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迦太基的利貝拉圖斯

簡史 第 26 章

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26:1
Postquam ergo Theodosius Alexandrinus in exsilium missus est, Paulus quidam, uuus abbatum Tabennensium monachorum, ad Alexandrinam sedem ordinatur episcopus, Pelagio interveniente apocrisiario Romano, plane orthodoxus, suscipiens Chalcedonensem synodum. Ordinatus est a Menna Constantinopoli, præsente eodem Pelagio responsario Vigilii, et apocrisiariis Euphræmii Antiocheni, et apocriaiariis Petri Hierosolymorum. i Severus autem Antiochenus jam fuerat condemnatus, et Anthimus Constantinopolitanus ab Agapeto papa Romano, et Menna Constantinopolitano, ex Ii.
因此,在亞歷山大的狄奧多西被放逐之後,有一位名叫保羅的人,是塔本內修隱修士的一位院長,被祝聖為亞歷山大座的主教——羅馬的教廷使節貝拉基烏斯居間促成——他是個全然正統的人,接納迦克墩會議。他是在君士坦丁堡由曼納斯所祝聖,在場的有那同一位貝拉基烏斯,即維吉留斯的代表,又有安提阿的以法蓮的教廷使節,並耶路撒冷的彼得的教廷使節。此時安提阿的塞維魯已被定罪,君士坦丁堡的安提穆斯也已被羅馬教宗阿加佩圖斯與君士坦丁堡的曼納斯定罪,其根據乃是……
After, therefore, Theodosius of Alexandria had been sent into exile, a certain Paul, one of the abbots of the Tabennesiote monks, is ordained bishop to the see of Alexandria—Pelagius, the Roman apocrisiarius, intervening—a man wholly orthodox, embracing the synod of Chalcedon. He was ordained by Mennas at Constantinople, in the presence of that same Pelagius, the deputy of Vigilius, and of the apocrisiarii of Ephraem of Antioch, and the apocrisiarii of Peter of Jerusalem. Now Severus of Antioch had already been condemned, and Anthimus of Constantinople, by Agapetus the Roman pope and by Mennas of Constantinople, on the basis of...
26:2
bellis datis adversus eos imperatori Justiniano a praesulibus monasteriorum, præsulibusque primae ac secundæ Syriæ, et præsulibus monasteriorum Hie. rosolymorum et Eremi; hoc ergo modo unitas facta est Ecclesiarum, anno decirno imperii gloriosi Justiniani Augusti ( Vide notas ). Iste Paulus spretus erat Constantinopoli, ut dicitur, ab aliquibus monacbis suis, et venerat Constantinopolim pro se agere apud imperatorem. Qui divino nutu cathedram vacantem inveniens. meruit per Pelagium diaconum Alexandriæ episcopatum; accepitque ab imperatore potestatem super ordinationem ducum et tribunorum, ut removeret hærelicos, et pro eis orthodoxos ordinaret; per illos enim populi in valescebant.
……乃是各隱修院的首領,以及第一與第二敘利亞的主教們,並耶路撒冷與曠野各隱修院首領們,向皇帝查士丁尼所呈遞、對付他們的陳情書;如此這般,眾教會的合一便告達成,那是在光榮的查士丁尼奧古斯都在位第十年(見諸註)。據說這保羅曾在君士坦丁堡被他自己的一些隱修士所輕視,便來到君士坦丁堡,在皇帝面前為自己申辯。他蒙神的指引,發現座位虛懸,遂藉執事貝拉基烏斯得了亞歷山大的主教職;又從皇帝領受了管轄公爵與千夫長任命之權,好叫他能撤除異端者,並按立正統者來頂替他們;因為那些異端的群眾正藉著那些人勢力日增。
the petitions presented against them to the emperor Justinian by the heads of the monasteries, and by the prelates of First and Second Syria, and by the prelates of the monasteries of Jerusalem and of the Desert; in this way, then, the unity of the Churches was effected, in the tenth year of the reign of the glorious Justinian Augustus (see the notes). This Paul had been scorned at Constantinople, as is said, by certain of his own monks, and had come to Constantinople to plead his own cause before the emperor. Finding the chair vacant by divine prompting, he obtained through the deacon Pelagius the episcopate of Alexandria; and he received from the emperor authority over the appointment of dukes and tribunes, that he might remove heretics and ordain orthodox men in their stead; for through those men the (heretical) peoples were growing strong.
26:3
Is Alexandriam descendens timore sui suaque industria omnem civitatem et omnia monasteria adduxerat suscipere Chalcedonensem synodum, nisi interventu diaboli talis emergeret causa. Cogitante Paulo episcopo removere Etiam magistrum militum, Psoius quidam diaconus et œconomus Ecclesiæ, amicus Elise, per portitores littera. rum velocissimos pedestres, quos Ægyptii Symma. chos vocant, omnia molimina Pauli Eliae scribebat. Contigit autem Paulum invenire litteras ejus AEgyptiace scriptas, et legere: et timens quod de Proterio contigerat, sollicitus de eo factus est, et coepit Psoium compellere facere rationes Ecclesiæ:quem tradidit judici, et imperatori de eo retulit.
