BOOK ONE. QUESTIONS ON GENESIS. As we were running through the holy Scriptures which are called canonical by reading them, and by comparing them with other manuscripts according to the Septuagint translations, it seemed good to set down in writing those questions which came to mind — whether they were merely proposed by noting them briefly, or even by treating them at length, or were solved in whatever fashion by men in haste — lest they should slip from memory: not that we might explain them fully, but that, when there were need, we might be able to look them over, whether that we might be reminded of what still had to be inquired into, or that, from what already seemed to have been discovered, we might, as far as we could, be both equipped for thinking and ready for answering.
If, therefore, anyone should not disdain to read these things on account of the unpolished style of our haste, and should find certain proposed questions unsolved, let him not on that account think that nothing has been conferred upon him; for it is no small part of discovery to know what you are seeking. But of those questions whose solution shall have pleased him, let him not there despise the language as cheap, but rather let him give thanks for some sharing in doctrine; for it is not truth that is sought through disputation, but truth through disputation.
Setting aside, therefore, those matters which, from the beginning, where God is related to have made heaven and earth, down to the dismissal of the first two human beings from paradise, can be treated in many ways — concerning which we have discoursed elsewhere, as far as we were able — these are the things which, coming to us as we read, we wished to commit to writing. QUESTION 1. How could Cain have founded a city, since a city is surely established for some multitude of men, whereas those two are reported to have been the parents and their two sons, of which sons the one was slain by the other, and in the place of the slain one another is narrated to have been born?
Or is it a question for this reason, that those who read suppose that the only men then existing were those whom divine Scripture mentions, and do not observe that those two who were first created, or even those whom they begot, lived so long that they begot many? For not even Adam himself begot only those whose names are read, since Scripture, speaking of him, so concludes that he begot sons and daughters. Accordingly, since those men lived many more years than the Israelites were in Egypt, who does not see how many men could be born, whence that city might be filled — if the Hebrews were able to multiply so greatly in a much shorter time?
It is commonly asked how Methuselah could, according to the reckoning of the years, have lived after the flood, since all except those who entered the ark are said to have perished. But this question was born of the faultiness of many manuscripts. For not only in the Hebrew is it found otherwise, but even in the Septuagint translation Methuselah is found, in fewer but more accurate manuscripts, to have died six years before the flood. Likewise it is asked how the angels could have lain with the daughters of men, from whom giants are reported to have been born; although some Latin and Greek manuscripts have not 'angels' but 'sons of God.'
Some, in order to solve this question, have believed these to have been just men, who could be called even by the name of angels. For concerning the man John it is written: 'Behold, I send my angel before thy face, who shall prepare thy way.' But this is what troubles: how giants were born from the intercourse of men, or how they could have coupled with women, if they were not men but angels. But concerning giants, that is, men exceedingly great and strong, I think it need cause no wonder that they could be born from men, since even after the flood certain men are found to have been such, and certain bodies of men, incredibly huge, have existed even in our times — not only of men but also of women.
Whence it is more credible that just men, called either angels or sons of God, fell through concupiscence and sinned with women, than that angels, having no flesh, could have descended to that sin — although concerning certain demons, who are wicked toward women, so many things are said by so many, that it is not easy to reach a settled judgement on this matter. Concerning Noah's ark it is commonly asked whether, with such a capacity as is described, it could have carried all the animals which are said to have entered it, and their food. This question Origen solves by the geometric cubit, asserting that Scripture did not say without reason that Moses was learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians, who cherished geometry.
He says, moreover, that the geometric cubit is worth as much as six of our cubits. If, therefore, we understand cubits so great, there is no question that the ark was of such capacity that it could contain all those things. Likewise it is asked whether an ark so great could have been built in a hundred years by four men, that is, Noah and his three sons. But if it could not, it was no great matter to bring in other workmen, who, though they received the wages of their work, cared not whether Noah was building it wisely or indeed vainly, and therefore did not enter into it, because they did not believe what he had believed. What does he mean, when speaking of the building of the ark: 'Thou shalt make its lower parts with two decks and three decks'?
For the lower parts were not going to be with two decks and three decks. But by this distinction he wished the whole structure of it to be understood: that it should have lower parts, and should have also the upper parts of the lower, which he called 'with two decks,' and should have also the upper parts of the upper, which he called 'with three decks.' For in the first dwelling, that is, in the lowest parts, the ark was decked once; but in the second dwelling, above the lower, it was now with two decks; and thereby in the third, above the second, it was without doubt with three decks.
Since God said that the animals in the ark should not only live but also be fed, and commanded that Noah should take for himself and for those which were to enter unto him from all foods, it is asked how there the lions or the eagles, which are wont to live on flesh, could be fed: whether animals beyond that number were brought in for the food of the others, or whether — which is rather to be believed — certain things besides flesh were provided, by the wise man or by God's showing, which might be suited also to the food of such living creatures. As to what is written:
'both of the clean birds and of the unclean birds, and of the clean cattle and of the unclean cattle, and of all the creeping things upon the earth' — where 'clean and unclean' is then not added but understood — and it is joined: 'two by two they entered in unto Noah into the ark, male and female,' it is asked how above he distinguished 'two by two' of the unclean, but now says that two by two entered, whether of the clean or of the unclean. But this is referred not to the number of clean or unclean animals, but to the male and female, because in all, whether clean or unclean, there are two, male and female. It is to be noted, what is written:
'in which is the spirit of life' — said not only of men but also of cattle — on account of that view which some wish to understand of the Holy Spirit, where it is written: 'and God breathed into his face the spirit of life,' which certain manuscripts better have as: 'the breath of life.' Concerning the height of the mountains, all of which Scripture writes that the water surmounted by fifteen cubits, on account of the story of Mount Olympus: for if the earth could invade the space of that tranquil air, where it is said that neither clouds are seen nor winds felt, why not the water too by rising? As to what is written:
'and the water was exalted above the earth a hundred and fifty days,' it is asked whether it grew up to this day, or whether for so many days it remained at the height to which it had grown — since other translators seem to say this more plainly. For Aquila said 'it prevailed,' Symmachus 'they prevailed,' that is, the waters.
As to what is written, that after a hundred and fifty days a wind was brought over the earth and the water ceased, and the fountains of the deep and the cataracts of heaven were closed, and the rain from heaven was held back, it is asked whether these things were done after a hundred and fifty days, or whether by recapitulation all those things were recorded which had begun to be done after the forty days of rain — so that this alone pertains to the hundred and fifty days, namely that the water was exalted up to them, either because the fountains of the deep had ceased when the rain had now stopped, or because it remained at its height while it was dried by no wind; but the rest of the things that were said were not all done after a hundred and fifty days, but all were recorded which had begun to be done from the end of the forty days.
As to what is written, that a raven was sent forth and did not return, and after it a dove was sent forth, and it returned because it had not found rest for its feet, a question is wont to arise, whether the raven died or could in some way have lived. For surely, if there was earth where it might rest, the dove too could have found rest for its feet. Whence it is conjectured by many that the raven could settle upon a carcass, which the dove naturally shuns. Likewise there is a question how the dove could not find where to settle, if, as the order of the narrative is woven, the tops of the mountains had already been laid bare.
This question seems capable of being resolved either by recapitulation, so that those things are understood to be narrated later which were done earlier, or rather because the mountains had not yet been dried. What does the Lord mean by saying: 'I will not again add to curse the earth on account of the works of men, because the mind of man is set toward evil things from his youth. I will not therefore again add to strike all living flesh, as I have done,' and then joins those things which, according to the largesse of his goodness, he grants to unworthy men? Whether here the indulgence of the New Testament is figured, and the past vengeance pertains to the Old Testament — that is, the former to the severity of the Law, this to the goodness of grace. What is:
'and from the hand of a man, a brother, will I require the soul of a man'? Or did he wish every man to be understood as the brother of every man, according to the kinship drawn from one? It is asked why Ham, sinning in the offence against his father, is cursed not in himself but in his son Canaan. Unless it be because it was in some way prophesied that the sons of Israel, who were to come from the seed of Shem, would receive the land of Canaan, when the Canaanites had been cast out thence and vanquished. It is asked how it was said of Nimrod: 'This man began to be a giant upon the earth,' since Scripture mentions that giants had been born even before. Or is it perhaps because after the flood the newness of the human race being restored anew is again mentioned, in which newness 'this man began to be a giant upon the earth'? It is asked what is:
'and to Heber were born two sons; the name of one was Peleg, because in his days the earth was divided' — unless perhaps in his days there arose that diversity of tongues, through which it came about that the nations were divided. 'And the whole earth was of one lip.' How can this be understood, when it was said above that the sons of Noah, or of his sons, had been distributed throughout the earth according to their tribes and according to their nations and according to their tongues, unless it be that by recapitulation he afterward mentions what was earlier? But it makes for obscurity, that he weaves these things together in such a manner of speech, as though a narrative of the things that were done afterward followed. 'Come, let us build ourselves a city and a tower, whose top shall be even unto heaven.'
If they believed they could do this, exceedingly foolish audacity and impiety is detected. And because on this account God's vengeance followed, so that their tongues were divided, they are not absurdly believed to have thought this. 'Come, let us go down and there confound their tongue, that each may not hear the voice of his neighbour.' Is the Lord understood to have said this to the angels? Or is it to be taken according to that which is read in the opening of the book: 'Let us make man to our image and likeness'? For also, as regards what is afterward said in the singular number, 'because there the Lord confounded the lips of the earth,' so there too, when it had been said, 'Let us make man to our image,' in what follows it was nevertheless not said 'they made,' but 'God made.' As to what is written:
'and Arphaxad was a hundred and thirty-five years old when he begot Cainan; and Arphaxad lived after he begot Cainan four hundred years,' or, as we find in the Greek, 'three hundred years,' it is asked how God said to Noah: 'and the years of their life shall be a hundred and twenty'; for Arphaxad was not yet born when God said this, nor was he in the ark with his parents. How then are the years of human life foretold as a hundred and twenty thereafter, when a man is found to have lived more than four hundred years?
Unless it be understood that God said this to Noah twenty years before the ark began to be made — which is found to have been made in a hundred years — when he was now foretelling that he would make a flood; and that he did not foretell the span of human life thereafter to be in those who would be born after the flood, but the life of those men whom he was about to destroy by the flood. It is asked why it is written: 'Shem was the father of all the sons of Heber,' since Heber is found to be the fifth from Shem the son of Noah. Is it because from him the Hebrews are said to be named? For through him the generation passes to Abraham. Which then is more probable — that the Hebrews were named from Heber, as it were 'Heberaeans,' or from Abraham, as it were 'Abrahaeans' — is rightly asked.
How is it to be taken, that when Terah, the father of Abram, was seventy years old, he begot Abram, and afterward remained with all his household in Haran and lived two hundred and five years in Haran and died; and the Lord said to Abram that he should go out from Haran, and he went out thence when the same Abram was seventy-five years old? Unless it be that by recapitulation it is shown that the Lord spoke while Terah was living, and that Abram, while his father was living, went out of Haran according to the Lord's command, when he was seventy-five years old — in the hundred and forty-fifth year of his father's life, if the days of his father's life were two hundred and five years, so that it is therefore written: 'the years of Terah's life were two hundred and five in Haran.'
For there he completed all the years of his whole life. The question is therefore solved by recapitulation, which would otherwise remain insoluble. If we took it that the Lord spoke to Abram after Terah's death, that he should go out from Haran, then he could not yet be seventy-five years old, since his father, who had begotten him in the seventieth year of his own age, was already dead — so that Abram would be a hundred and thirty-five years old after his father's death, if all his father's years were two hundred and five. This recapitulation, therefore, if it be attended to in the Scriptures, solves many questions which can seem insoluble, according also to the exposition of the earlier questions made through this same recapitulation.
This question, however, is also resolved otherwise by certain people: that the years of Abraham's age are reckoned from the time when he was delivered out of the fire of the Chaldeans, into which he had been cast to be burned because he refused to worship that same fire in the superstition of the Chaldeans. That he was delivered from it, although it is not read in the Scriptures, is nevertheless handed down in Jewish tradition. It can also be resolved thus: since the Scripture which said, 'When Terah was seventy years old, he begot Abram and Nahor and Haran,' did not at all intend this to be understood, namely that in that same seventieth year of his life he begot all three, but rather the Scripture recorded the year from which he began to beget offspring.
