monument be, if not the very one that is the object of the present discussion?
如今這第二部目錄——多德威爾想使它被當作更古老的,而把利貝里目錄當作它的節略本(乙)——我們說,這第二部逐字插入了第一部中為每位教宗在位年代所定的執政官紀年表,而當它抵達利貝里烏斯的時代時,便停止提供這些紀年,毫不補充,直到利貝里編年史所止之年代的一個多世紀之後才重新開始。若非因為它所抄錄的那份文獻並未延伸至君士坦提烏斯(第五次)與凱撒君士坦提烏斯的執政官年之外,又是為何?那麼,這份文獻若不是本討論所論及的那一份,又能是什麼呢?
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Il est donc antérieur à la Chronique de Fé- lix IV, dont lui seul peut même expliquer l’étrange lacune. Pearson n'a pas craint d’en faire la remar- que ( c ),et Tillemont, presque aussi sévère dans l’examen des traditions catholiques, observe judi- cieusement que les conjectures de Dodwel pour faire du catalogue de Libère un simple abrégé de monu- ments du sixième siècle, sont renversées par l’expé- riencedes critiques, qui, dit-il, ont toujours observé que ces sortes d’ouvrages vont plutôt en augmentant qu'en diminuant, comme on le, voit par expérience (d ). La question de savoir quel est l’auteur du catalogue de Libère est loin d’être aussi facile à éclaircir.
It is therefore prior to the Chronicle of Felix IV, whose strange lacuna it alone can even explain. Pearson did not fear to make this remark (c), and Tillemont, almost as severe in examining Catholic traditions, judiciously observes that Dodwell's conjectures, which would make the Liberian catalogue a mere abridgement of sixth-century monuments, are overturned by the experience of critics, who, he says, have always observed that works of this kind tend rather to grow than to diminish, as one sees by experience (d). The question of who is the author of the Liberian catalogue is far from being as easy to clarify.
因此它早於斐理斯四世的編年史,而唯有它才能解釋後者那奇異的缺漏。皮爾遜不憚於指出這一點(丙),而提勒蒙——在審查天主教傳統時幾乎同樣嚴格——明智地指出,多德威爾那欲將利貝里目錄視為六世紀文獻之單純節略本的臆測,已被諸評論家的經驗所推翻;他說,這些評論家始終觀察到,此類著作往往是增多而非減少,正如經驗所示(丁)。至於利貝里目錄作者為誰的問題,則遠不那麼容易釐清。
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Hens- chenius a prétendu que la première partie de la Chronique qui va de saint Pierre à saint Urbain au- rait été rédigée par saint Anteros et le reste jusqu’à Libere par saint Damase. Papebrock, dans son Cona- tus Chronico-historicus ad Catalogos Romanorum Pon- tificum, a même été plus loin, cherchant à prouver que la seconde partie de ce Catalogue offre des traces de quatre maius différentes. Schelstrate combat vi- goureusement ce système ( e ), qui nous semble, à nous aussi, donner beaucoup trop à la conjecture;
Henschenius claimed that the first part of the Chronicle, which goes from Saint Peter to Saint Urban, would have been compiled by Saint Anteros, and the rest down to Liberius by Saint Damasus. Papebroch, in his Conatus Chronico-historicus ad Catalogos Romanorum Pontificum, went even further, seeking to prove that the second part of this Catalogue shows traces of four different hands. Schelstrate vigorously combats this system (e), which seems to us also to grant far too much to conjecture.