他下到亞歷山大,藉著人對他的畏懼以及他自己的勤勉,已使全城和眾隱修院都甘心接納迦克墩會議——若不是因魔鬼的攪擾,興起了這樣一件事的話。當主教保羅正計畫要把那軍隊統帥也撤換時,有一位名叫普索伊烏斯的人,是教會的執事兼司庫,乃以利亞的朋友,便藉著埃及人稱為「西馬庫斯」的那種最迅捷的步行信差,把保羅的一切計謀都寫信告訴以利亞。然而事有湊巧,保羅查獲了他用埃及文所寫的信並讀了;他懼怕昔日臨到普羅特里烏斯的事重演,便為此心生不安,遂開始強迫普索伊烏斯交出教會的帳目;又把他交給法官,並就此向皇帝呈報。
Going down to Alexandria, he had, by fear of himself and by his own diligence, brought the whole city and all the monasteries to embrace the synod of Chalcedon—had not, through the intervention of the devil, such an occasion arisen. While bishop Paul was planning to remove the master of soldiers also, a certain Psoius, deacon and steward (œconomus) of the Church, a friend of Elias, was writing all of Paul's designs to Elias by means of the swiftest courier-runners on foot, whom the Egyptians call Symmachi. Now it happened that Paul found his letters written in Egyptian, and read them; and fearing what had befallen Proterius, he became anxious about the matter, and began to compel Psoius to render the accounts of the Church; whom he handed over to a judge, and reported concerning him to the emperor.
26:4
Eo tempere apud Alexandriam Rhodo erat augustalis, qui eam accipiens custodiendumusque ad imperatoris praeceptum, consilio cujusdam prioris civitatis, nomine Arsenii, acceptis muneribus, inscio, ut fertur, episcopo, clam nocte totis viribus eum magno cruciatu occidit. Hujus filii et affines imperatorem interpellantes, suggesserunt ei qua vi eorum parens debitum morLis persolvisset. Quod audiens imperator, vocavit Liberium, etfecit augustalem, misitque eum Alexandriam inquirere causam. Ad quam urbem Liberius cum venisset, Rhodooem ad se venire jussit, et ab eo requirebat quomodo occidisset diaconum. Ille vero respondit jussione episcopi factum fuisse:
那時羅多在亞歷山大作奧古斯都行省長官(Augustalis),他接過那人(普索伊烏斯)看守,直等皇帝的諭令;卻聽從城中一位名叫阿森尼烏斯的首領的計謀,收受賄賂——據傳主教並不知情——竟在夜間暗中盡力施以大刑將他殺死。這人的兒子們和親屬向皇帝控訴,向他陳明他們的親人是以何等暴行償了死的債。皇帝聽見,便召來利貝里烏斯,立他作奧古斯都行省長官,差他往亞歷山大去查究此事。利貝里烏斯到了那城,便吩咐羅多到他面前來,問他是怎樣殺了那執事的。他卻回答說,那是奉主教之命行的:
At that time Rhodo was Augustal prefect at Alexandria, who, receiving the man (Psoius) to be kept until the emperor's order, by the counsel of a certain leading man of the city named Arsenius, and having received bribes—without the bishop's knowledge, as is reported—secretly by night killed him with great torture, with all his might. The sons and kinsmen of this man, appealing to the emperor, suggested to him by what violence their relative had paid the debt of death. Hearing this, the emperor summoned Liberius, made him Augustal prefect, and sent him to Alexandria to inquire into the matter. When Liberius had come to that city, he ordered Rhodo to come to him, and demanded of him how he had killed the deacon. But he answered that it had been done by the bishop's command:
26:5
habere se imperatoris delegationem aiebat, ut quidquid juberet episcopus, modis omnibus impleret. Sed negante Paulo episcopo, et se nescire clamilanle, prior ille civitatis Arsenius, homicidii illius auctor inventus, morte multatus est. Porro episcopo Paulo Gazam in exsilium misso, Rhodo cum gestis de eo actis directus est Constantinopolim: cojus gesta cum intra palatium fegerentur principi, jussit eum ab scurrone duci a et foras regiam civitatem occidi.
他說自己持有皇帝的委任,內容是:凡主教所吩咐的,他都務必照辦。但主教保羅否認此事,並高聲喊說他全然不知;於是城中那位首領阿森尼烏斯,被查出是那兇殺案的主謀,便被處以死刑。此外,主教保羅被放逐到迦薩,羅多連同那為他所擬的案卷,被解送往君士坦丁堡;當他的案卷在皇宮內、君王面前被宣讀時,君王便下令叫一名劊子手把他帶走,在京城之外處死。
he said that he held a delegation (commission) from the emperor, to the effect that whatever the bishop should command, he should by all means fulfil. But, the bishop Paul denying it and crying out that he knew nothing of it, that leading man of the city, Arsenius, found to be the author of that homicide, was punished with death. Furthermore, bishop Paul having been sent into exile to Gaza, Rhodo, together with the acts drawn up concerning him, was dispatched to Constantinople; and when his acts were read before the prince within the palace, he ordered him to be led off by an executioner and to be killed outside the royal city.
26:6
Et post hæc misit imperalor pelagium diaconmn et apocrisiariunt primas sedis|Romanæ Antiochiam cum sacris suis, quibus præcepit ut cum Euphræmio ejusdemurbis episcopo, et Petrus Hierosolymita, et Hypatius Ephesinus venirent Gazam, et Paulo episcopo pallium auferrent, eumque depo. nerent. Pclagius ergo profectus Antiochiam, et inde Hierosolymam, cum memoratis patriarchis et aliquantis episcopis venit Gazam. Et auferentes Paulo pallium deposueruut eum, et ordinaverunt pro illo Zoilum, quem poste apud Constantinopolim imperator deposuit, et Apolliuarem ordinavit, qui nunc est praesul ipsius Alexandrinæ Ecclesiae.