But it may also be that Abram was born later, yet on account of the excellence for which he is greatly commended in the Scriptures, he was named first — just as the prophet named the younger first, 'Jacob I loved, but Esau I hated,' and in Chronicles, although Judah is fourth in the order of birth, he is mentioned first, he from whom the Jewish nation takes its name, on account of the royal tribe. And it is more convenient that several ways out be found by which difficult questions may be resolved. Certainly Stephen's account of this matter must be considered, so that whichever of these expositions does not conflict with it may be preferred. And indeed that account compels us not to hold, as it seems to be narrated in Genesis, that God spoke to Abraham after the death of Terah, telling him to go out from his kindred and from his father's house;
but rather, when he was in Mesopotamia, before he dwelt in Haran, having already indeed departed from the land of the Chaldeans, so that God is understood to have spoken to him on that journey. But what Stephen afterwards narrates thus: 'Then Abram, having gone out from the land of the Chaldeans, dwelt in Haran, and from there, after his father died, He settled him in this land' — this brings no small difficulty to this exposition, which is made by way of recapitulation. For he seems to have received the command of the Lord, which had been spoken to him on the journey through Mesopotamia after he had gone out from the land of the Chaldeans and was going to Haran, and to have obediently fulfilled this command after the death of his father, when it is said, 'And he dwelt in Haran.'
'And from there, after his father died, He settled him in this land.' And on account of this the question remains: if he was seventy-five years old — as the Scripture of Genesis plainly states — when he went out from Haran, how can this be true? Unless perhaps what Stephen says, 'Then Abram went out from the land of the Chaldeans and dwelt in Haran,' is not to be taken thus: 'then he went out, after the Lord had spoken to him' — for he was already in Mesopotamia, as was said above, when he heard that from the Lord — but rather Stephen, by that very rule of recapitulation, wished to weave the account together and to say at once from where he went out and where he dwelt, when he says, 'Then Abram went out from the land of the Chaldeans and dwelt in Haran.'
But in between, that is, between his going out from the land of the Chaldeans and his dwelling in Haran, God spoke to him. And afterwards, as to what Stephen adds, 'and from there, after his father died, He settled him in this land,' it must be observed that he did not say, 'and after his father died, he went out from Haran,' but 'from there God settled him in this land,' so that after his dwelling in Haran he was settled in the land of Canaan — not that he went out after his father's death, but that after his father's death he was settled in the land of Canaan; so that the order of the words is: 'he dwelt in Haran;
and from there He settled him in this land, after his father died' — so that we may understand Abram to have been settled or established in the land of Canaan at the time when he received there a grandson, whose entire seed was destined to reign there according to the inheritance granted by the promise of God. For from Abram himself was born Ishmael by Hagar, and others were born by Keturah, to whom the inheritance of that land did not belong. And from Isaac was born Esau, who likewise was excluded from that inheritance. But from Jacob the son of Isaac, however many sons were born — that is, his entire seed — belonged to that inheritance.
So then, Abram having been settled and established in that land — since he lived until the birth of Jacob — if this is rightly understood, the question is resolved according to recapitulation, although the other solutions too are not to be despised. 'It shall be, therefore, that when the Egyptians see you, they will say, This is his wife. And it came to pass, as soon as Abram entered into Egypt, the Egyptians, seeing the woman, that she was very beautiful.' How is it to be taken that Abram, coming into Egypt, wished to conceal that Sarah was his wife, according to all that is written on this matter? Whether this befitted so holy a man, or whether some faltering of his faith is to be understood, as several have thought?
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Indeed I have already disputed on this matter against Faustus, and it has been more diligently expounded by the presbyter Jerome, why it does not follow that, when Sarah spent several days with the king of Egypt, she should be believed to have been defiled by his intercourse; since it was the royal custom to admit his women to himself by turns, and no woman went in to the king unless her body had first been long and carefully groomed with cosmetic washes and unguents.
While these things were being done, Pharaoh was smitten by the hand of God, so that he might return untouched to her husband the woman whom the husband had entrusted to God Himself, keeping silent that she was his wife, yet not lying that she was his sister — so as to guard against what he could, as far as a man could, and to commend to God what he could not guard against; lest, if he had committed even that which he could guard against to God alone, he should be found not to be believing in God but rather to be tempting God. The land of Sodom and Gomorrah, before it was destroyed, is compared to the paradise of God, because it was well-watered, and to the land of Egypt, which the Nile irrigates. By this it is sufficiently shown, as I think, how that paradise which God planted, where He set Adam, ought to be understood. For what other paradise of God is to be understood, I do not see.
And surely, if the fruit-bearing trees in paradise were to be understood as the virtues of the soul, as some suppose — with no bodily paradise having been established on earth with true kinds of trees — it would not be said of that land, 'like the paradise of God.' 'Lift up your eyes and look from the place where you now are, to the north and the south and the east and the sea, for all the land which you see I will give to you and to your seed forever.' Here it is asked how it is to be understood that as much land was promised to Abraham and his seed as he could survey with his eyes through the four quarters of the world. For how much is it that the keenness of bodily sight can reach in beholding land?
But there is no question, if we notice that this alone was not promised; for it was not said, 'I will give you as much land as you see,' but 'I will give you the land which you see.' For since even more was being given on every side, assuredly this in particular, which was seen, was being given. Then attention must be paid to what follows; for lest Abram himself should think that only that portion of land was being promised which he could look upon or survey, 'Arise,' He says, 'and walk through the land in its length and breadth, for I will give it to you,' so that by walking he might come to that land which, standing in one place, he could not see with his eyes.
But that land is signified which the first people, Israel, the seed of Abraham according to the flesh, received — not that wider seed according to faith, which, lest it be passed over in silence, was foretold to him would be 'like the sand of the sea,' by hyperbole indeed, yet nevertheless so great that no one could number it. 'It was announced to Abram the man beyond the river.' That Abram was called 'the man beyond the river' the Greek copies also sufficiently indicate; but why he was so called, this seems to be the reason: that coming from Mesopotamia, having crossed the river Euphrates, he established his dwelling in the land of Canaan, and was called 'beyond the river' from that region whence he had come. Whence Joshua the son of Nun says to the Israelites, 'What? Do you wish to serve the gods of your fathers who are beyond the river?' Concerning that which is written:
'And about the setting of the sun a dread fell upon Abram, and behold, a great fear came upon him.' This question must be treated for the sake of those who contend that these disturbances do not befall the mind of the wise man: whether it is something such as Aulus Gellius recounts in his books of the Attic Nights, of a certain philosopher who, being on a ship in a great storm at sea, was disturbed, and was observed by a certain dissolute young man. When, after the danger had passed, the young man taunted him because the philosopher had been quickly disturbed — whereas he himself had neither feared nor turned pale — the philosopher replied that the young man was not disturbed for this reason, that he had nothing to fear for his utterly worthless soul, which was not worth anything for which anything should be feared.
But to the other studious men who had been in the ship and were waiting, he produced a certain book of Epictetus the Stoic, in which it was read that it had not so pleased the Stoics that no such disturbance befalls the mind of the wise man — as though nothing of the sort appeared in their affections — but that a disturbance is defined by them as when reason yields to such motions; whereas when it does not yield, it is not to be called a disturbance. But it must be considered how Aulus Gellius says this, and it must be carefully inserted. 'And I will give to you and to your seed after you the land in which you dwell, all the cultivated land, for an everlasting possession.' The question is how He said 'everlasting,' since it was given to the Israelites temporally:
whether it was called 'everlasting' according to this age, so that from that which in Greek is 'aion,' which also signifies 'age,' was said 'aionion,' as if in Latin it could be said 'saeculare' (pertaining to the age); or whether from this we are compelled to understand something here according to the spiritual promise, so that it was called 'eternal' because from this something eternal is signified; or whether rather it is an idiom of the Scriptures, that they call 'eternal' that of which no end is appointed, or which does not so come to pass that it is thereafter not to be done, as far as pertains to the care or power of the one doing it. As Horace says: 'He will serve forever who knows not how to use a little.' For he cannot serve forever, whose very life, by which he serves, cannot be eternal.
This testimony I would not adduce, unless it were a matter of idiom; for those poets are our authorities for words, not for things or for opinions. But if the Scriptures are defended according to their proper modes of speech, which are called idioms, how much more according to those which they hold in common with other tongues! It is asked how it was said to Abraham concerning his son, 'and kings of nations shall be from him' — whether, because it did not come about according to earthly kingdoms, it ought to be taken according to the Church, or whether on account of Esau it happened even according to the letter. 'And seeing, he ran to meet them from the door of his tent and bowed himself to the ground and said, Lord, if I have found grace before you, do not pass by your servant.'
It is asked how, when there were three men who had appeared to him, he addresses the Lord in the singular, saying, 'Lord, if I have found grace before you.' Did he understand one of them to be the Lord and the others angels? Or rather, perceiving the Lord in the angels, did he choose to speak to the Lord rather than to the angels — since, with one of the three remaining afterward with Abraham himself, two are sent to Sodom, and Lot speaks to them as to the Lord? 'Let water be taken and let them wash your feet and refresh yourselves under the tree. And I will take bread and eat.' It is asked, if he understood them to be angels, how he could invite them to this human hospitality, which is necessary for the refreshment of mortal flesh, not for the immortality of angels. 'But Abraham and Sarah were old, advanced in days;
and it had ceased to be with Sarah after the manner of women.' The age of the elderly (seniores) is less than that of the aged (senes), although the aged too are called elders. Whence, if what is asserted by some physicians is true — namely, that an elderly man cannot beget children with an elderly woman, even if the woman's monthly courses still come — according to this we can take Abraham to have marvelled at the promise of a son, and the Apostle to have set it down as a miracle: 'his body being now as good as dead.' For 'a body as good as dead' is not to be so understood as though it could have no power of generation at all, if the woman were of youthful age, but 'dead' in this respect, that he could no longer beget of a woman of advanced age. For he was able to beget of Keturah precisely because he found her youthful in age.
For thus the physicians teach, that a man whose body has so far failed in this respect that he cannot beget with a woman of that age — even though she still suffers her monthly courses — can yet beget of a young woman; and again, a woman who is already of advanced age, though her monthly courses still flow, so that she cannot bear by an old man, can yet bear by a young man. Therefore that was a miracle, because, according to what we have said, with the man's body as good as dead, the woman too was of such advanced age that the manner of women had ceased to be with her. For if anyone presses the word by which the Apostle says 'a body as good as dead' — because he said 'dead,' then it must be understood that it had no soul either, but was a corpse — that is of the most absurd falsehood.
Thus, then, this question is resolved. Otherwise it rightly perplexes us how, when Abraham was near the middle age according to which men then lived, and afterward begot sons of Keturah, he is said by the Apostle to have had a body as good as dead, and is proclaimed as a miracle because he begot. 'And the Lord said to Abraham, Why did Sarah laugh within herself, saying, Shall I then truly bear a child? But I have grown old.' It is asked why the Lord reproves her laughter, since Abraham also laughed — unless it be that his laughter was of wonder and gladness, but Sarah's of doubt, and this could be discerned by Him who knows the hearts of men. 'Sarah denied it, saying, I did not laugh; for she was afraid.'
How did they understand that it was God who was speaking, when Sarah even dared to deny that she had laughed, as though He could be ignorant of this? Unless perhaps Sarah thought them to be men, while Abraham understood Him to be God. But he too, by offering those services of hospitality of which I spoke above, which could be necessary only for weak flesh, it would be strange if he did not first suppose them to be men. But perhaps, you will say, he understood God to be speaking through certain signs of divine majesty existing and appearing, as the Scripture testifies has often happened in men of God. But again it is asked, if this is so, how they afterward came to know that they had been angels — unless perhaps because, while they watched, they went up into heaven.
'For I knew that he will command his sons and his household after him, and they will keep the ways of the Lord, to do justice and judgment, that the Lord may bring upon Abraham all the things which He has spoken to him.' Behold, here the Lord promises Abraham not only rewards, but also the obedience of his sons to justice, so that concerning them too the promised rewards may be fulfilled. 'Going down, therefore, I will see whether they are being consummated according to their cry which comes to me; but if not, that I may know.' If we take these words not as of one doubting which of two things will rather come to pass, but as of one who is angry and threatening, there is no question. For God speaks in the Scriptures to men after the human manner, and those who have known His anger have known how to understand it without perturbation in Him.