亨申尼烏斯主張,這部編年史的第一部分——從聖彼得到聖烏爾巴努斯——是由聖安泰羅斯所編纂的,而其餘直到利貝里烏斯的部分則由聖達瑪蘇斯所編。帕佩布羅赫在其《羅馬教宗目錄之編年史考》中走得更遠,試圖證明此目錄的第二部分顯出四種不同筆跡的痕跡。謝爾斯特拉特強烈反對這種論說(戊),而在我們看來,這論說也賦予臆測太多分量。
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mais si nous sommes portés à suivre cet auteur lors- qu’il fait voir qu’on ne saurait nommer avec préci- sion les rédacteurs de ce Catalogue, ni les multiplier ainsi a fantaisie, sans courir le risque de procéder un peu au hasard, il nous paraît que ses arguments, pour prouver l’idenlité de style dans toutes les par- ties de cette Chronique, sont loin d'ètre concluants. Quand on y regar dede près, il est difficile de ne pas apercevoir dans les differentes parties une grande diversité de forme; mais ne serait-il pas possible de l’expliquer en considérant ce monument comme l’as- semblage, la compilation de notes ou mémoires ré- digés à plusieurs époques?
But although we are inclined to follow this author when he shows that one cannot name with precision the redactors of this Catalogue, nor multiply them thus at will, without running the risk of proceeding somewhat at random, it seems to us that his arguments for proving the identity of style in all the parts of this Chronicle are far from being conclusive. When one looks closely, it is difficult not to perceive in the different parts a great diversity of form; but would it not be possible to explain this by regarding this monument as the assemblage, the compilation of notes or memoirs drawn up at several epochs?
然而,當這位作者表明:人們無法精確指名此目錄的編者,也不能如此隨意地增添其人數,否則便有幾分隨機行事之虞——在這一點上我們雖傾向於追隨他,但對他用以證明這部編年史各部分風格一致的論據,我們卻認為遠非確鑿。當人們仔細審視時,便難以不在各個部分中察覺出形式上的極大差異;然而,豈不可能藉著把這份文獻視為在若干不同時代所撰寫之筆記或紀錄的彙集、編纂,而對此加以解釋嗎?
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Rien ne ressemble mieux à une serie d’inscriptions enregistrées à la suite les unes des autres, que ce Catalogue qui ne présente d'unité que dans la pensée qui a présidé à son arrangement en manière de Chronique. Maintenant quel aurait été le rédacteur, le com- pilateur de cet ensemble? Tillemont et Pagi en attri- bueraient volontiers l’honneur à saint Damase, et nous somnies très-portés a nous ranger nous-mêmes dece parti. Toutefois nous n’appuyons pas notre sentiment sur les deux fameuses lettres, dont l’une est attribuée à ce saint Pape et l’autre à saint Jérôme, et qui ont agité en sens divers les savants qui les ont jugées..
Nothing more closely resembles a series of inscriptions recorded one after another than this Catalogue, which presents unity only in the thought that presided over its arrangement in the manner of a Chronicle. Now, who would have been the redactor, the compiler, of this whole? Tillemont and Pagi would willingly attribute the honour of it to Saint Damasus, and we are very much inclined to range ourselves on that side. However, we do not base our opinion on the two famous letters, one of which is attributed to this holy Pope and the other to Saint Jerome, and which have stirred in various directions the scholars who have judged them.
沒有什麼比這部目錄更像是一連串先後記錄下來的碑銘了;它所呈現的唯一統一性,僅在於那以編年史方式統攝其編排的構想之中。如今,這整部作品的編者、彙編者會是誰呢?提勒蒙與帕吉樂於將此榮譽歸於聖達瑪蘇斯,而我們也極傾向於站到那一邊。然而,我們並不把自己的看法建立在那兩封著名的書信上——其中一封歸於這位聖教宗,另一封歸於聖耶柔米——這兩封信曾使評斷它們的學者們眾說紛紜。
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Elles paraissent abandonnées aujourd’hui de tout le monde, et cependant, suivant nous, les ar- guments que produit en leur faveur Ciampini dans son Examen Libri Pontificalis , sont loin d’ètre me- prisables. Quoi qu’il en soit, nous nous abstenons de les citer dans cette discussion, nous contentant de les placer en note sous les yeux du lecteur, afin de ne rien omettre de tout ce qui peut rendre plus complet notre travail sur les origines de la Pa- pauté ( f ).