在這些事之後,皇帝差遣羅馬首座的執事兼教廷使節貝拉基烏斯,帶著他的御旨往安提阿去;他藉這御旨吩咐:要他連同該城的主教以法蓮,並耶路撒冷的彼得,與以弗所的希帕提烏斯,一同前往迦薩,從主教保羅奪去披帶(pallium),並將他廢黜。於是貝拉基烏斯起程往安提阿,又從那裡往耶路撒冷,與上述諸宗主教並若干主教來到迦薩。他們從保羅奪去披帶,廢黜了他,並按立左伊魯斯來頂替他;後來皇帝在君士坦丁堡又廢黜了左伊魯斯,按立了阿波利拿留,他如今乃是亞歷山大那教會的首牧。
And after these things the emperor sent Pelagius, deacon and apocrisiarius of the first see of Rome, to Antioch with his sacred (imperial) letters, by which he commanded that, together with Ephraem, bishop of that same city, and Peter of Jerusalem, and Hypatius of Ephesus, they should come to Gaza, take the pallium from bishop Paul, and depose him. Pelagius, therefore, having set out for Antioch, and from thence for Jerusalem, came to Gaza with the aforesaid patriarchs and a number of bishops. And, taking the pallium from Paul, they deposed him, and ordained in his place Zoilus, whom afterwards at Constantinople the emperor deposed and ordained Apollinaris, who is now the prelate of that same Church of Alexandria.
26:7
Sed redeunte Pelagio Constantinopolim, monachi quidam ab Hierosolymis, per quos Pelagius in Gazam transitumhabuit, venerunt cum eo ad comitatum, portantes capitula de libris Origenis excerpta, volentes agere apud imperatorem, ut Origenes damnaretur cum illis capitulis. Igitur Pelagius æmulus existens Theodoro Cæsareæ Cappadociae episcopo, volens ei nocere eo quod esset Origenis defensor, una cum Menna archiepiscopo Constantinopolitano, flagitabat a principe ut juberet fieri, quod illi monachi supplicabant, ut Origenes damnaretur, ipsaque capitula talia docentia. Annuit imperatur facillime, gaudens se de talibus causis judicium ferre:
然而當貝拉基烏斯正返回君士坦丁堡時,有幾位來自耶路撒冷的隱修士——貝拉基烏斯往迦薩去時曾經過他們的地界——與他一同來到朝廷,帶著從俄利根書中摘錄的條目,要在皇帝面前申訴,求叫俄利根連同那些條目一同被定罪。於是貝拉基烏斯,因與加帕多家凱撒利亞的主教西奧多為敵,又因他是俄利根的辯護者而想加害於他,便連同君士坦丁堡的大主教曼納斯,懇切地向君王要求:照那些隱修士所祈求的去行,即定罪俄利根,並那些教導此類事的條目本身。皇帝極其爽快地應允了,因能就這類事件下判斷而歡喜:
But when Pelagius was returning to Constantinople, certain monks from Jerusalem—through whose territory Pelagius had passed on his way into Gaza—came with him to the court, carrying chapters (extracts) culled from the books of Origen, wishing to plead before the emperor that Origen should be condemned together with those chapters. Pelagius, therefore, being a rival of Theodore, bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, and wishing to harm him because he was a defender of Origen, together with Mennas, archbishop of Constantinople, urgently demanded of the prince that what those monks were petitioning be done—namely, that Origen be condemned, and those very chapters which taught such things. The emperor most readily assented, rejoicing to pass judgment on such causes:
26:8
jubente eo dictata est in Origenem et illa capitula anathematis damnatio, quam subscripserunt, una cum Menna archiepiscopo, episcopi apud Constantinopolim reperli. Deinde directa est Vigilio Romano episcopo, Zoilo Alexandrino, Euphræmio Antiocheno, et Petro Hierosolymitano quibus eam accipientibus et subscribentibus, Origenes damnatus estmortuus, qui vivens olim fuerat ante damnatus. Præsulibus monasteriorum.] Vide omnium supplicationes in concilio Constantinopolitano sub Menna. Anno decimo imperii.] Facta est pax, omnibus patriarchis in unam Chalcedonensis concilii tidem conspirantibus.
奉他的命令,便草擬了對付俄利根及那些條目的絕罰定罪文,在君士坦丁堡被尋見的眾主教連同大主教曼納斯都簽署了它。隨後它被頒送給羅馬主教維吉留斯、亞歷山大的左伊魯斯、安提阿的以法蓮,並耶路撒冷的彼得;他們既領受並簽署了,那已死的俄利根便被定罪了——他在世時昔日曾被定罪一次。「眾隱修院的首領們。」請見在曼納斯主持下的君士坦丁堡會議中眾人的陳情。「在位第十年。」和平達成了,眾宗主教都協同一致歸入迦克墩會議的那一個信仰。
by his command there was dictated against Origen and those chapters that condemnation of anathema, which the bishops found at Constantinople subscribed, together with Mennas the archbishop. Then it was directed to Vigilius, the Roman bishop, to Zoilus of Alexandria, to Ephraem of Antioch, and to Peter of Jerusalem; and when they had received it and subscribed it, Origen was condemned dead, who while living had once before been condemned. "The prelates of the monasteries."] See the petitions of all in the Council of Constantinople under Mennas. "In the tenth year of the reign."] Peace was made, all the patriarchs conspiring (agreeing together) into the one faith of the Council of Chalcedon.
26:9
Sed quomodo id contigit decimo anno Justiniani, cum unus patriarcharum Paulus ordinatus sit, præsente Pelagio Vigilii responsario, et Vigilius non dicatur ordinatus, nisi anno sequente, die 22 Novembris ?An Vigilius Constantinopoli discedens, certusque adipisci sedem apostolicam, Pelagium ibidem reliquit suum, ut fuerat Agapeti, rc spousarium futurum; hunc enim Agapetus eodem ibi munere fungi jusserat, imo ann. 535 Constantinopolim cum Theophane, altero sedis apostolicæ diacono, miserat, ut constat ex concilio Constantinopolitano sub Menna, ubi vocantur archidiaconi?