We too are accustomed to speak thus by way of threat: 'Let us see whether I do not do it to you,' or 'Let us see whether I do not do it to him,' and 'If I cannot do it to you, at least let me know,' that is, 'This very thing I will try, whether I cannot.' When this is said by way of threatening, not of ignorance, the affection of one angry appears; but perturbation does not befall God. The manner of human speech is both customary and suited to human weakness, to which God adapts His own speech. It is customarily asked whether what God said concerning Sodom — that He would not destroy the place if even ten just men were found there — is to be understood by a certain special sentence concerning that city, or generally concerning all, that God spares a place in which even ten just men are found.
In this question it is indeed not necessary that we be compelled to take this concerning every place; yet nevertheless concerning Sodom it could be said thus also, because God knew that there were not even ten there. And therefore it was answered thus to Abraham, so that it might be signified that not even so many could be found there, to the aggravation of their iniquity. For it was not necessary for God to spare such wicked men, lest He should destroy the just along with them, since He was able, the just being delivered from thence, to render fitting punishments to the ungodly. But, as I have said, to show the malignity of that multitude, He said, 'If I find ten there, I will spare the whole city.' As if He were to say:
'Certainly I can neither destroy the godly with the ungodly, nor yet on that account spare the ungodly, since, the godly being delivered and separated thence, I can repay the ungodly their due; and yet, if they are found there, I spare' — that is, because not even so many could be found there. Something similar occurs in Jeremiah, where he says: 'Go about the streets of Jerusalem and see and seek in her squares and know: if you find a man doing justice and seeking faith, then I will be merciful to their sins' — that is, 'Find even one, and I spare the rest,' to aggravate and demonstrate that not even one could be found there. That Lot met the angels and bowed his face to the ground, he seems to have understood that they were angels;
but again, when he invites them to the refreshment of the body, which is necessary for mortals, he seems to have thought that they were men. Therefore the question is resolved in like manner as it was resolved concerning the three who came to Abraham: that by certain signs it appeared they were sent from God, who nevertheless were believed to be men. For this too is in the Epistle to the Hebrews, where, when the Scripture was speaking of the good of hospitality, it says: 'For by this some, without knowing it, entertained angels as guests.' As to what Lot said to the Sodomites: 'I have two daughters who have not yet known men; I will bring them out to you, use them as it pleases you; only to these men do no wrong.'
Since he wished to prostitute his daughters by this compensation, so that his guests should suffer no such thing from the Sodomites, it is rightly asked whether such a compensation of shameful deeds or of any sins whatever is to be admitted — that we should do some evil, lest another do a graver evil — or whether it is rather to be attributed to Lot's perturbation, not to his deliberate counsel, that he said this. And doubtless this compensation is admitted most perilously. But if it is attributed to human perturbation and to a mind so agitated by so great an evil, it is by no means to be imitated. 'But the men who were at the door of the house they smote with blindness.' The Greek has 'aorasia,' which signifies more, if it could be so said, 'not-seeing' — such as makes one not see, not all things, but what is not needful.
For it rightly perplexes us how they could fail in seeking the door, if they had been smitten with such blindness that they saw nothing at all; for in that case, confounded by their own calamity, they would seek the door no further. This 'aorasia' both those who sought Elisha were smitten with. This too those had who, walking with the Lord on the road after the resurrection, did not recognize Him, although the word is not there set down, but the thing itself is understood. 'And Lot said to them, I pray, Lord, since your servant has found mercy before you and you have magnified your justice which you do toward me, that my soul may live; but I cannot be saved in the mountain, lest perhaps evils overtake me and I die.'
In this perturbation of fear he did not believe the Lord Himself, whom he recognized in the angels — the same fear by which he had also said that thing about prostituting his daughters — so that we may understand that what he said about the shame of his daughters is not to be held as of authority; for neither is this to be held as of authority, that the Lord is not to be believed. 'And God remembered Abraham and sent Lot out of the midst of the overthrow.' The Scripture commends that Lot was delivered rather by the merits of Abraham, so that we may understand Lot to have been called just in a certain manner, chiefly because he worshipped the one true God, and on account of the comparison with the crimes of the Sodomites, among whom, living, he could not be inclined to a life like theirs. 'And Lot went up from Zoar and dwelt in the mountain.'
It would be strange if it were not that same mountain, into which he went up of his own accord, though at the Lord's warning he had been unwilling to go up; for either there is no other, or none appears. 'For he feared to dwell in Zoar.' To his weakness and his fear the Lord had granted the city which Lot himself had chosen, and in it He had promised him safety, that on his account He would spare the city. Yet even there he was afraid to be; so his faith was of no great strength. 'And Abraham said of Sarah his wife, She is my sister; for he feared to say, She is my wife, lest perhaps the men of the city should kill him on her account.' It is customarily asked how at that age Abraham still feared danger on account of Sarah's beauty.
But the power of her beauty, which could still be loved, is rather to be marvelled at than to be thought a difficult question. As to what God said to Abimelech on account of Sarah: 'And I spared you, that you should not sin against me,' when He warned him that she whom he thought to be his sister was Abraham's wife — it must be observed and noted that one sins against God when such things are committed as men think are to be held lightly, as sins of the flesh. But as to what He said to him, 'Behold, you shall die,' this too must be noted, how God speaks as one foretelling without doubt that which will come to pass, which He says by way of warning, so that by abstaining from the sin it may be guarded against. It is rightly asked why Abraham made a feast neither on the day his son was born to him nor on the day he was circumcised, but on the day he was weaned.
Unless this be referred to some spiritual signification, there is no solution to the question: namely, that there ought then to be great joy of the spiritual age, when a man has been made a new spiritual man — that is, not such as those to whom the Apostle says: 'I gave you milk to drink, not meat; for you were not yet able. But neither are you yet able; for you are still carnal.' It is asked, since Sarah said, 'Cast out the handmaid and her son; for the son of the handmaid shall not be heir with my son Isaac,' why Abraham was grieved, since this was a prophecy, which surely he himself ought to have known better than Sarah.
But it must be understood either that Sarah said this from a revelation, because it had first been revealed to her, while he — whom the Lord afterward instructs concerning this — was moved with fatherly affection for his son; or that both were at first ignorant of what that might be, and that this was prophetically spoken through Sarah, who did not know it, when she was moved with a womanly spirit on account of the handmaid's pride. It must be noted that Ishmael too was called by God the seed of Abraham, on account of that which the Apostle teaches is to be so taken, that was said, 'In Isaac shall your seed be called,' that is, 'Not the children of the flesh, but the children of the promise are counted as the seed':
so that this properly pertains to Isaac, who was not a son of the flesh, but a son of the promise, where the promise is made concerning all nations. 'And Abraham rose up in the morning and took loaves and a skin of water and gave them to Hagar; and he placed them on her shoulders, and the boy; and he sent her away.' A question is customarily raised how he placed on her shoulders the boy also, so grown. For he who had been circumcised at thirteen years before Isaac was born — when Abraham was ninety-nine, and Isaac was born when his father was a hundred — and since Ishmael was playing with Isaac when Sarah was provoked, that is, with the boy grown somewhat larger, who had already been weaned, Ishmael was assuredly more than sixteen years old when he was expelled with his mother from his father's house.
But even if we take what is said of his playing with the little one to be said by way of recapitulation, before Isaac was weaned, then even so it is quite absurd that a boy of more than thirteen years should be believed to have been placed on his mother's shoulders with the skin and the loaves. Yet how easily the question is resolved, if we understand not 'he placed,' but 'he gave.' For Abraham gave, as it is written, to his mother the loaves and the skin, which she placed on her own shoulders. And when it is added and said 'and the boy,' we understand 'he gave' — he who had given the loaves and the skin — not 'he placed on her shoulders.' 'And the water failed from the skin, and she cast the boy under a single fir tree; and she went away and began to sit down opposite him, far off, about a bowshot; for she said:
I will not see the death of my son. And she sat opposite him. But the boy, crying out, wept. And God heard the voice of the boy from the place where he was. And the angel of God called Hagar from heaven and said to her: What is it, Hagar? Do not fear; for God has heard the voice of your son from the place in which he is. Arise and take the boy and hold him with your hand; for I will make him into a great nation.' It is customarily asked how, since the boy was more than fifteen years old, his mother cast him under a tree and went far off, about a bowshot, so as not to see him dying. For it seems to sound, from what is said, as though she cast down the one she was carrying, especially because there follows, 'the boy wept.' But it must be understood that he was cast out not by one carrying him, but,
as it happens, by the mind, as one about to die. For neither was he being carried who said, as it is written, 'I have been cast away from before your eyes.' And it is in everyday usage of speech, when someone is said to be cast off by another with whom he was, so as not to be seen by him or to remain with him. But it must be understood — what the Scripture left unsaid — that the mother so withdrew from her son that the boy did not know where his mother had gone, and that she hid among the woodland thickets, so as not to see her son failing from thirst. And he, even at that age, what wonder if, his mother not being seen for a longer time and as it were lost, he wept in that place where he had remained alone? Therefore what is afterward said,
'Take the boy,' was said not so that she should lift him from the ground as though lying there, but that she should be joined to him and thenceforth hold him by the hand as a companion, just as he was — which those walking together, of whatever age, generally do. 'And it came to pass at that time that Abimelech said,' and so forth. It can be asked when Abraham made a covenant with this Abimelech and the well which he dug was called 'the well of the oath,' how it agrees with the truth. For Hagar, expelled from Abraham's house with her son, was wandering near the well, as was said, 'of the oath,' which is said to have been made by Abraham much later; for there Abimelech and Abraham swore, which had by no means yet been done when Hagar with her son had been expelled from Abraham's house.
How then was she wandering near the well of the oath? Is it to be understood that it had already been done and afterward recorded by way of recapitulation — what Abraham transacted with Abimelech? Unless perhaps he who wrote the book long afterward named, from the name of the well of the oath, the region in which the mother was wandering with her son, as though he said: she was wandering in that region where the well of the oath was made — although the well was made afterward, yet long before the age of the writer; and it was so called when the book was being written, retaining the ancient name which Abraham had imposed. But if it is the same well which Hagar saw with opened eyes, nothing remains except that the question be resolved by way of recapitulation.
Nor ought it to trouble anyone how Hagar did not know the well which Abraham had dug, if it was dug before she was expelled. For it could very well have happened that, for the sake of his flocks, he dug a well far from the house in which he dwelt with his own, which she did not know. It can be asked how Abraham had planted a field at the well of the oath, if in that land, as Stephen says, he had received no inheritance nor even a foot's space. But that inheritance is to be understood which God was to give by His own gift, not bought with a price. And the space around the well is understood to pertain to that pact of purchase, in which seven ewe-lambs were given, when Abimelech and Abraham also swore to each other. 'And God tempted Abraham.'
It is commonly asked how this can be true, since James in his epistle says that God tempts no one. The answer is that, by the usage of Scripture, 'to tempt' is regularly said in the sense of 'to test.' But the temptation of which James speaks is understood only of that by which anyone becomes entangled in sin. Hence the Apostle says: lest perchance he who tempts should have tempted you. For elsewhere too it is written: The Lord your God tempts you, that he may know whether you love him. Here also the phrase 'that he may know' is used as if it were said 'that he may make you know,' since the strength of one's own love lies hidden from a man unless it is made known even to himself by a divine trial. The voice of the angel from heaven to Abraham: Lay not your hand upon the boy, neither do anything to him;
For now I know that you fear God. This question too is resolved by a similar mode of speech; for this is its meaning: 'Now I know that you fear God' signifies 'Now I have made you to know it.' In what follows this manner of speaking clearly appears, where it is said: And Abraham called the name of that place 'the Lord has seen,' so that men say to this day, 'On the mountain the Lord appeared.' 'He has seen' stands for 'he appeared,' that is, 'he has seen' stands for 'he caused to be seen,' signifying through the efficient cause the thing that is brought about, just as cold is called 'sluggish' because it makes men sluggish. And you have not spared your beloved son for my sake. Did Abraham not spare his son for the angel's sake and not for God's sake?