They appear today abandoned by everyone; and yet, in our view, the arguments that Ciampini produces in their favour in his Examen Libri Pontificalis are far from contemptible. Be that as it may, we abstain from citing them in this discussion, contenting ourselves with placing them in a note before the reader's eyes, so as to omit nothing of all that may render more complete our work on the origins of the Papacy (f).
如今這兩封信似乎已被眾人棄置;然而依我們看來,恰皮尼在其《教宗書考》中為其辯護所提出的論據,卻遠非可鄙。無論如何,我們在本討論中不引用它們,僅滿足於將其置於註腳中陳於讀者眼前,以免遺漏任何可使我們關於教宗職起源之研究更臻完備的材料(己)。
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Si donc nous attribuons a saint Damase la rédac- tion du catalogue de Libère, ce n’est point sur la foi de ces deux lettres, mais sur le témoignage de nombre d’auteurs qui, depuis le septième ou hui- tième siècle environ, n’ont cessé de considérer ce Pape comme auteur d’une Chronique des Pontifes Romains. Comme nous ne pouvons faire saint Da- mase auteur du Liber Pontificalis , ni mème du Cata- logue de Félix IV, monuments d’un style trop dif- férent du sien, on est essentiellement conduit à lui laisser la Chronique de Libère. Ici encore, quoique par une route totalement différente, nous nous ren- contrerons avec Tillemont, qui s’exprime ainsi, dans le passage que nous avons cité plus haut :
If, then, we attribute to Saint Damasus the composition of the Liberian catalogue, it is not on the strength of these two letters, but on the testimony of a number of authors who, since about the seventh or eighth century, have not ceased to regard this Pope as the author of a Chronicle of the Roman Pontiffs. Since we cannot make Saint Damasus the author of the Liber Pontificalis, nor even of the Catalogue of Felix IV—monuments of a style too different from his own—one is essentially led to leave him the Chronicle of Liberius. Here again, though by a wholly different route, we shall meet with Tillemont, who expresses himself thus, in the passage we have cited above:
因此,若我們將利貝里目錄的撰作歸於聖達瑪蘇斯,這並非倚仗這兩封書信,而是基於眾多作者的見證——自大約第七或第八世紀以來,他們始終視這位教宗為一部羅馬教宗編年史的作者。既然我們不能使聖達瑪蘇斯成為《教宗書》的作者,甚至也不能使他成為斐理斯四世目錄的作者——這些文獻的風格與他自己的相去太遠——人們便基本上不得不把利貝里編年史留歸於他。在此,我們雖循著一條截然不同的途徑,卻仍與提勒蒙不期而遇;他在我們上文所引的段落中如此表達:
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« Je ne vois pas pourquoi on dit que c’est faussement qu’on attribue à saint Damase ce catalogue, et pourquoi il ne l’aura pas pu dresser, étant diacre en 353, lorsque le pape Libère fut banni, et le catalogue paraît fait I’an 354, sous le pape Libere » ( a ). C’est en vain que dom Ceilier objecte que, dans la notice des écrits de saint Damase, saint Jérôme ne nomme point ce Catalogue ( b ); car ce Catalogue, qui ne semble d’ailleurs rédigé que dans un intérèt de localité, n’est pas véritablement un livre, et il est naturel de supposer qu’il n’a pas pénétré jusqu'en Orient, où écrivait saint Jérôme, quand on voit qu’en Occident même on n’a commencé à s’en occuper qu’au seizième siècle.