但這事怎能發生在查士丁尼在位第十年呢?因為眾宗主教之一的保羅,是在維吉留斯的代表貝拉基烏斯在場時被祝聖的,而維吉留斯本人據說要到次年十一月二十二日才被祝聖。抑或維吉留斯離開君士坦丁堡、確信必得使徒座之時,把貝拉基烏斯留在那裡作他自己的代表——正如他曾作阿加佩圖斯的代表那樣——好作他的教廷使節?因為阿加佩圖斯曾吩咐這人在那裡擔任同樣的職分;甚至在五三五年,他曾差他連同使徒座另一位執事提奧法尼斯往君士坦丁堡去,這從曼納斯主持的君士坦丁堡會議可以明證,在那裡他們被稱為總執事(archidiaconi)。
But how did this happen in the tenth year of Justinian, when one of the patriarchs, Paul, was ordained in the presence of Pelagius, the deputy of Vigilius, and yet Vigilius himself is not said to have been ordained except in the following year, on the 22nd of November? Or did Vigilius, departing from Constantinople and sure of obtaining the apostolic see, leave Pelagius there as his own deputy—as he had been Agapetus's—to be his apocrisiarius? For Agapetus had ordered this man to discharge the same office there; indeed in the year 535 he had sent him to Constantinople with Theophanes, another deacon of the apostolic see, as is clear from the Council of Constantinople under Mennas, where they are called archdeacons?
26:10
An ipse Vigilius non anno sequente, sed isto ordinatus est, cum Silverius die 17Maii suffectus fuisset in locum Agapeti die 22Aprilis vita functi? Spretus erat.] Id est accusatus, velut minus ad gubernandum idoneus, non propter simplicitatem, quod visum non nemini; sed partim ob defensionem synodi et impugoationem Origenis, adversus Taben nesiotasin Dioscorum et Origenem propensos, partim ob imperiosam gubernandi rationem atque cathedræ maximae cupiditatem, unde contemptor monachoruma monachis vicissim contemnebatur.
抑或維吉留斯本人不是在次年、而正是在這一年被祝聖的呢?因為西爾維留斯在五月十七日被立來頂替阿加佩圖斯的位置,後者已於四月二十二日辭世。「他曾被輕視。」就是說,被控告,被視為不甚適於治理——並非因著他的單純,如某些人所看的;乃是部分因著他為會議辯護並攻擊俄利根,對付那些傾向狄奧斯科魯斯與俄利根的塔本內修隱修士,部分因著他那專橫的治理作風以及對至高座位的過分貪求,於是他既輕看隱修士,便也反過來被隱修士所輕看。
Or was Vigilius himself ordained not in the following year but in this very one, since Silverius on the 17th of May had been substituted in the place of Agapetus, who had died on the 22nd of April? "He had been scorned."] That is, accused, as being less fit for governing—not on account of simplicity, as has seemed to some; but partly because of his defence of the synod and his attack on Origen, against the Tabennesiotes, who were inclined toward Dioscorus and Origen, partly because of his domineering manner of governing and his excessive desire for the highest chair, whence, being a despiser of monks, he was in turn despised by the monks.
26:11
Divino nutu.] Factum sit sane divino nutu, ut primum crearetur episcopus, propter fidei meritum, at cum depositus fuisset aliquando, propler homicidii convcientiam, pecunia data Justiniano eaque grandi, redimere voluit restitutonem, sicut tradit Procopius in llist. Arc. cap. 27. Paulusque idcirco restituendus fuisset, nisi Vigillus pontifex Constantinopoli existens obst tisset. Populi invalescebant.] Dnhia lectio, si non falsa, probabilior sensus existeret, si legeretur, hæretici invalescebant. Pelagius igitur. ] Habitum fuisse concilinm Victor tradit, < qui Dioscori hæretici præderessoris sui depesitionem celebrans, Palæstino concilio deponitur, et pro eo Zoilus ordinatur.
「藉神的指引。」就算他起初確是藉神的指引、因信德的功德而被立為主教;然而當他在某個時候因兇殺之罪被廢黜後,他卻給了查士丁尼錢財——而且是一大筆——想要贖回他的復職,正如普羅科匹烏斯在《秘史》第二十七章所述。保羅本當因此得以復職,若非當時在君士坦丁堡的教宗維吉留斯出來攔阻。「那些群眾正勢力日增。」這是個可疑的讀法;即或不是訛誤,若讀作「那些異端者正勢力日增」,便會浮現出更為可信的意思。「所以貝拉基烏斯。」維克托記載曾召開一次會議,「它在慶祝其異端前任狄奧斯科魯斯的廢黜時,自己卻被一個巴勒斯坦會議所廢黜,左伊魯斯被立來頂替他的位置。」
"By divine prompting."] Granted indeed that it was by divine prompting that he was first made bishop, on account of the merit of his faith; yet when he had at some point been deposed on account of the guilt of homicide, having given money to Justinian—and that a great sum—he wished to buy back his restoration, as Procopius relates in the Secret History, chapter 27. And Paul would on that account have had to be restored, had not Vigilius the pontiff, then at Constantinople, stood in the way. "The peoples were growing strong."] A doubtful reading; if not false, a more probable sense would emerge if it were read, "the heretics were growing strong." "Pelagius, therefore."] Victor relates that a council was held, "which, while celebrating the deposition of Dioscorus, his heretical predecessor, was deposed by a Palestinian council, and in his place Zoilus was ordained."