Either, then, the Lord Christ is signified under the name of the angel — who without doubt is God, and is plainly called by the prophet 'the Angel of great counsel' — or else God was in the angel and the angel spoke in the person of God, as often happens with the prophets too. For in what follows this seems the more apparent, where it is read: And the angel of the Lord called Abraham a second time from heaven, saying: By myself have I sworn, says the Lord. For it is not easily found that the Lord Christ calls the Father 'Lord' as though his own Lord, especially at that time, before he took flesh. For according to that whereby he took the form of a servant, this does not seem incongruously said. For according to the prophecy of this future thing is that saying in the psalm: The Lord said to me:
You are my Son. For not even in the Gospel itself do we easily find that God the Father is called 'Lord' by Christ, as though he were his Lord; although we do find 'God' in that place where he says: I go to my Father and your Father, my God and your God. But as for what is written: The Lord said to my Lord, this is referred to the very one who was speaking, that is: 'The Lord said to my Lord' — namely, the Father to the Son; and 'the Lord rained from the Lord' — he who was writing said this, so that it may be understood that his Lord rained from his Lord, that is, our Lord from our Lord, the Son from the Father.
As to the fact that among those who were reported to Abraham to have been born as sons to his brother, there is also named Kemuel the father of the Syrians, surely those who brought the report could not have reported the father of the Syrians; for from his origin the Syrian race was propagated long afterward. But it was said from the person of the writer, who, after all those times, narrated these things in writing, just as we said above concerning the well of the oath. And Abraham, rising up, did obeisance to the people of the land. It is asked how it is written: You shall adore the Lord your God, and him only shall you serve, whereas Abraham thus honoured a certain gentile people, so as even to do obeisance to them. But it must be observed that in the same precept it was not said: 'the Lord your God only shall you adore,' as it was said:
and him only shall you serve, which in Greek is 'latreuseis.' For such service is owed to none but God. Hence idolaters are condemned, that is, those who render to idols this kind of service which is owed to God. Nor let it disturb anyone that in another place, in a certain Scripture, an angel forbids a man to worship him and admonishes that the Lord should rather be worshipped; for such an angel had appeared as could be worshipped in place of God, and therefore the worshipper had to be corrected.
As to the fact that Abraham commands his servant to place his hand under his thigh, and so puts him under oath by the Lord God of heaven and the Lord of earth, this is wont to move the untutored who do not attend to the great prophecy about Christ contained therein — namely, that the Lord God of heaven and Lord of earth himself was to come in that flesh which was propagated from that thigh. It must be inquired how unlawful auguries differ from that asking for a sign by which Abraham's servant asked that God would show him her who was to be the wife of his master Isaac: he asked that, when he had begged of her that she give him to drink, it might be said to him, 'Drink you also, and I will draw water for your camels too until they cease to drink.'
For it is one thing to ask for some marvel which by the miracle itself may be a sign, and another to observe those things which happen in such a way that they are not marvels, but are interpreted by diviners with superstitious vanity. But this very thing — that some marvel is demanded whereby may be signified what anyone wishes to know, whether the matter should be ventured — is no small question. For to this pertains the fact that those who do this wrongly are said to tempt the Lord. For the Lord himself, when he was tempted by the devil, brought forward the testimony from the Scriptures: You shall not tempt the Lord your God. For it was suggested to him, as to a man, that he should himself by some sign explore how great he was, that is, how much he could avail with God: which is done faultily, when it is done.
But from this is distinguished what Gideon did when the danger of battle was imminent; for that was rather a consultation than a tempting of God. Hence also Ahaz in Isaiah is afraid to ask a sign, lest he should seem to tempt God, when the Lord admonishes him to do so through the prophet — believing, I suppose, that he was being tested by the prophet himself, whether he was mindful of the precept whereby we are forbidden to tempt God. The servant of Abraham, narrating what had been commanded him by his master, says that he had said to him: You shall not take a wife for my son from the daughters of the Canaanites, among whom I dwell in their land, but you shall go into the house of my father and into my tribe, and shall take a wife for my son from thence — and the rest.
If one reads how these things were commanded him, the same sense is found; but the words are not all either the same or spoken in the same way. This I thought worth pointing out on account of foolish and unlearned men who on this ground bring a calumny against the evangelists, because in certain words they do not agree in every respect, although in matters and meanings they do not disagree at all. For certainly one man wrote this book, so that he was able to set down thus, or on rereading, those things which Abraham said above when he gave the command, if he judged it pertinent to the matter — since the truth of a narrative requires nothing except that it be of the matters and meanings whereby the intention, for the sake of imparting which the words are made, may be sufficiently apparent. As to what the Latin codices have, when Abraham's servant narrates what his master had commanded him:
then you shall be guiltless of my oath, or: of my swearing — the Greek has: of my curse. For 'horkos' means an oath, 'ara' a curse; whence also one is called 'kataratos,' cursed, or 'epikataratos.' Accordingly the question arises how that oath can be understood as a curse, except that he is cursed who acts against the oath. If, then, you show mercy and righteousness toward my master, tell me. Those two things which are constantly set together in the other holy Scriptures, and especially in the Psalms — mercy and righteousness (for 'mercy and truth' means just as much) — here already begin to appear. Behold, Rebecca is before you; take her and run; and let her be the wife of your master's son, as the Lord has spoken.
It is asked when the Lord had spoken. The answer must be either that they knew Abraham to be a prophet and recognized that what had been said through him was spoken prophetically by the Lord; or else they called the Lord's speaking that sign which his servant narrated had been given to him — for this is the more clearly expressed regarding Rebecca. For what Abraham had said, he had not said of Rebecca, but of some woman from his tribe or kindred; and this was said as covering both cases, that the servant might be free from the oath if he did not obtain his request. But this is by no means said when something is prophesied; for prophecy ought to be certain. As to what Rebecca's brothers said to her as she set out: You are our sister;
may you become thousands of thousands, and may your seed possess by inheritance the cities of their adversaries — they were not prophets, nor did they wish this out of so great a vanity; but what God had promised to Abraham could not lie hidden from them. As to what is written: And Isaac went out to exercise himself in the field toward evening — those who do not know the Greek word regarding this matter think it means bodily exercise. But it is written in Greek 'adoleschesai'; and 'adoleschein' pertains to exercise of the mind, and is often reckoned a fault, yet by the usage of the Scriptures is for the most part set in a good sense. For this word some of our translators put 'exercise,' some 'garrulity' as it were 'wordiness,' which in a good sense, so far as pertains to Latin speech, is scarcely or never found.
But, as I have said, in the Scriptures it is for the most part used in a good sense, and it seems to me to signify the disposition of a mind pondering something most studiously with delight in the thought — unless those who understand these Greek words better hold another opinion. Now Abraham, adding, took a wife by name Keturah. This would be a question if it were a sin, especially in the ancients who gave attention to the propagation of offspring. For whatever else may be suspected here rather than incontinence in so great a man, especially at that already advanced age. But why he begot sons of this woman, he who had begotten a son of Sarah by a miracle, was stated above;
although some assert that the gift which Abraham received, as of a body restored to life for the begetting of sons, remained a long while, so that he could beget others also. But it is much more decisive that an older man could beget of a young girl what he could not beget of an older woman, unless God had there wrought a miracle, especially on account of Sarah's not only age but also barrenness. Yet even a man of greater age, and, as the Scripture says, full of days, can be called an old man — that is, 'presbytes' — as may be understood from this, that Abraham was so called when he died. Accordingly every old man is also a 'presbytes,' but not every 'presbytes' an old man;
even so, one is an old man — because this is generally a name for the age which is below old age yet near to old age, and from this even old age itself takes its name in the Latin tongue, so that the elder is called 'presbys.' But among the Greeks, especially as the Scripture speaks, men are called 'presbyteroi' and 'neoteroi' even if the ages of young men are compared, which we call the elder and the younger. But this deed of Abraham — that after Sarah's death he begot sons of Keturah — is not to be taken as though it were done merely by human custom and by the thought of substituting a more numerous offspring.
For so men could take even what was done concerning Hagar, did not the Apostle admonish that those things were done prophetically, so that in both persons of the women and of their sons an allegorical signification figured forth the two Testaments unto the foretelling of things to come. Hence in this deed of Abraham too something of the sort must be sought. And even if it does not readily occur, I meanwhile state what does occur to me. The gifts which the sons of the concubines received seem to me to signify certain gifts of God given either in sacraments or in various signs, given even to the carnal people of the Jews and to heretics as to sons of concubines, whereas the gift of the inheritance, which is charity and eternal life, pertains to none but Isaac, that is, to the sons of the promise.
What does it mean that it is written: These are the names of the sons of Ishmael according to the names of their generations? For it is not sufficiently clear why it was added 'according to the names of their generations,' since these alone are named whom he begot, not also those who were begotten of them. Unless perhaps this was signified — that the nations propagated from them are called by their names — when it was said 'according to the names of their generations.' Although in this way those nations are rather named after these men, not these names after those nations, since the nations arose later. Hence the manner of speech is to be noted, because afterward too it is said of them: twelve princes according to their nations.
As to what is written concerning Rebecca, that she went to inquire of the Lord when the babes struggled in her womb, it is asked whither she went. For there were not then prophets or priests according to the order of the Lord's tabernacle or temple. Therefore whither she went rightly moves us — unless perhaps to the place where Abraham had set up an altar. But how responses were given forth there Scripture is entirely silent: whether through some priest — which is incredible, that if there was one, he should not have been named, and no mention at all should have been made there of any priests — or perhaps that there, when in praying they had laid out their desires, they slept in the place, so as to be admonished through a dream?
Or was Melchizedek still living, whose excellence was so great that it is doubted by some whether he was a man or an angel? Or were there even in that time certain such men of God in whom God could be inquired of? Whichever of these it is — and if there is any other which may perhaps have escaped me so that I did not mention it — nevertheless the Scripture cannot lie, which said that Rebecca went to inquire of the Lord, and that the Lord answered her. In that which the Lord answered to Rebecca: Two nations are in your womb, and two peoples shall be separated from your belly;
and one people shall be stronger than the other, and the elder shall serve the younger — by spiritual understanding, the carnal among the people of God are signified through the elder son, and the spiritual through the younger, because, as the Apostle says, not first that which is spiritual but that which is animal, afterward the spiritual. It is also wont to be understood thus, that in Esau is figured the greater people of God, that is, the Israelite according to the flesh, while through Jacob is figured Jacob himself according to the spiritual offspring. But this response is found to be fulfilled also by historical property, where the people of Israel — that is, Jacob the younger son — overcame the Edomites, that is, the nation which Esau propagated, and made them tributaries through David:
which lasted a long time, down to the king under whom the Edomites rebelled and cast off the yoke of the Israelites from their neck, according to the prophecy of Isaac himself, when he blessed the younger before the elder. For he said this to the same elder son when he afterward blessed him also. But Jacob was a simple man dwelling at home. What in Greek is called 'aplastos,' the Latins have interpreted 'simple'; but properly 'aplastos' means 'not feigned.' Hence some Latin interpreters have rendered 'without guile,' saying: Jacob was without guile, dwelling at home — so that it is a great question how one who was without guile received the blessing through guile. But to signify something great the Scripture set this down beforehand.
For hence we are especially compelled to understand spiritual things in that place, because he was without guile who wrought guile. What we should feel about this we have said sufficiently in a certain sermon delivered before the people. As to what is written: Now there was a famine over the land, besides the famine which had been before in the time of Abraham; and Isaac went to Abimelech king of the Philistines in Gerar — it is asked when this happened: whether after Esau sold his birthright for the food of lentils (for after that narrative this begins to be narrated), or whether, as often happens, the narrator returned by recapitulation to those events, when, having advanced concerning his sons, he had reached that point which is recorded about the lentils.