'I do not see why one says that it is wrongly that this catalogue is attributed to Saint Damasus, and why he could not have drawn it up, being a deacon in 353, when Pope Liberius was banished, and the catalogue appears to have been made in the year 354, under Pope Liberius' (a). It is in vain that Dom Ceillier objects that, in the notice of Saint Damasus's writings, Saint Jerome does not name this Catalogue (b); for this Catalogue, which moreover seems to have been compiled only in a local interest, is not truly a book, and it is natural to suppose that it did not penetrate as far as the East, where Saint Jerome was writing, when one sees that even in the West itself people only began to concern themselves with it in the sixteenth century.
「我不明白人們為何說將此目錄歸於聖達瑪蘇斯是錯誤的,也不明白他為何不可能編成此目錄;他在三五三年、即教宗利貝里烏斯被放逐時身為執事,而此目錄似乎是於三五四年、利貝里烏斯任教宗時編成的」(甲)。塞利耶神父反對說,在聖耶柔米所列聖達瑪蘇斯著作目錄中並未提及此目錄(乙),但這反對是徒然的;因為此目錄——而且它似乎只是出於地方性的關注而編成——並非真正的一部書,因此很自然地可以推想:當人們看到甚至在西方本身也要到十六世紀才開始注意它時,它並未傳到聖耶柔米寫作所在的東方。
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L’autre difficulté de dom Cei- lier, que saint Damase n’a pas mis son nom à cet opuscule, ainsi qu'il l’a mis à presque toutes ses épi- grammes et ses inscriptions, n’est pas plus sérieuse. D'abord, c'est déjà convenir qu’il ne l’a pas mis à tout ce qui est sorti de sa plume; ensuite, com- mem saint Damase aurait-il songé à mettre son nom en tète d’une Chronique qui n’est autre chose que la compilation en deux pages d’une suite de notes et d’inscriptions? Concluons dono que le sentiment qui fait ce saint Pape auteur de la Chronique de Li- bère est appuyé sur de solides fondements.
The other difficulty raised by Dom Ceillier, that Saint Damasus did not put his name to this little work, as he put it to almost all his epigrams and inscriptions, is no more serious. First, it is already to admit that he did not put it to everything that came from his pen; next, how would Saint Damasus have thought of putting his name at the head of a Chronicle which is nothing but the compilation, in two pages, of a series of notes and inscriptions? Let us conclude, then, that the opinion which makes this holy Pope the author of the Liberian Chronicle rests upon solid foundations.
塞利耶神父所提的另一個困難,即聖達瑪蘇斯未在此小著作上署名——他卻幾乎在自己所有的銘詩與碑文上署了名——這同樣不足為慮。首先,這已經是承認他並未在出自其筆下的一切作品上署名;其次,聖達瑪蘇斯又怎會想到在一部不過是把一連串筆記與碑文彙編於兩頁之中的編年史之首署上自己的名字呢?因此,讓我們作出結論:那認定這位聖教宗為利貝里編年史作者的看法,乃是建立在堅實的基礎之上。
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Une autre question bien autrement grave, celle de la vérité des faits contenus dans ce catalogue, réclame main- tenant toute notre attention. Les faits contenus dans le Catalogue de Libère sont simplement les fastes consulaires correspon- dants à l’avénement et à la mort de chaque Pape, le compte des années, des mois et des jours de son pontificat, enfin quelques détails historiques, en petit nombre et fort succincts, ainsi qu’on a pu le remarquer ci-dessus. Nous allons examiner successi- vement quel degré d’autorité nous devons donner à ces différents détails. Commençons par les fastes consulaires.
Another question, of an altogether more grave nature—that of the truth of the facts contained in this catalogue—now demands all our attention. The facts contained in the Liberian Catalogue are simply the consular fasti corresponding to the accession and death of each Pope, the reckoning of the years, months, and days of his pontificate, and finally a few historical details, few in number and very succinct, as one could note above. We are going to examine in turn what degree of authority we ought to give to these various details. Let us begin with the consular fasti.