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» Quo anno contigerit, non ita facile potest definiri, tum quia scriptores inter se i ugnant,et singuli obscure loquuntur; et quamvis aperte dicerent sententiam, nonmagnamtamen mererenturfidem, quoniam falsaplura in hanc rem afferunt. Scriptorum alii ad ann. 537 referunt, ut Baromus; alii ad 543, ut Panvinius; alii ad ann. 539, ant 540, ut Victor Tunoncusis (si tamen definiti quidquam ex ipsius verbis non parum implicatis inferri potest), codem quippe anno Silverium Agapeto successisse, et Paulum Ecclesiam Alexandrinam capessivisse tradit: 3tqui Paulus post duos non totos annos in sede exactos depositus est, Zoilumque habuit suceessorem.
此事發生於何年,不易確定,一則因諸作者彼此爭論,且各人所說都晦澀不明;二則縱使他們把己見說得明白,仍配不上多大的信任,因他們在此事上提出許多虛假之說。諸作者中,有的把它歸於五三七年,如巴洛尼烏斯;有的歸於五四三年,如潘維尼烏斯;有的歸於五三九或五四○年,如圖農的維克托(倘若真能從他那頗為糾結的言語中推出任何確定之事的話),因他記載西爾維留斯與保羅取得亞歷山大教會同在一年;而這保羅在座未滿兩年便被廢黜,並以左伊魯斯為其繼任者。
In what year this happened cannot so easily be determined, both because the writers contend among themselves, and each one speaks obscurely; and although they should state their opinion plainly, they would nevertheless deserve no great credence, since they bring forward many false things in this matter. Of the writers, some refer it to the year 537, like Baronius; others to 543, like Panvinius; others to the year 539 or 540, like Victor of Tunnuna (if indeed anything definite can be inferred from his words, which are no little tangled), seeing that in the same year he relates that Silverius succeeded Agapetus and that Paul took possession of the Church of Alexandria; and this Paul, after spending not two full years in the see, was deposed and had Zoilus as his successor.
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Cum ergo Silverius ordinatus sit anno 556, die 17 Maii aut 20 Junii, fatendum est, si Victorem audimus, Paulum Ecclesiam Alexandrinam capessivisse, vel sub finemanni 556, vel sequentis initio, ante diem 17 Maii, atqueita depositum fusse vel anno 59, vel sequentis initio. Yerumea de quæstione prolixius in dissertatione. Arseniuss.] Procopius tradit fuisse Palaestinum genere, secta Samaritanum:
既然如此,西爾維留斯是在五三六年五月十七日或六月二十日被祝聖的,那麼若我們聽從維克托,就必須承認:保羅取得亞歷山大教會,或在五三六年將盡,或在次年之初、五月十七日之前,因此他被廢黜,或在五三九年,或在次年之初。但關於那問題,我在那篇論文中有更詳盡的論述。「阿森尼烏斯。」普羅科匹烏斯記載他按族裔是巴勒斯坦人,按宗派是撒瑪利亞人。
Since, therefore, Silverius was ordained in the year 536, on the 17th of May or the 20th of June, it must be admitted, if we listen to Victor, that Paul took possession of the Church of Alexandria either toward the end of the year 536 or at the beginning of the following year, before the 17th of May, and thus was deposed either in the year 539 or at the beginning of the following year. But on that question I treat more at length in the dissertation. "Arsenius."] Procopius relates that he was a Palestinian by race, a Samaritan by sect.
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hic Theodoræ primum gratia senator factus est, tum propter totam Samaritarum rebellionem palatio expulsus, mox in Augustæ odium incurrit, propterea quod cum Paulo Ecclesiæ Alexandrinæ episcopo catholico, post ejeetumTheodosium, quemAugusta præfecerat, Alexandriam venisset, eique populi gratiam conciliasset; denique cum occisi diaconi convictus foret, jussone Theodoræactus est in crucem ab augustali Liberio, publicatis clima bonis quæampla malis artibus coegerat: fertur Christianum bis ementitus. Imperator deposuit.] De Zoili depositione Liherato Victor consentit, sive ad post consulatum Basilii XI:
這人起初藉狄奧多拉的恩寵被立為元老;後來因撒瑪利亞人全面叛亂,被逐出宮廷;不久又招致女皇的恨惡,因為當亞歷山大那大公教會的主教保羅——在女皇所設立的狄奧多西被逐出之後——前來亞歷山大時,這人曾陪同他來,並為他贏得百姓的好感;末了,他既被定為謀殺那執事之罪,便奉狄奧多拉之命被奧古斯都行省長官利貝里烏斯處以釘十字架,他用惡劣手段所聚斂的大量財物也被充公:據說他曾兩次假裝信奉基督教。「皇帝廢黜了他。」關於左伊魯斯的廢黜,維克托與利伯拉圖斯所述一致,不論是繫於「巴西流第十一次執政之後」:
This man was first made a senator by the favour of Theodora; then, on account of the whole Samaritan rebellion, he was expelled from the palace; soon he fell into the hatred of the Empress, because, when he had come to Alexandria with Paul, the Catholic bishop of the Church of Alexandria, after the ejection of Theodosius, whom the Empress had set over it, he had won for him the favour of the people; finally, when he was convicted of the murdered deacon, by the order of Theodora he was driven to the cross (crucified) by the Augustal prefect Liberius, his goods being confiscated, which he had amassed in great quantity by evil arts: he is said to have feigned Christianity twice falsely. "The emperor deposed him."] Concerning the deposition of Zoilus, Victor agrees with Liberatus, whether at "after the consulship of Basilius, the eleventh":
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< Apollinarius Zoilo trii memorata capitula damnare nolenti episcopus Alexandrinae Ecclesiae subrogatur, » sive cum < Apollinarcm » scribit « vivente Zoilo promotum » Evagrius dissentit: < Zoilo mortuo Apollinaris sedem Alexandrinam capessivit. i Vigilius in sententia damnationis adversus Theodorum Cappadocem, cum objicit ab eo sine auctoritate erasum de sacris diptychis Zoili nomen, et aliud perversoris atque adulteri Apollinaris scri. ptum, non tantum Liberato favet, siquidem adulter dicatur qui vivente sponsn Ecclesiam accipit; sed etiam ostendit deposilum Zoilum anno 551, mense Julio; sententiam enim adversus Theodorum tulit Vigilius eo ipso anno, xix cai. Septemb.