But it moves us — because the very same Abimelech is found who had also desired Sarah; for his groomsman and the commander of his army, who were mentioned there, are mentioned here also — whether they could even have lived. For when he became the friend of Abraham, Isaac was not yet born, but already promised. Let us suppose that this happened a year before Isaac was born; then Isaac begot sons when he was sixty years old; but those sons were young men when Esau sold his birthright — let us suppose that they too were about twenty years old; there come to be about eighty years of Isaac's age down to that deed of his sons.
let us take it that Abimelech was a young man when he desired Isaac's mother and became Abraham's friend: he could therefore now be about a hundred years old, if after that deed of his sons Isaac proceeded into that land under compulsion of famine. Therefore no necessity compels us on this ground to think that Isaac's journey into Gerar is narrated by recapitulation. But because it is written that Isaac was there a long time and dug wells and contended about them and was enriched with wealth, it would be a wonder if these things were not recorded by way of recapitulation — things which had for that reason been passed over, so that first the narrative concerning his sons might reach that point about the lentils. In that which the Scripture says of Isaac: And the Lord blessed him.
and the man was exalted and going forward became greater, until he became very great — the sequel teaches that this was said according to earthly prosperity. For the narrator pursues his very riches by which he became great; and moved by this, Abimelech feared him to be there, lest his power should be hostile to himself. Although, therefore, these things signify something spiritual, nevertheless according to that whereby they came to pass, it was for this reason set down beforehand, 'the Lord blessed him,' that by sound faith we may understand that even these temporal gifts can neither be given nor ought to be hoped for — even when they are sought by the weaker — save from the one God: so that he who is faithful in the least may be faithful also in much, and he who has been found faithful in the unrighteous mammon
may also be counted worthy to receive the true riches, as the Lord speaks in the Gospel. Such things were said also of Abraham, that the gifts of God came to him. Hence this narrative not a little edifies sound faith for those who understand it piously, even if from these matters no allegorical signification can be carved out. Let there be an execration between us and you — that is, an oath which binds with curses that may befall him who perjures himself. According to this must be considered also what Abraham's servant recorded, narrating to those from whom he received a wife for his master Isaac. What is the meaning of what is written, that when Isaac's servants came and said, 'We have dug a well and have not found water,' Isaac called that same well 'Oath'?
Or, although it was a fact, must it without doubt be led to some spiritual signification, since it has no fitness according to the letter, that he should for this reason have called the well 'Oath,' because no water was found there? Although other interpreters have said that Isaac's servants rather announced that water had been found; but even so, why was it called 'Oath,' where no swearing had taken place? Since so great a patriarch as Isaac, before he dies, seeks from his son venison and food such as he loves, as for a great benefit, and promises a blessing, we judge that it is by no means empty of prophetic signification:
especially since his wife hastens that the younger, whom she loved, may receive that blessing, and the rest in the same narrative greatly move us to understand or seek out greater things. As to what the Latin codices have: But Isaac was struck with a very great fear — the Greek has: 'exestē de Isaak ekstasin megalēn sphodra' — wherein is understood so great a commotion that a certain alienation of mind followed. For this properly is called 'ekstasis.' And because it is wont to happen in revelations of great things, in this we must understand that a spiritual admonition was made, so that he might confirm his blessing upon the younger son, upon whom rather he ought to have been angry because he had deceived his father.
尤其因他的妻子急切要那她所愛的幼子得那祝福,而同一敘述中其餘的內容也大大促使我們去理解或尋求更大之事。至於拉丁抄本所載:以撒大大戰兢——希臘文作:「exestē de Isaak ekstasin megalēn sphodra」——其中所理解的震動如此之大,以致隨之而來一種心思的恍惚。因為這才正稱為「ekstasis(出神)」。而因為這常在偉大之事的啟示中發生,在此我們當理解為有一種屬靈的指示臨到,好使他堅定他對幼子的祝福,儘管他本該對那幼子發怒,因為他欺騙了父親。
So also concerning Adam, when that great sacrament is prophesied which the Apostle speaks of in Christ and in the Church — They shall be two in one flesh — it is said that an ecstasy preceded. How were Esau's words announced or reported to Rebecca, by which he threatened to kill his brother, when the Scripture says that he said this in his own thought? Only that from this we are given to understand that all things were divinely revealed to them. Hence it pertains to a great mystery that she wished her younger son to be blessed before the elder. As to what the Latin codices have, Isaac saying to his son: Go into Mesopotamia, into the house of Bethuel your mother's father, and take yourself a wife from thence — the Greek codices do not have 'go' but 'flee,' that is, 'apodrathi.'
whence it is understood that Isaac too had come to know what his son Esau had said in his thought concerning his brother. And Jacob rose up from his sleep and said, 'The Lord is in this place, and I knew it not.' And he was afraid and said: 'How terrible is this place! This is nothing else than the house of God; and this is the gate of heaven.' These words pertain to prophecy, because there was to be there the tabernacle which the Lord established among men in his first people. But the gate of heaven we ought to understand thus, as if from thence there be made an entrance for believers to lay hold of the kingdom of heaven. As to the fact that Jacob set up the stone which he had placed for himself at his head, and set it up as a pillar and poured oil upon it, he did nothing resembling idolatry.
For neither then nor afterward did he frequent the stone by adoring it or sacrificing to it; but it was a sign set up in a most evident prophecy, which pertains to anointing: whence the name of Christ is from 'chrism.' And Jacob called the name of that place 'the house of God'; and Ulammaus was the name of the city before. If it be understood that he slept beside the city, there is no question; but if within the city, it seems a wonder how he could have set up that pillar. And as to the fact that he vowed a vow, if he should prosper in going and returning, and promised tithes to the house of God that would be in that place, it is a prophecy of the house of God, where he himself also, on returning, sacrificed to God — not calling that stone God, but the house of God, that is, because in that place the house of God was to be.
As to the fact that Rachel came with her father's sheep, and Scripture says that when Jacob had seen Rachel the daughter of Laban his mother's brother, he drew near and rolled the stone from the mouth of the well, it is rather to be noted that the Scripture passes over something which we ought to understand, than that any question should be raised. For it is understood that those with whom Jacob first spoke, being asked who it was that was coming with the sheep, themselves said that she was the daughter of Laban — whom of course Jacob did not know; but Scripture, passing over their questioning and the answer of those men, wished it to be understood. As to what is written: And Jacob kissed Rachel and, crying out with his voice, wept.
and he told her that he was her father's brother and that he was the son of Rebecca — it was indeed the custom, especially in that simplicity of the ancients, for kinsmen to kiss their kinswomen, and this is done today in many places. But it may be asked how she received a kiss from one unknown, if Jacob afterward declared his kinship. Therefore it must be understood either that he, who had already heard who she was, confidently rushed to kiss her, or that Scripture afterward narrated by recapitulation what had first happened, that is, that Jacob declared who he was.
Just as concerning paradise it is afterward said how God established it, when it had already been said that God planted paradise and placed there the man whom he had fashioned; and many things are understood to be said by recapitulation. As to what is written: And Jacob served for Rachel seven years; and they were in his sight as but a few days, because he loved her — it must be inquired how this was said, since rather even a brief time is wont to be long for lovers. It was said, therefore, on account of the labour of servitude, which love made easy and light. If the narrative of this matter be little attended to, it will be thought that, after Jacob married Leah, he then served another seven years for Rachel and then married her.
But truly it is not so; rather Laban said to him: Fulfil therefore the week of this one, and I will give you this one also for the work which you will work with me yet another seven years. So what he says, 'Fulfil the week of this one,' pertains to the celebration of the wedding, which is wont to be celebrated for seven days. So this is what he says: Fulfil the seven days of the wedding pertaining to this one whom you have married, and I will give you this other one also for that which you will work with me yet another seven years. Then follows: And Jacob did so, and fulfilled her week — that is, the seven days of Leah's wedding — and Laban gave him Rachel his daughter to himself as wife. And Laban gave to Rachel his daughter Bilhah his handmaid as a handmaid for her. And he went in to Rachel:
and he loved Rachel more than Leah; and he served him another seven years. Assuredly it appears that, after he had married Rachel, he then served for her another seven years. For it would have been too harsh and exceedingly unjust that Laban should still, after deceiving him, defer another seven years and only then hand over her whom he first owed. And that weddings were wont to be celebrated for seven days the book of Judges too shows in the case of Samson, when he made a feast for seven days. And Scripture added that young men were wont to do so; and he did this on account of his own wedding.
It is not easily discerned whom Scripture calls concubines and whom wives, since Hagar too is called a wife, who afterward is called a concubine, and Keturah likewise, and the handmaids whom Rachel and Leah gave to their husband. Unless perhaps every concubine is a wife, but not every wife is called a concubine according to the manner of speaking of the Scriptures; that is, so that Sarah and Rebecca and Leah and Rachel cannot be called concubines, but Hagar and Keturah and Bilhah and Zilpah are both wives and concubines. As to what the Latins have, when a son was born to Leah of Zilpah, that she said: I am made blessed, or happy — the Greek has 'eutychēs,' which rather signifies good fortune.
Hence it seems an occasion is given to those who do not understand well, as though those men worshipped Fortune, or as though the authority of the divine Scriptures received this word into usage. But either Fortune must be understood for those things which seem to happen by chance — not because there is any deity — since these very things which seem fortuitous are nevertheless divinely given by hidden causes; whence also the words which no one can remove from the custom of speaking are ready at hand, that is, 'perhaps' and 'peradventure' and 'perchance' and 'by chance'; whence in the Greek tongue too there seems to resound what they call 'tychē,' as if from that which is 'tynchanō' — or else Leah spoke thus for this reason, because she still retained the custom of gentile heathenism. For Jacob did not say this,
so that from this authority should be thought to be given to this word. As to what Jacob says: And the Lord blessed you at my foot, the sense of the Scriptures is well to be attended to and noted, lest, when anyone has spoken thus, he should seem as it were to be auguring. For it makes a great difference what he added: the Lord blessed you at my foot; for he wished it to be understood 'at my coming in,' giving thanks to God for this. In the deed of Jacob, when he peeled the rods, stripping off the green so that the white might appear variegated, and thus at conception the young of the flocks were made variegated, when the mothers drank in the troughs of water and, seeing the rods, conceived that variegation — many things are said to happen similarly in the offspring of animals.
But it is reported to have happened also to a woman, and it is found written in the books of Hippocrates, that most ancient and most skilled physician, that she was to be punished on suspicion of adultery, since she had borne a most beautiful boy unlike either parent or their kindred — had not the aforesaid physician resolved the matter by advising them to inquire whether perhaps some such picture might be in the bedchamber; and when it was found, the woman was freed from suspicion. But as for this thing which Jacob did, the joining of rods from three different kinds of trees, what usefulness it contributed, so far as pertains to multiplying the variegated flocks, does not appear at all.
Nor does it make any useful difference whether the rods are variegated from wood of one kind or whether there are several kinds of wood, since only the variety of the wood is sought. And therefore this matter compels us to inquire into a prophecy and some figurative signification — a thing which Jacob without doubt did as a prophet; and for this reason he is not to be charged with fraud. For we must not believe that he did anything of the sort except by spiritual revelation. But as to what pertained to justice, as other translators narrate this more openly, he did not place the rods at the second conception of the sheep. This the Septuagint has said the more obscurely the more briefly: for it says that when they had given birth, he did not place them.
This is understood to mean when they had first given birth, so that it is to be understood that he was no longer accustomed to place them when they were about to give birth a second time, lest he himself should take away all the offspring, which would have been unjust. As for Laban's saying, «Why have you stolen my gods?» — this perhaps is the reason: he had said that he practiced divination, and his daughter had named her «good fortune.» And it is to be noted that from the beginning of the book we now for the first time find «the gods of the nations»; for in the earlier places of Scripture they named «God.» As for what Jacob says to his father-in-law, «and you cheated my wage by ten lambs» — when and how this was done, Scripture does not narrate; but assuredly what he here mentions was done. For he said this also to his wives when he called them into the field.
For complaining about their father, he says among other things: «and he changed my wage by ten lambs.» It is therefore understood that at each several season of the sheep's bearing, when Laban saw that such offspring were born as it had been agreed should belong to Jacob, he fraudulently changed the compact and stipulated that in the future offspring Jacob should have in his wage animals of other colors. But then Jacob would not put the variegated rods underneath, and no variegated ones were born, but only of one color, which Jacob took away by the new compact. And when Laban saw this, he again fraudulently changed the compact, so that the variegated should belong to Jacob; then by the placing of those rods variegated ones were born. Therefore what Jacob says to his wives, «he changed my wage by ten lambs,» and afterwards to Laban himself:
«you cheated my wage by ten she-lambs» — he did not so speak as though the fraud itself succeeded for his father-in-law; for that it might not succeed for him, he said that God had stood by him against Laban. And by «ten lambs» or «ten she-lambs» he meant ten seasons, in which the sheep he pastured gave birth during the six years. For they bore twice in the year. But it had happened that in the first year, in which they made their compact and he entered upon pasturing them by the agreement of this wage, they bore only once, at the year's end, because when he began, they had already borne once; and again in the sixth, that is the last year, when they had borne once, the necessity of departure arose, and he withdrew before they bore again.