另一個性質遠為重大的問題——即此目錄所載史實之真確性——如今要求我們傾注全部的注意力。利貝里目錄所載的史實,不過是與每位教宗即位和逝世相對應的執政官紀年表、其任期年月日的計算,最後是若干歷史細節——數量極少且極為簡略,正如上文所能注意到的。我們將依次查考:對這些各樣細節,我們應賦予何等程度的權威。讓我們從執政官紀年表開始。
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L’antiquité du Catalogue de Libère une fois éta- blie, il nous semble évident que I’on doit recon- naitre une vérilable autorité aux indications de consuis qu’il renferme, à moins que l’on ne puisse démontrer deux choses, savoir : que les Chrétiens de Rome, qui, comme on ne peut en douter d’après tout ce que nous avons prouvé dans les précédents chapitres, avaient conservé les nonis de leurs évê- ques, ne se servaient point des fastes consulaires pour marquer les années de leur siége; et, en se- cond lieu, que, s'ils en usaient ainsi, il eût été im- possible en 354 de recueillir les monuments de ce genre dressés par eux durant les trois premiers siècles.
The antiquity of the Liberian Catalogue once established, it seems evident to us that one must recognise a genuine authority in the indications of consuls that it contains, unless one can demonstrate two things, namely: that the Christians of Rome—who, as cannot be doubted from all that we have proved in the preceding chapters, had preserved the names of their bishops—did not make use of the consular fasti to mark the years of their see; and, in the second place, that, even if they did so use them, it would have been impossible in 354 to gather the monuments of this kind drawn up by them during the first three centuries.
利貝里目錄的古老性既已確立,在我們看來顯然必須承認其所含執政官紀年標記具有真正的權威——除非人們能證明兩件事,即:羅馬的基督徒——根據我們在前幾章所證明的一切,無可置疑地,他們曾保存其主教們的名字——並未使用執政官紀年表來標記其教座的年代;其次,即便他們確曾如此使用,到了三五四年也已不可能蒐集到他們在頭三個世紀中所編成的此類文獻。
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Or nous défions qui que, ce soit d’administrer la plus légère preuve à l’appui de ces deux asser- tione, et il faudrait pourtant commencer par les dé- montrer, avant d'attaquer l’autorité du Catalogue de Libère sur la vérité des supputationi consolaires qu’il contient. En attendant, nous espérons prouver que les deux thèses opposées sont certaines. Premièrement, les chrétiens de Rome se servaient des fastes consulaires pour compter les années des Papes. Nos lecteurs ne peuvent ignorer que pendant toute la durée de l’empire romain, la manière la plus usitée et la plus nationale de mesurer le temps et de classer les événements historiques était de le faire par les consuis.
Now we defy anyone whatsoever to furnish the slightest proof in support of these two assertions, and yet one would have to begin by demonstrating them before attacking the authority of the Liberian Catalogue regarding the truth of the consular reckonings it contains. Meanwhile, we hope to prove that the two opposite theses are certain. First, the Christians of Rome made use of the consular fasti to count the years of the Popes. Our readers cannot be unaware that, throughout the whole duration of the Roman empire, the most usual and most national way of measuring time and of classifying historical events was to do so by the consuls.
如今,我們敢於向任何人挑戰,要他為這兩項斷言提出哪怕最微小的證據;然而,在攻擊利貝里目錄關於其所含執政官紀年之真確性的權威之前,人們本應先證明這兩項斷言。與此同時,我們希望證明那兩個相反的論題乃是確鑿的。第一,羅馬的基督徒曾使用執政官紀年表來計算諸教宗的在位年代。我們的讀者不能不知道,在整個羅馬帝國存續期間,計量時間和編排歷史事件最常用、最具民族特色的方式,便是依照執政官來進行。
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Non-seulement cet usage était reçu pour les faits intéressant l’ordre public, mais les circonstances de la vie privée y étaient sou- mises; les contrats entre particuliers, tout, jus- qu’aux détails du ménage les plus familiers, rece- vaient cette sanction aussi bien que les actes mêmes du pouvoir gouvernant. Ainsi l’avaient établi de concert les lois et la coutume; et peut-être cet usage étail-il d’autant plus volontiers observé, qu’en même temps qu’il offrait un moyen de se rappeler les faits, moins abstrait que la suppulation par les chiffres, il flattait l’orgueil des particuliers, en associant en quelque sorte les faits de leur exi- stence avec les destinées de l’empire.