「阿波利拿留被立為亞歷山大教會的主教,頂替那不肯定罪上述三章的左伊魯斯」——或當他寫道「阿波利拿留是在左伊魯斯尚活著時被擢升」。以瓦格里烏斯則持異議:「左伊魯斯死後,阿波利拿留才取得亞歷山大座。」維吉留斯在對付加帕多家的西奧多的定罪判詞中,指控他未經許可便把左伊魯斯的名字從聖二聯名錄(diptycha)中抹去,又寫上另一名字——即顛覆者兼姦夫阿波利拿留的名字;這不僅有利於利伯拉圖斯(因為凡在配偶仍在時便接過教會的,便被稱為姦夫),更顯明左伊魯斯是在五五一年七月被廢黜的;因為維吉留斯正是在那一年、九月朔日前第十九日,對西奧多下了那定罪的判決。
"Apollinaris is substituted as bishop of the Church of Alexandria for Zoilus, who refused to condemn the aforesaid three chapters"—or when he writes that "Apollinaris was promoted while Zoilus was still living." Evagrius dissents: "After the death of Zoilus, Apollinaris took possession of the see of Alexandria." Vigilius, in the sentence of condemnation against Theodore of Cappadocia, when he objects that by him the name of Zoilus had been erased from the sacred diptychs without authority, and another—that of the perverter and adulterer Apollinaris—written in, not only favours Liberatus (since he is called an adulterer who, while the spouse is living, receives the Church), but also shows that Zoilus was deposed in the year 551, in the month of July; for Vigilius passed the sentence against Theodore in that very year, on the 19th before the Kalends of September.
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Qui nunc cat præsul.] Inde nemo collegerit quo tempore Libcratus scripsit; vixit enim Apollinaris in episcopatu plures annos, sed confecerit duntaxat scripsisse post annum 551, quo Apollinaris dicitur Zoilo successisse. Æmulus existens. ] Uterquecnim animo imperatoris insidiabatur, gratiamque aucupabatur; uterque erat magn;e in aula auctoritatis, Pelagius propter sedem apostolicam, cujusoresagebat, Theodorus Ecclesiæ suæ antocephalæ noniine; uterque doctrina pollebat; uterque rebus agendis industrius;uterque Justiniani, doctrinæ opinionem in throno captantis, ineptam vanitatemlibris imperiali nomine inscriptis alebat;
「他如今乃是首牧。」由此無人能斷定利伯拉圖斯是在何時寫作的;因為阿波利拿留在主教職上活了許多年;人只能斷定他是在五五一年之後寫作的,據說阿波利拿留是在那年繼承左伊魯斯。「彼此為敵。」因為他們二人都在窺伺皇帝的心思,並獵取恩寵;二人在宮中都極有權勢——貝拉基烏斯因著使徒座,他經辦其事務;西奧多則以他自己那獨立自主(autocephala)的教會之名;二人在學識上都出眾;二人在處事上都勤勉;二人都藉著題上御名的書冊,餵養查士丁尼那愚妄的虛榮——他坐在寶座上卻獵求學問的名聲;
"Who is now the prelate."] From this no one could gather at what time Liberatus wrote; for Apollinaris lived in the episcopate many years; but one may conclude only that he wrote after the year 551, in which Apollinaris is said to have succeeded Zoilus. "Being a rival."] For each of them was lying in wait for the mind of the emperor and was hunting for favour; each was of great authority at court—Pelagius on account of the apostolic see, whose affairs he managed; Theodore in the name of his own autocephalous Church; each excelled in learning; each was industrious in the conduct of affairs; each fed, by books inscribed with the imperial name, the foolish vanity of Justinian, who on the throne sought a reputation for doctrine;
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uterque Augustae consiliis serviebat, verum audacior Theodorus, Pelagius æqui retinentior. Theodoro Cæsareæ Cappadociæ episcopo.] De ipso in Vita sancti Sabæ, num. 105, Cyrillus monachus: < Postquam fuit Ecclesia recens liberata ab hæresibus, et respiravit a longis illis tumultibus et perturbationibus, et fuit in ea quies et tranquillitas, malignus in eam rursus invidum injiciens oculum, movet adversus eam quosdam Nonni asseclas, Domitianum, inquam, et Theodorum: qui cum jam olim sentirent ea quæOrigenes, ubi etiamassump erunt auxilium temporis, et eorumalter quidem Galatarum, Theodurus autem Cæsareæ Cappadociæ, creati sunt antistites, magnam suam ostentarunt potestatem.