And thus, since the first year and the last had two lambings of the sheep under him — that is, one each — while the middle four years had two each, they make ten in all. Nor is it surprising that he called these ten seasons by the name of «lambs,» which were born in those very seasons — just as if someone should say «through so many vintages» or «so many harvests,» by which the number of years may be understood. Whence a certain poet says «after some ears of corn,» meaning by «ears» the harvests, and by «harvests» the years. But the fertility of the flocks of that region is said to be as great as that of the Italian flocks, so that they bear twice a year. «Now Jacob took a stone and set it up as a pillar.»
It is to be carefully observed how they set up these pillars as a testimony to some particular matter, not that they might worship them as gods, but that they might signify something by them. As for the heap of stones which Laban and Jacob had set up between them, they named it with some difference, so that Laban called it «the heap of testimony,» Jacob «the heap witness»; this is reported by those who know both the Syriac and the Hebrew tongue to have been done on account of the properties of each of their languages. For it commonly happens that a thing is not expressed in one language by a single word which in another is so expressed, and that a thing is named by the nearness of its signification. For afterwards it is said: «On account of this the name was called The heap witnesses.»
For this was set in the middle, so as to suit both — both him who had said «the heap of testimony» and him who had said «the heap of the witness.» What does it mean that in speaking Laban says to Jacob, «This heap testifies and this pillar testifies; on account of this the name is called The heap testifies,» and «the vision which he called, Let God look between me and you»? — unless perhaps the order should run: «and the vision, which God spoke, let it look between me and you»; for God had spoken to him in a vision, that he should not harm Jacob. What does it mean that Laban says in what follows, «See, no one is with us»? — unless perhaps «no one of strangers,» or on account of the attestation of God, whom they ought so to hold, as though no one were with them whom they might join to His testimony.
«And Jacob swore by the fear of his father Isaac.» «By the fear,» that is, by which he feared God — which fear he also commended above, when he said: «The God of my father Abraham and the fear of my father Isaac.» As for the camp of God which Jacob saw on the way, there is no doubt that it was a multitude of angels; for this in the Scriptures is called «the host of heaven.» When it was announced to him that his brother Jacob — that is, Esau — was coming to meet him with four hundred men, he was indeed troubled and confused in mind, since he greatly feared; and, as seemed good to a man in perturbation, he arranged his divided multitude into two camps. Here it may be asked how he had faith in God's promises, seeing that he said:
«If my brother comes to the first camp and destroys it, the second shall be for safety.» But this too could have happened, that Esau should overthrow his camp, and yet that God should be present after that affliction and deliver him and fulfill what He had promised. And we were meant to be admonished by this example that, although we believe in God, we should nevertheless do the things that ought to be done by men for the safeguard of our welfare, lest by neglecting them we should seem to tempt God. Finally, after this it is to be considered what words this same Jacob speaks. «O God,» he says, «of my father Abraham and God of my father Isaac, O Lord, who said to me: Return to the land of your birth, and I will do you good; you are worthy of me from all the righteousness and from all the truth which you have shown to your servant.»
«For with this my staff I crossed this Jordan, but now I have become two camps. Deliver me from the hand of my brother, from the hand of Esau, for I fear him, lest when he comes he strike me and the mothers with the children. But you said: I will do you good and make your seed as the sand of the sea, which cannot be numbered for its multitude.» In these words both human weakness and the faith of piety sufficiently appear. As for what the Latin codices have concerning Jacob, «For he said: I will appease his face with the gifts going before him» — the writer of the book, narrating, says of Jacob, «For he said: I will appease his face»: thus far the words of Jacob are understood to have been spoken, but the rest he added of his own, when he says «with the gifts going before him,» as though he were saying:
«With the gifts which went before Jacob, I will appease the face of my brother.» The order therefore of Jacob's words is: «I will appease his face, and after this I will see his face; for perhaps he will receive my face.» But the words of the writer are interposed: «with the gifts going before him.» As for the fact that Jacob desires to be blessed by that angel over whom he prevailed in wrestling, it is a great prophecy concerning Christ. For by this very thing he admonishes us to perceive something mystical, since every man wishes to be blessed by one greater. How then did he wish it from one whom he had overcome in wrestling? For Jacob prevailed over Christ — or rather seemed to prevail — through those Israelites by whom Christ was crucified;
and yet by Him he is blessed in those Israelites who believed in Christ, of whom was he who said: «For I too am an Israelite, of the seed of Abraham, of the tribe of Benjamin.» One therefore and the same Jacob is both lame and blessed: lame in the breadth of the thigh, as in the multitude of the race, of whom it is said, «and they went lame from their paths»; but blessed in those of whom it is said, «a remnant according to the election of grace has been saved.» What does it mean that Jacob says to his brother, «Therefore I have seen your face, as when one sees the face of God»? Did the words of a frightened and disturbed mind break forth even into this flattery? Or according to some understanding can they be taken as spoken without sin?
For perhaps, since the gods of the nations too — which are demons — are so called, no prejudice arises from these words against the man of God. For he did not say «as if I saw the face of God,» but «as when one sees»; and it is uncertain whom this «one» might signify. And thus perhaps the words were so tempered that both Esau himself might gratefully receive so great an honor paid to him, and those who can understand these things otherwise might charge the one who spoke them with no crime of impiety. But even if these fraternal words were spoken with a kindly disposition — since after the good reception the fear itself had passed away — it could be so said, just as Moses too was called the god of Pharaoh, according to what the Apostle says:
«even if there are those who are called gods, whether in heaven or on earth, as there are many gods and many lords» — especially because in the Greek it is said without the article, by which article the signification of the one true God is most evidently wont to be made. For he did not say «the face of the God,» but he said «the face of a god»; and those who are accustomed to hear and understand Greek speech easily understand by what distinction it is said. It is asked whether Jacob promised his brother falsely that, following the pace of his own people on the journey — on whose account, if he were to delay, he would come to him in Seir; for this, as Scripture afterwards narrates, he did not do, but went by the road which led to his own people.
Or perhaps he had promised with a truthful mind, but afterwards, on reflection, chose otherwise? How does Scripture say that Shechem son of Hamor the Horite, prince of the land, saw Dinah daughter of Jacob, and took her and lay with her and humbled her; and set his mind upon Dinah daughter of Jacob and loved the virgin and spoke according to the mind of the virgin to her? How is she called a virgin, if he had already lain with her and humbled her? — unless perhaps «virgin» is a name of age according to Hebrew idiom. Or rather, is it by recapitulation that what was done first is mentioned afterwards? For first he could have set his mind upon her soul and loved the virgin and spoken according to the mind of the virgin, and then have lain with her and humbled her.
Since a little before, Jacob speaking with his brother Esau signifies that his sons are infants — those who in Greek are called paidia — it may be asked how they could make so great a slaughter and pillaging of the city, the men being killed although set in the pain of circumcision, on behalf of their sister Dinah. But it is to be understood that Jacob had dwelt there a long time, until both his daughter became a virgin and his sons youths. For it is thus written: «And Jacob came to Salem, a city of the Sichemites, which is in the land of Canaan, when he came from Mesopotamia of Syria; and he encamped before the face of the city. And he bought the part of the field in which he there set up his tent, from Hamor the father of Shechem for a hundred lambs; and he set up there an altar, and called upon the God of Israel.»
«Now Dinah daughter of Leah, whom she bore to Jacob, went out to become acquainted with the daughters of that region,» and so forth. It appears therefore from these words that Jacob did not dwell there in passing, as a traveler is wont, but that he bought a field, set up a tent, built an altar, and thereby dwelt there for a longer time; and that his daughter, when she had come to that age at which she could now have girlfriends, wished to become acquainted with the daughters of the citizens of the place; and thus that most bloody slaughter and plundering was carried out on her account, which now, as I think, presents no problem. For the multitude with Jacob was not small, since he had been greatly enriched; but his sons are named in this deed, because they were the chief agents and authors of the same deed.
As for what Jacob says, fearing the wars of the neighboring peoples about the city of Salem which his sons had stormed: «But I am few in number, and they gathering against me will kill me» — on account of the wars of many which could arise, he called himself few in number, not because he had fewer than could suffice for the storming of that city, since he had divided his men on the journey into two camps. «Now God said to Jacob: Arise and go up to the place Bethel and dwell there; and make there an altar to God who appeared to you, when you were fleeing from the face of your brother Esau.» What does it mean that He did not say «make there an altar to me, who appeared to you,» but God says, «make there an altar to God who appeared to you»? Did the Son appear there, and does God the Father say this?
Or is it to be reckoned as some kind of manner of speaking? As for the fact that Jacob, about to go up to Bethel where he was commanded to make an altar, says to his household and to all who were with him: «Put away the strange gods that are with you from your midst,» and so forth; then it is said: «And they gave Jacob the strange gods which were in their hands, and the earrings which were in their ears.» It is asked why the earrings too — which, if they were ornaments, did not pertain to idolatry — unless because it is to be understood that they were phylacteries of the strange gods. For Scripture testifies that Rebecca received earrings from Abraham's servant; which would not have been done, if it were not lawful for them to have earrings for the sake of ornament. Therefore those earrings which were given along with the idols,
as has been said, were phylacteries of the idols. «And the fear of God came upon the cities which were around them, and they did not pursue after the sons of Israel.» Let us begin to observe how God works in the minds of men. For by whom was the fear of God brought upon those cities, except by Him who was guarding His promises in Jacob and his sons? «Now Jacob came to Luz, which is in the land of Canaan, which is Bethel.» It is to be observed that three names of this city are now mentioned: Ulammaus, which it is said it was formerly called, when Jacob, going there first, had come into Mesopotamia; and Bethel, which name he himself imposed, and it is interpreted «house of God»; and Luz, which has just been mentioned. Nor ought it to seem surprising;
for in many places this happens, both in cities and in rivers and in various lands, that from one cause or another names are either added or changed — just as also to men themselves. «Again in Luz God appeared to Jacob and said to him: Your name shall no longer be called Jacob, but Israel shall be your name.» Behold, God says this to him again in blessing, and this repetition confirms the great promise in this name. For this is a wonder: those to whom a name has once been given,
are no longer called by what they used to be called, but by the new name that was imposed on them, and are called by nothing more than what was imposed on them; but this man, throughout his whole life and thereafter, after his life, was called Jacob, to whom God had once said: «You shall no longer be called Jacob, but Israel shall be your name.» Undoubtedly, therefore, this name is rightly understood to pertain to that promise, where God will be seen in such a way as He was not seen before by the fathers. For there the old name will not exist, because nothing of the old will remain even in the body itself, and the vision of God will be the highest reward. In the promises to Jacob it is said: «Nations and congregations of nations shall be from you.»
Is it that «nations» are according to the flesh, but «congregations of nations» according to faith? — or is both said on account of the faith of the nations, if the one nation of Israel according to the flesh cannot be called «nations»? «Now God went up from him from the place where He had spoken with him. And Jacob set up a pillar in the place in which He had spoken with him, a pillar of stone: and he poured a libation upon it and poured oil upon it. And Jacob called the name of the place in which God had spoken with him there, Bethel.» Was this done in this place, which had been done before? Or was it again mentioned? But whichever of these it be, Jacob poured a libation upon the stone, he did not pour a libation to the stone.
It is therefore not as idolaters are wont to set up altars before stones and to pour libations to stones as to gods. As for the fact that the twelve sons of Israel who were born to him are reckoned and it is said: «These are the sons of Israel who were born to him in Mesopotamia» — since Benjamin was born long afterward, when they had already passed Bethel and were approaching Bethlehem — certain persons, vainly attempting to resolve this question, have said that it should not be read «were born,» as most Latin codices have it, but «were made» — for in Greek it is written egenonto — thus wishing it to be understood that Benjamin too, although he was not born there, was nevertheless «made» there, because he had already been sown in the womb, so that Rachel is believed to have gone out from there pregnant.
But in this way, even if it were read «were born,» they could say: he had already been born in the womb, because he had been conceived; just as it was said of holy Mary to Joseph: «For that which is born in her is of the Holy Spirit.» But there is another thing that hinders this solution of this question. For if Benjamin had already been conceived there, those sons of Jacob who went out from there grown could scarcely have been twelve years old. For he completed twenty years there, of which the first seven he was without a wife, until by serving he might obtain one. So that in the first year in which he married a wife, a son might be born to him, the firstborn could have been twelve years old when he set out from there.