Not only was this usage received for matters concerning public order, but the circumstances of private life were subject to it; contracts between private persons, everything down to the most familiar details of the household, received this sanction just as much as the very acts of the governing power. Thus had the laws and custom together established it; and perhaps this usage was the more willingly observed in that, while it offered a means of recalling facts less abstract than reckoning by figures, it flattered the pride of private persons, by associating in a manner the facts of their existence with the destinies of the empire.
這一慣例不僅在關乎公共秩序的事務中被採用,連私生活的種種情形也受其支配;私人之間的契約,乃至家務中最尋常的細節,都與掌權者的法令文書同樣領受這種認可。法律與習俗就是這樣協同確立了它;而這一慣例之所以也許更被人樂於遵守,或許正因為:它一面提供了一種比用數字計算更不抽象的記憶事實的方法,一面又滿足了私人的自尊心,在某種意義上將他們生活中的事實與帝國的命運聯繫了起來。
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Le christianisme trouva cette pratique établie lorsqu’il parut en ce monde; et comme elle ne pré- sentait rien de contraire à ses dogmes ni à sa morale, les premiers fidèles, qui étaient dans l’usage de l’employer dans la vie civile pour donner autorité à leurs actes, durent naturellement la transporter avec tous ses avantages dans les supputatione de la religion. Que pouvait-il en effet y avoir pour eux de plus important, de plus digne de mémoire, que la suite et les années des successeurs de saint Pierre, dans lesquels cet apôtre continuait toujours d’eu- seigner et de régir l’Église?
Christianity found this practice established when it appeared in the world; and since it presented nothing contrary to its dogmas or its morality, the first faithful, who were accustomed to employ it in civil life to give authority to their acts, must naturally have transferred it, with all its advantages, into the reckonings of religion. Indeed, what could have been for them more important, more worthy of memory, than the succession and the years of the successors of Saint Peter, in whom this apostle continued ever to teach and to govern the Church?
基督教降臨於世時,發現這一慣例已然確立;而既然它對基督教的信條或道德毫無牴觸,那些習於在民事生活中運用它以使自己的行為具有效力的初代信徒,自然必把它連同其一切益處一併移用於宗教的紀年之中。事實上,對他們而言,還有什麼比聖彼得繼任者的承接與年代——這位使徒藉著這些繼任者始終繼續施教並治理教會——更為重要、更值得紀念的呢?
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Y avait-il un sujet plus digne d'émouvoir ce sentiment de nationalité qu’éprouve toujours davantage une société, en pro- portion du degré de spiritualisme dont elle fait profession, que le désir de conserver pures et certaines les annales de ces Pontifes si humbles, si obscurs, et pourtant dépositaires d’une autorité doni les effets, comme on peut en voir plusieurs exemples dans Eusèbe, retentissaient jusqu’aux ex- trémités de I’Orient, et dont la puissance, tout en- fouie qu’elle était sons les arceaux de Rome souter- raine, s’élevait, dès le troisième sièclo, assez rivale des Césars pour qu’un Décius la redoutât à l’égal d’un compétiteur à l’empire ( a )?
Was there a subject more worthy of stirring that sentiment of national feeling which a society always experiences the more, in proportion to the degree of spiritualism it professes, than the desire to keep pure and certain the annals of those Pontiffs so humble, so obscure, and yet the depositaries of an authority whose effects—as one may see in several examples in Eusebius—resounded even to the extremities of the East, and whose power, buried though it was beneath the arches of subterranean Rome, rose, from the third century onward, rival enough to the Caesars for a Decius to dread it as much as a competitor for the empire (a)?