二人都服事女皇的謀算;只是西奧多較為大膽,貝拉基烏斯較為持守公正。「致加帕多家凱撒利亞的主教西奧多。」關於他,在《聖撒巴傳》第一○五段,隱修士區利羅說:「教會新近從異端中得了釋放,從那些長久的騷動與紛擾中得以喘息,其中有了安寧與平靜之後,那惡者又向它投以嫉妒的眼目,挑起某些農努斯的黨羽來敵對它——我是指多米提安與西奧多——他們既早已持守俄利根所持守的,又得了時勢之助,其中一人被立為加拉太人的首牧,而西奧多作了加帕多家凱撒利亞的首牧,便顯出他們極大的權勢。」
each served the counsels of the Empress; but Theodore was the more daring, Pelagius the more retentive of fairness. "To Theodore, bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia."] Concerning him, in the Life of St. Sabas, number 105, Cyril the monk says: "After the Church had recently been freed from heresies, and had taken breath after those long tumults and disturbances, and there was in it quiet and tranquillity, the Evil One, again casting his envious eye upon it, stirs up against it certain followers of Nonnus—Domitian, I mean, and Theodore—who, since they already long ago held the things that Origen held, when they had also taken to themselves the help of the time, and the one of them was made prelate of the Galatians, but Theodore of Caesarea in Cappadocia, displayed their great power."
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» Factus est, opinor, episcopus sub finem anni 536; neque enim factus erat, quo tempore Mennas habebat concilium Constantinopoli, siquidem in ipso subcriptus lenitur: < StephaNus diaconus et legatus Sothei ici sanctissimi episcopi Cæsaream metropolitani primæprovinciæCappadocum. » Habuit vero concilium Mennas ann. 536, mense Maio, die i, neque etiam diapost CæsariensemEcclesiamobtinuit, ut colligitur ex litteris Vigilii. Mansit porro, priusquam episcopatum capesseret, annos aliquot in aula, in quam, opinor, venit cum post mortem. Sabæ, tumultu facto in Syria, Constantinopolim petiit, quo imperatoris animum occuparet. Dictata est in Origenem.
我想他是在五三六年將盡時被立為主教的;因為當曼納斯在君士坦丁堡舉行會議時,他尚未被立(為主教),既然在那會議中可讀到簽署的是:「執事司提反,至聖主教索特里庫斯的代表,索特里庫斯乃加帕多家第一省的都主教,凱撒利亞主教。」曼納斯是在五三六年五月初一日舉行那會議的;他甚至不是過了一日(即立刻)便得了凱撒利亞教會,這從維吉留斯的書信可以推知。再者,在他取得主教職之前,他在宮中停留了好幾年;我想他來到宮中,是當撒巴死後,敘利亞發生騷動,他便往君士坦丁堡去,為要佔據皇帝的心。「那定罪文是對付俄利根所草擬的。」
He was made bishop, I think, toward the end of the year 536; for he had not been made (bishop) at the time when Mennas was holding the council at Constantinople, since in that very council he is read as having subscribed: "Stephen, deacon and legate of the most holy bishop Sotericus of Caesarea, metropolitan of the first province of the Cappadocians." Now Mennas held the council in the year 536, in the month of May, on the first day; nor did he obtain the Church of Caesarea even after a day (i.e., immediately), as is gathered from the letters of Vigilius. Moreover, before he took possession of the episcopate, he remained some years at court, to which, I think, he came when, after the death of Sabas, a tumult having broken out in Syria, he sought Constantinople, in order to occupy the emperor's mind. "The condemnation was dictated against Origen."
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| Quo tempore dictata sit, non est una scriptorum sententia. Baronius refert ad annum 537, alii ad decennium ft re differunt: pendet quæstio ex tempore quo Zoilus ordinatus est, de quo vide dissertationem rejectamin finem. Fuerat ante damnatus.] Constat ex initio consequentis capitis mabgue id positum, ne scilicet Origenis damnatio post mortem præjudicium afferret adversus trium capitulorum homines, post obiium damnatos, quod nefas aiebant capitulorum patroni: Juquitur autem Liberaus de cone lio Alexandrino, quod adversus Origenem Demetrius circiter ann. 231 coegit, cujusque nemo, quod sciam, meminit ante Hieronymum;
它是在何時被草擬的,諸作者的意見並不一致。巴洛尼烏斯將它歸於五三七年;別人則相差將近十年:這問題取決於左伊魯斯被祝聖的時間,關於此事,請見被擱置到末了的那篇論文。「他先前曾被定罪。」從下一章的開頭顯然可見,這話放得不當(即此語被誤用),其意原是:免得俄利根死後被定罪一事,會對那些「三章」中人——他們也是死後被定罪的——構成不利的成例,這正是「三章」的擁護者所說的褻瀆之事;但利伯拉圖斯所說的,乃是底米丟約在二三一年為對付俄利根而召開的那次亞歷山大會議,據我所知,在耶柔米之前無人提及此會;
At what time it was dictated, the opinion of the writers is not one. Baronius refers it to the year 537; others differ by nearly a decade: the question depends on the time at which Zoilus was ordained, concerning which see the dissertation rejected to the end. "He had been condemned before."] It is evident from the beginning of the following chapter that this was badly placed (i.e., this remark is misapplied), namely lest the condemnation of Origen after death should bring prejudice against the men of the Three Chapters, condemned after death—which the patrons of the Chapters said was a sacrilege; but Liberatus is speaking of the Alexandrian council which Demetrius convened against Origen around the year 231, of which no one, so far as I know, makes mention before Jerome;
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qui et ipse diversa pugnantiaque tradidit, prout aliter aliis temporibus animo affectus fuit: nam in libro de Scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, quem ante dissidium cum Rufino edidit. Demetrium dicit magna insania debacchatum in Origenem; post dissidium, Demetrium ab Origene laceratum. Ante dissidium tradit Origenem, non propter dogmatum < novitatem, aut hæresim damnatum, quod nunc adversus eum rabidi canes simulant; sed quia gloriam eloquentiæ ejus et scientiae ferre non poterant, et illo dicente omnes muti putabantur. » Post dissidium, eumdem Origenem inducit ad Fabianum papam pœnitentiae libellum scribentem, quod ea litteris mandasset quæ jure damnata sunt.