Accordingly, if Benjamin had already been conceived, within ten months that whole journey was accomplished and whatever is written of Jacob on the journey. Whence it follows that his sons, being so young, made so great a slaughter on behalf of their sister Dinah, and butchered so many men, and thus stormed the city — among whom Symeon and Levi, who first, girt with swords, entered upon those men and destroyed them, are found to have been the one eleven, the other ten years old, even if she had borne without interruption every single year. Which is surely incredible, that all those things could have been done by boys of that age, when even Dinah herself was scarcely yet six years old.
Accordingly, the question must be resolved otherwise, so that it may be understood, of the twelve sons mentioned, that it was said: «These are the sons of Jacob who were made to him in Mesopotamia of Syria» — because among all of them, who were so many, only one was not born there, who nevertheless had from there the cause of his birth, in that his mother was there joined to his father. But this solution of the question must be confirmed by some example of similar speech. Yet there is no easier solution of this question than that it be taken by synecdoche. For where the greater or the better part is, its name is wont to comprehend also that which does not pertain to the name itself.
Just as Judas no longer pertained to the twelve apostles — he who indeed was dead when the Lord rose from the dead — and yet the Apostle in his epistle retained the name of the very number twelve, when he says that He appeared to those «twelve.» For the Greek codices have this with the article, so that it cannot be understood as any twelve whatever, but those distinguished in that number. In that manner of speaking I think this too was said by the Lord: «Did I not choose you twelve? and one of you is a devil,» so that he himself may not seem to pertain even to the election. For the name of the elect is not easily found in a bad sense, except when the evil are chosen by the evil.
But if we should suppose that he too was chosen, in order that through his betrayal the Lord's passion might be accomplished — that is, his malice being chosen for some purpose, God using well even the evil — let us attend to another passage, where He says: «I do not speak of you all; I know whom I have chosen»: where He declares that none but the good pertain to the election. And therefore that which was said, «I chose you twelve,» was said by synecdoche, so that by the name of the greater and better part it might comprehend also that which does not pertain to the name itself. This mode is found in this same book, where Hamor, on behalf of his son Shechem, in order to receive Dinah daughter of Jacob, went out to speak with the same Jacob, and his sons who were absent also came, and to all of them Hamor says:
«My son Shechem has chosen in his heart your daughter; give her therefore to him as wife.» For because the person of the father was the more important, in saying «your daughter» by synecdoche he included under this name also the brothers, whose daughter she was not. Hence is also that: «Run to the sheep and take me from there two kids.» For sheep and goats were pastured together; and because sheep are the more important, under their name he included also the flock of goats. So because the number of the eleven sons of Jacob who had been born in Mesopotamia was the more important, by the mention of them Scripture included also Benjamin, who was not born there, and it was said: «These are the sons of Jacob who were made to him in Mesopotamia of Syria.»
As for the fact that after the narration of Isaac's death it is narrated what wives Esau took and whom he begot, this is to be understood as a recapitulation: for it did not begin to happen after Isaac's death, since Esau and Jacob were already a hundred and twenty years old. For Isaac begot them when he was sixty, and lived all the years of his life a hundred and eighty. There is a question how Scripture says that after the death of Isaac his father, Esau departed from the land of Canaan and dwelt in Mount Seir, whereas, when his brother Jacob came from Mesopotamia, it is read that he was already dwelling there. Accordingly, what could have happened, so that Scripture may not be believed either to err or to deceive, is ready at hand to consider.
Namely, that Esau, after his brother departed into Mesopotamia, was unwilling to dwell with his parents, whether from that agitation by which he grieved that he had been cheated of the blessing, or from some cause either of his wives, whom he saw to be hateful to his parents, or from any other whatsoever. And he began to dwell in Mount Seir. Then, after the return of his brother Jacob, when concord had been made between them, he too returned to his parents; and when they had together buried their dead father, because that land, as it is written, by no means held them, so greatly enriched, he departed again into Seir and there propagated the nation of the Idumeans. As for what is written: «These are the princes of the Horite, the sons of Seir in the land of Edom,» he mentions it according to the time in which the writer was living.
For when he who begot these dwelt in Seir, Esau not yet having come into that land, it was assuredly not yet called the land of Edom. For the name was not imposed on the land except from Esau himself, since the very same man was called both Esau and Edom, from whom the Idumeans were propagated, that is, the nation of Edom. As for what is written: «And these are the kings who reigned in Edom, before a king reigned in Israel» — it is not to be taken as though all the kings were named up to those times in which the kings of Israel began, of whom the first was Saul. For there were many in Edom up to the times of Saul, together also with the times of the judges, whose times were before the kings; but of these many, Moses could mention only those who were before he himself died.
Nor is it surprising that, for those who count from Abraham through Esau father of the nation of Edom, and through Raguel son of Esau, and Zara son of Raguel, and Jobab son of Zara — whom in the kingdom Balac succeeded, who is mentioned as having been the first king in the land of Edom — up to the last king whom Moses could name, more generations are found than are counted from Abraham through Jacob up to Moses. For there about twelve are found, but here up to Moses about seven. For it could have happened that more were named there for this reason, that by dying sooner more succeeded one another.
So too it came about that Matthew, following a different order, counted forty-two generations from Abraham to Joseph, while Luke, counting the generations in another order, not through Solomon as the former did, but through Nathan, mentions fifty-five from Abraham to Joseph. For in that order where more are counted, they died sooner than here where fewer. But lest perhaps it disturb anyone that among the kings of Edom Balac son of Beor is mentioned, and from the similarity of the name he should suppose that this is the Balac
who withstood Moses leading the people of Israel — let him know that that Balac was a Moabite, not an Idumean, and was the son of Sephor, not the son of Beor; but that there was also then a son of Beor there, namely Balaam, not Balac, whom that same Balac had hired to curse the people of Israel. How the death of Isaac could have found Joseph his grandson seventeen years old, as Scripture seems to narrate as it were in order, is difficult to find, whithersoever one may turn. For I do not wish to say that it cannot be found, lest perhaps that escape me which did not escape another.
For if after the death of his grandfather Isaac Joseph was seventeen years old when his brothers sold him into Egypt, then beyond doubt his father Jacob too, in the seventeenth year of his son Joseph, was a hundred and twenty years old. For Isaac begot them when he was sixty years old, as it is written. Isaac therefore lived a hundred and twenty years afterward, since he died at a hundred and eighty. Therefore he left his sons a hundred and twenty years old, and Joseph seventeen.
But since Joseph was thirty years old when he appeared in Pharaoh's sight, and there followed seven years of plenty and two of famine before his father came to him with his brothers, Joseph was assuredly thirty-nine years old when Jacob entered into Egypt. But then this same Jacob, as he says with his own mouth to Pharaoh, was in his hundred and thirtieth year of age; but Jacob was a hundred and twenty when Joseph was seventeen: which can in no way be true. For if in the seventeenth year of Joseph's life Jacob were a hundred and twenty, then beyond doubt in the thirty-ninth year of Joseph, Jacob would be found to be not a hundred and thirty, but a hundred and forty-two years old.
But if on the day of Isaac's death Joseph was not yet seventeen years old, but reached his seventeenth year some little time after the death of his grandfather — in which year, as Scripture testifies, he was sold by his brothers into Egypt — then his father ought to have been even more than a hundred and forty-two years old when he followed his son into Egypt. For Scripture, after it had narrated the last year of Isaac's life, the hundred and eightieth, and his death and burial, then mentioned how Esau had departed from his brother out of the land of Canaan into Mount Seir, and wove in the mention of the kings and princes of that nation, in which Esau established himself, or which he propagated;
After this the Scripture introduced the narrative concerning Joseph thus: 'Now Jacob dwelt in the land of Canaan. And these are the generations of Jacob. Joseph, being seventeen years old, was feeding the sheep with his brothers.' Then there is told the occasion of the dreams, how he was made hateful to his brothers and was sold. Either, then, in that same seventeenth year, or even somewhat older, he came into Egypt. And on this account, whichever way it be, a question remains. For if he was seventeen years old after the death of his grandfather, when his father was a hundred and twenty, then assuredly in his father's hundred and thirty-ninth year, when Jacob came into Egypt, that same Jacob ought to have been a hundred and forty-two years old; but Jacob was then a hundred and thirty.
And on this account, if Joseph was sold into Egypt at seventeen years old, he is found to have been sold twelve years before his grandfather died. For he could not have been seventeen years old except twelve years before the death of Isaac, in the hundred and eighth year of the life of his father Jacob. For when we have added to these the twenty-two years during which Joseph was in Egypt until his father's arrival, Joseph's age will come to thirty-nine years and Jacob's to a hundred and thirty, and there will be no question. But because Scripture recounted these things after the death of Isaac, it is supposed that Joseph became seventeen years old after the death of that same grandfather of his.
Wherefore let us understand that Scripture kept silent about the life of Isaac, as of an aged man far advanced in years, when it was already speaking of Jacob and his sons; yet Joseph began to be seventeen years old while Isaac was still living. As to what Jacob says to Joseph: 'What is this dream that you have dreamed? Shall we indeed come, I and your mother and your brothers, to bow down to you upon the earth?'—unless it be taken as spoken in some mystery, how is it understood of Joseph's mother, who was already dead? Hence it is not to be thought that this was fulfilled in Egypt, when he was exalted, since neither did his father bow before him when he came to him in Egypt, nor could his mother, long since deceased.
In the person of Christ, therefore, it can easily be understood even of the dead, according to that which the Apostle says: that God 'gave him the name which is above every name, that at the name of Jesus every knee should bow, of things in heaven, of things on earth, and of things under the earth.' It is asked why Scripture also calls Midianites those Ishmaelites to whom Joseph was sold by his brothers, seeing that Ishmael is the son of Abraham by Hagar, while the Midianites are descended from Keturah. Is it perhaps because Scripture had said of Abraham that he gave gifts to the sons of his concubines—namely of Hagar and of Keturah—and sent them away from his son Isaac into the land of the east, so that they are to be understood as having become one people? Concerning Jacob it is written, when he mourned for Joseph:
'And all his sons and daughters gathered together and came to comfort him.' What daughters besides Dinah? Or does he say 'sons and daughters' with the grandsons and granddaughters included in the count? For by now his elder sons could have had sons. 'And he refused to be comforted, saying: I shall go down to my son mourning into the netherworld.' There is wont to be a great question as to how the netherworld (infernus) is to be understood: whether only the wicked, or also the good, are wont to descend there at death. If, then, only the wicked, how does this man say that he wishes to go down mourning to his son? For he does not believe that Joseph is in the pains of the netherworld. Or are these the words of one troubled and grieving, exaggerating his misfortunes even from this? 'And they sold Joseph into Egypt to Potiphar the eunuch, the chief of the cooks.'
Some are unwilling to interpret as 'chief of the cooks' the one who in Greek is called archimageiros; but rather 'chief of the soldiery,' one who had the power of putting to death. For so also was called that man whom Nebuchadnezzar sent, with whom rather the chief command of the soldiery is found to have been. 'And it came to pass at that time that Judah went down from his brothers to a certain Adullamite whose name was Hirah. And Judah saw there the daughter of a Canaanite man named Shua; and he took her and went in to her. And she conceived and bore a son'—and so forth. It is asked when these things could have happened.
For if it was after Joseph came into Egypt, how could it have happened, within about twenty-two years—for it is reckoned that after so long a time they came to that same brother Joseph in Egypt with their father—that Judah's sons could all be of an age to take wives? For Thamar his daughter-in-law, when his firstborn had died, he gave to another son; and when this one too had died, he waited for the third to grow up; and when he had grown up, he did not give her to him either, fearing that this one also might die. Whence it came about that she offered herself to her own father-in-law.
How, then, all these things could have happened within so few years, it rightly warns us to consider—unless, as it perchance is wont, Scripture wishes it to be understood, by way of recapitulation, that this began to happen some years before Joseph was sold, since it is so put as to say: 'And it came to pass at that time.' Yet here too it is asked, if Joseph was seventeen years old when he was sold, how old Judah, the fourth son of Jacob, could have been, seeing that Reuben himself, the firstborn, could at most have preceded his brother Joseph in age by five or six years. But Scripture plainly says that Joseph was thirty years old when he became known to Pharaoh.