還有什麼題材,比那渴望使這些教宗——他們如此卑微、如此隱沒,卻是一種權威的承載者——的紀年保持純淨而確鑿,更能激起一個社會(其所秉持的屬靈程度愈高,便愈強烈地感受到的那種民族情感)的呢?這權威的果效,正如人們在優西比烏斯著作中可見的若干例證所示,遠播至東方的盡頭;而它的能力,雖深埋於地下羅馬的拱頂之下,卻自第三世紀起便已昂然而立,足以與諸凱撒匹敵,以致一位德修斯竟畏之如畏帝國的競爭者(甲)。
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N’en doutons pas, les chrétiens firent bien pour conserver la mémoire des chefs de l'Eglise ce qu’ils faisaient chaque jour dans l’intêrêt de leurs affaires domestiques; et quand bien même les dernières traces en seraient aujour- d’hui effacées, ne soyons point si ignorants de la nature humaine pour croire que les premiers chré- tiens auront laissé passer tant de gloire, et d’une gloire si pure, sans rien faire pour en conserver le souvenir. Dira-t-on que cette manière de compter par les consuls leur aura semblé trop profane, trop sécu- lière, contraire même â l’austêre dignité d'unc reli- gion qui ne prenait acte des particularités de la vie présente que pour les mépriser?
Let us not doubt it: the Christians did well, to preserve the memory of the heads of the Church, what they did every day in the interest of their domestic affairs; and even were the last traces of it today effaced, let us not be so ignorant of human nature as to believe that the first Christians would have let so much glory—and a glory so pure—pass by without doing anything to preserve the memory of it. Will it be said that this manner of counting by the consuls would have seemed to them too profane, too secular, even contrary to the austere dignity of a religion which took note of the particulars of the present life only in order to despise them?
讓我們不要懷疑:基督徒為保存教會領袖的記憶,所行的正如他們每日為家務之利益所行的一般;縱然其最後的痕跡今日已被抹去,我們也不該如此不通人性,竟以為初代基督徒會任憑如此之多的榮耀——而且是如此純淨的榮耀——白白逝去,卻毫不設法保存其記憶。難道有人會說,這種依執政官計算的方式,在他們看來會顯得過於世俗、過於塵世,甚至有違於一種宗教那嚴峻的尊嚴——這宗教唯有為了輕看今生種種特殊情形,才去留意它們?
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A cela nous répon- drons que bien loiin de la, le Christianisme leur fai- sait une sorte de devoir d’employer ce mode de supputation. Persono e sans doute n’ignore le respect souverain qu’avaient les premiers fides pour les Ecritures saintes, le zèle qu’ils mettaient à en re- produire le génie et les circonstances dans leurs habitudes, dans leur langage. Non-seulement les cérémonies du culte y prenaient leur origine, mais les usages de la vie privée en étaient comme impré- gnés : ils ne pensaient, ile ne s‘exprimaient que par ces livres divins.
To this we shall reply that, far from it, Christianity made it for them a kind of duty to employ this mode of reckoning. No one, doubtless, is unaware of the sovereign respect which the first faithful had for the Holy Scriptures, of the zeal with which they reproduced their spirit and their circumstances in their habits and in their language. Not only did the ceremonies of worship take their origin therein, but the usages of private life were as it were impregnated with them: they thought, they expressed themselves, only through these divine books.
對此我們將回答說:基督教非但不以此為忌,反而使他們把採用這種計算方式視為一種義務。無疑無人不知道初代信徒對聖經所懷的至高敬意,以及他們在習慣和言語中竭力重現聖經之精神與情境的熱忱。不僅敬拜的禮儀以此為源,連私生活的種種習俗也彷彿被它浸透:他們唯藉這些神聖之書來思想、來表達自己。