連他本人(耶柔米)也傳下了彼此分歧、相互牴觸之說,乃是隨著不同時期他心境的不同而異:因為在他與魯非努斯爭執之前所出版的《論教會著作家》一書中,他說底米丟以極大的瘋狂大肆攻擊俄利根;爭執之後,卻說底米丟是被俄利根所詆毀。爭執之前,他記述俄利根之被定罪,並非因其教義的「新奇」,也非因異端——這是如今那些瘋狂的惡犬向他所誣指的——乃是因為人不能忍受他口才與學問的榮耀,他一開口,眾人便都顯為啞口無言。爭執之後,他卻引出這同一位俄利根,說他寫了一篇悔罪書給教宗法比安,因他曾把那些理當被定罪的事筆之於書。
and he himself (Jerome) too handed down diverse and conflicting things, according as at different times he was differently disposed in mind: for in the book On Ecclesiastical Writers, which he published before his quarrel with Rufinus, he says that Demetrius raged with great madness against Origen; after the quarrel, that Demetrius was torn (slandered) by Origen. Before the quarrel he relates that Origen was condemned not on account of the "novelty" of his doctrines, or for heresy—which now the rabid dogs pretend against him—but because they could not bear the glory of his eloquence and learning, and when he spoke all were thought to be mute. After the quarrel, he brings in the same Origen as writing a book of penitence to pope Fabian, because he had committed to writing those things which were rightly condemned.
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Monachi quidam ab Hierosolymis.] Horum menliu i fit in ep stola Justiniani ad Menuam; quatuor appellat nominatim Evagrius lib. IV, cap. 37, Eulogium, Cononem, Cyriacum etPancratium.Videdissert. col. 1051. Deinde directa eat.] Videtur Liberatus innuere Justinianum Mennæ prius quam Vigilio aliisque patriarchis scripsisse; imo coacium fuisse a Menna Constantinopoli concilium, in eoque ab episcopis damnationem Origenis subscriptam, antequam ad cæteros antistites darentur litteræ; reclamat tamen Justinianus ipse in epistola ad Mennam: < Hæc porro eadem, non solum ad sanctitatem tuam, sed etiam ad sanctissimum et beatissimum papam senioris Romæ et patriarcham Vigilium, et ad cæteros omnes, »etc.
「來自耶路撒冷的幾位隱修士。」查士丁尼致曼納斯的信中提及這些人;以瓦格里烏斯(第四卷第三十七章)指名提了四人:歐羅吉烏斯、科農、基里亞庫斯與潘克拉提烏斯。請見那篇論文第一○五一欄。「隨後它被頒送。」利伯拉圖斯似乎暗示查士丁尼是先寫信給曼納斯,然後才寫給維吉留斯及其他宗主教;甚至暗示曼納斯曾在君士坦丁堡召開一次會議,在其中眾主教先簽署了俄利根的定罪文,然後那些書信才被頒給其餘的首牧;然而查士丁尼本人在致曼納斯的信中卻反對此說:「再者,這同樣的事,我們不僅送呈閣下的聖德,也送呈那至聖至福的、年高之羅馬的教宗兼宗主教維吉留斯,並其餘眾人」,等等。
"Certain monks from Jerusalem."] Mention of these is made in the letter of Justinian to Mennas; Evagrius (book IV, chapter 37) names four by name: Eulogius, Conon, Cyriacus, and Pancratius. See the dissertation, column 1051. "Then it was directed."] Liberatus seems to hint that Justinian wrote to Mennas before he wrote to Vigilius and the other patriarchs; indeed, that a council was convened by Mennas at Constantinople, and in it the condemnation of Origen was subscribed by the bishops, before the letters were given to the rest of the prelates; yet Justinian himself protests this in his letter to Mennas: "These same things, moreover, we send not only to your holiness, but also to the most holy and most blessed pope of elder Rome and patriarch Vigilius, and to all the rest," etc.
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Euphræmio Antiocheno et Petro Hierosolymitano.] Ista non cohærent cum iis quæ scribit Theophanes; annum enim primum Peiri conjungit cum decimo nono Justiniani, qui incidit in annum Christi 545, et cum quarto Zoili, quod longe abesse a vero aperte docet rci totiushistoria, quanquam Theophanes, dum hæc scriberet, nonlonge recessit a vero, conjungens annos Justiniani et Zoili; qui enim decimus nonus Justiniani, quartus circiter fuit Zoili.
「致安提阿的以法蓮與耶路撒冷的彼得。」這些事與提奧法尼斯所寫的並不相合;因為他把彼得的第一年與查士丁尼的第十九年相連,後者落在主後五四五年,又與左伊魯斯的第四年相連——而整件事的歷史顯然表明這與事實相去甚遠;雖然提奧法尼斯在寫這些事時,把查士丁尼與左伊魯斯的年數相連,倒沒有大大偏離事實;因為處於查士丁尼第十九年的,大約正是左伊魯斯的第四年。
"To Ephraem of Antioch and Peter of Jerusalem."] These things do not cohere with what Theophanes writes; for he joins the first year of Peter with the nineteenth of Justinian, which falls in the year of Christ 545, and with the fourth of Zoilus—which the history of the whole matter plainly shows to be far from the truth; although Theophanes, when he wrote these things, did not depart far from the truth in joining the years of Justinian and Zoilus; for he who was in the nineteenth (year) of Justinian was about in the fourth of Zoilus.
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