Since, therefore, he himself is believed to have been sold in the seventeenth year of his age, he had spent thirteen years in Egypt unknown to Pharaoh; and to these thirteen years were added the seven years of plenty, and they became twenty years; to these two are added, because it was in the second year of the famine that Jacob entered Egypt with his sons; and there are found twenty-two years during which Joseph was away from his father and his brothers. In the intervening time, how all the things could have taken place concerning the wife and sons and daughter-in-law of Judah which are recounted, is difficult to trace out—unless perhaps we believe (for this too could have happened) that as soon as Judah began to reach adolescence, he fell in love with her whom he took to wife, before Joseph was yet sold into Egypt.
'And having laid aside from herself the garments of her widowhood.' From this it is suggested that even in the times of the patriarchs there were fixed and distinctive garments of widows, by no means such as those of married women. As to what is again said: 'But Joseph was brought down into Egypt; and Potiphar the eunuch of Pharaoh bought him'—here Scripture returns to the order from which it had digressed, in order to recount those things which have been set forth above. As to what some Latin manuscripts have, 'three baskets of fine flour' (alicae), whereas the Greek have chondriton, which those who have the use of that same language interpret to be loaves of common bread—but this is puzzling, how Pharaoh could have common bread among his foods; for it says that in the upper basket were all the things of which Pharaoh ate, the work of bakers.
But it is to be understood that this same basket also contained common loaves, since it was said 'three baskets of chondriton,' and that above these, in that same upper basket, were those things of every kind of the baker's work. As to Pharaoh's thinking that he stood over the river: in the same way the servant of Abraham said, 'Behold, I stand over the fountain of water'; for there too the Greek said epi tes peges, just as here epi tou potamou. If this manner of speech be understood in the Psalm where it is written, 'who founded the earth over the water,' men are not compelled to suppose that the earth floats over the water like a ship. For according to this manner of speech it is rightly understood that the earth is higher than the water; for it is raised up higher from the waters, where earthly animals may dwell.
但當理解為這同一筐裡也裝著普通的餅,因為經上說「三筐 chondriton」,而在其上、在這同一上筐之中,還有那些各樣烘餅師傅手工的東西。至於法老以為自己站在河邊:亞伯拉罕的僕人也照樣說:「看哪,我站在水泉旁邊」;因為那裡希臘文也說 epi tes peges,正如這裡說 epi tou potamou。若在詩篇中,那寫著「祂將地建立在水面上」之處,也照這種說法來理解,人們就不必以為地像船一樣浮在水面上。因為照這種說法,正確的理解是地高於水;因為地從水中被高舉起來,好讓地上的動物在其上居住。
As to what is written: 'And they will forget the plenty that is to come in all the land of Egypt'—not 'to come' for those who will suffer famine, as though the plenty would come to them afterward; but it was 'to come' then, at the time when he was speaking. As if he said: of this plenty, which the good cattle and the good ears signified was to come, men will lose the memory in that famine which the evil cattle and evil ears signified. 'Shall we find a man such as this, who has the Spirit of God in him?' Behold now, unless I am mistaken, for the third time the Spirit of God, that is the Holy Spirit, is intimated to us in this book. First, where it was said: 'And the Spirit of God was borne over the water'; secondly, where God said: 'My Spirit shall not remain in these men, because they are flesh';
and now thirdly, in that Pharaoh says of Joseph that the Spirit of God is in him. Nevertheless we do not yet read of the Holy Spirit. 'And Pharaoh gave to Joseph the name Zaphenath-paneah.' This name is said to be interpreted 'he has revealed hidden things,' from the fact assuredly that he disclosed the dreams to the king; but in the Egyptian tongue they hold that by this name he was called 'saviour of the world.' 'And he gave him for a wife Asenath, daughter of Potiphera, priest of the City of the Sun.' It is commonly asked which Potiphera—whether the one whose slave he had been, or another; but it is thought more credible that it was another. For as to that first one, there are many things that give pause how it could be believed.
First, because Scripture did not mention it, though it seems it could not have passed over what pertained to no small glory of that young man—that he married the daughter of the man whose servant he had been. Then, how could a eunuch have a daughter? But it is answered: how a wife? For he is believed to have been made a eunuch afterward, either by chance of a wound or by his own will. And as to the fact that the honor of him is not mentioned which is usual, that is, that he was archimageiros—which the Latin translators rendered 'chief of the cooks,' though some would have it understood as 'chief of the soldiery'—but here too it is answered that he held two honors, both the priesthood of the Sun and the chief command of the soldiery:
and fittingly elsewhere that honor of his was mentioned which suited such deeds; but here, after no small divinity had appeared in Joseph, that honor of his father-in-law ought to be named which pertained to no small divinity, according to the opinion of the Egyptians, in the priesthood of the Sun. But in all these matters, since he was also set in charge of the guards of the prison, it is too incredible that a priest should be set over this office. Then it was not said simply that he was priest of the Sun, but of the City of the Sun, which is called Heliopolis; and it is said to be distant more than twenty miles from the city of Memphis, where the Pharaohs, that is the kings, chiefly resided.
How, then, having abandoned the office of his priesthood, could he vigorously serve the king in the chief command of the soldiery? There is added also that the Egyptian priests are reported never to have served except the temples of their gods, nor to have discharged any other office. But if perhaps it was otherwise then, let each believe what he pleases; there is, however, no question whose outcome is closed off, whether there was one Potiphera or two. For whichever of these anyone may judge, it is not perilous to the faith nor contrary to the truth of the Scriptures of God. 'And Joseph gathered wheat like the sand of the sea, exceeding much, until it could not be numbered; for there was no number.' In its place it was said:
'for there was no number,' because that abundance exceeded the name of every ordinary number, and how it might be called was not found. For whence can it come about that of any multitude, however great, yet finite, there is no number? Although this could also be said according to hyperbole. 'And Joseph remembered his dreams which he himself had seen; for his brothers had bowed down to him.' But something loftier must be sought in those dreams. For it cannot in that way be fulfilled concerning his father and mother, who was already dead, that which, when he had seen it concerning the sun and moon, he had heard from his father rebuking him, who was living.
What is it that Joseph, a man so wise and thus praised not only by the testimony of the men among whom he lived but even by the witness of Scripture itself, so swears by the safety of Pharaoh that his brothers shall not go out of Egypt unless their younger brother should come? Or was the safety of Pharaoh of little worth even to a good and faithful man, to whom he kept faith in all things as at first to his own master? For how much more to him who had placed him in such honor, if he kept faith to him who possessed him as a purchased slave! But if he did not care for Pharaoh's safety, ought he not also to have avoided perjury for the sake of any man's safety? Or is it not perjury? For he detained one of them until Benjamin should come, and what he had said proved true:
'you shall not go out from here unless your brother comes.' For what was said could not apply to all of them; for how would that one come, unless some had returned to bring him? But what follows presses the question more, where he swore again, saying: 'Send one of you and bring your brother; but you shall be kept in custody until your words be made manifest, whether you speak truth or not; but if not, by the safety of Pharaoh you are spies'—that is: if you do not speak the truth, you are spies. To this sentence he attached an oath, because, if they had not spoken the truth, they would be spies, that is, they would be worthy of the punishment of spies—those whom he nevertheless knew to be speaking the truth.
For no one is a perjurer if he says to one whom he knows to be most chaste: 'If you have committed this adultery of which you are accused, God condemns you,' and adds an oath to these words: he swears altogether truly. For there is the condition by which he said, 'If you did it,' whom nevertheless he holds for certain not to have done it. But someone says: it is true, because, if he committed adultery, God condemns him; yet how is this true—'if you do not speak the truth, you are spies,' since, even if they lie, they are not spies? But this is what I said, that 'you are spies' was so said as though it had been said: 'you are worthy of the punishment of spies,' that is, you shall deservedly be reckoned spies because of your lie.
That 'you are' could be said for 'you shall be held' and 'you shall be reckoned,' innumerable similar expressions teach. Hence is that saying of Elijah: 'whoever shall answer by fire, he shall be God.' For he shall not then be, but shall then be held to be. What is it that, when the sons of Israel, repenting, were speaking among themselves about their brother Joseph—that they had dealt wickedly with him and that this was being requited to them by divine judgment, in that they saw themselves in peril—Scripture adds and says: 'they knew not that Joseph heard; for there was an interpreter between them'?
This, namely, is to be understood: that they supposed he did not understand, because they saw that the interpreter, who was between them, said nothing to him of the things they were saying, nor did they think the interpreter was employed for any other reason than that he did not know their language. Nor was it the interpreter's concern to say to him, by whom he had been appointed, those things which they were speaking not to him but among themselves. 'And again he came to them and spoke to them.' Nor does it add what he said to them. Whence it is understood that he said these same things which he had said. 'And you shall bring down my old age with sorrow to the netherworld.' Is it to the netherworld because with sorrow? Or, even if sorrow were absent, does he speak thus as one about to descend to the netherworld by dying?
For concerning the netherworld there is a great question, and what Scripture means by it must be observed in all the places where it may perchance be mentioned. As to what they hear from the steward of the house: 'Your God and the God of your fathers gave you treasures in your sacks; but your silver I have received, tested and approved'—it seems a lie, but it must be believed to signify something. For silver, which is both given and not diminished—since it is also called 'tested and approved'—is doubtless understood of that concerning which we read elsewhere: 'The words of the Lord are pure words, silver tried by fire, proved of the earth, purified seven times,' that is, perfectly. 'And they drank and were made drunk with him.'
Drunkards are wont to draw from this a patronage of testimony, not on account of those sons of Israel but on account of Joseph, who is commended as exceedingly wise; but that this word is also wont to be put in the Scriptures for satiety, whoever diligently attends will find in many places. Hence is that saying: 'You have visited the earth and made it drunk, you have multiplied to enrich it'; and because this is set in the praise of blessing, and the gift of God is mentioned, it appears that by this 'drunkenness' fullness is signified. For to be made drunk as drunkards are made drunk is not useful even to the earth itself, since it is corrupted by greater moisture than suffices for satiety, like the life of drunkards, who fill themselves not with satiety but drown themselves in a flood. As to what Joseph said to his brothers:
'Do you not know that a man such as I certainly divines by augury?'—concerning this augury he also charged that it should be said to them by his man—what he means by this is commonly asked. Is it that, because it was said not in earnest but in jest, as the outcome showed, it is not to be held a lie? For lies are dealt in by liars in earnest, not in jest; but when things that are not so are said as it were in jest, they are not reckoned lies. But what moves us more is what this action of Joseph means, by which he so often mocked his brothers and held them in such great expectation, until he should reveal to them who he was:
which, though it be the sweeter when read the more unexpected it becomes to those with whom it is done, nevertheless, given the gravity of that man's wisdom, unless some great thing were signified by this seeming sport, it would neither have been done by him nor contained in that Scripture in which there is so great an authority of sanctity and so great an intention of prophesying things to come. To expound this we have not now undertaken to pursue; but we have wished only to admonish what ought here to be inquired into. For neither do I judge that to be idle, that he did not say 'I divine,' but 'a man such as I divines.' And if this is a kind of expression, something similar must be found in the body of Scripture.
I think it must be considered not carelessly, how great a misery, in this disturbance of his brothers, Joseph held for as long as he wished, and prolonged with as much delay as he wished—by no means, however, making them wretched, since he was contemplating the outcome of their own future joy as well; and this whole thing that he did, in order that their gladness might be deferred, he did for this end, that by that same delay it might be heaped up the more. As though their sufferings in all that time in which they were troubled were not worthy to be compared with the future glory of exultation that was to be revealed in them, when the brother was recognized whom they had thought to be lost to them.
Many things in Judah's narration were said otherwise than as Joseph had dealt with them, although he was speaking in his presence—so that of that whole accusation, that they were spies, nothing was said. Whether this was passed over deliberately, or whether the forgetfulness of their disturbance did it, does not appear. For as to that which they said, that they had been questioned by Joseph himself concerning their father and brother, and that they had disclosed to him who was so questioning them—it is a wonder if this narration can even in sense hold together, so that it may stand as truthful.
Although even if there are some false things in it, he could rather have been deceived through forgetfulness than have dared to lie in his presence—especially before one to whom, not as to one ignorant, but even those things which he knew that Joseph knew, he was inserting into the narration in order to bend his mercy. What is it that Joseph says: 'For God sent me before you to preserve a remnant of you upon the earth, and to nourish your great remnant'? For this does not altogether accord, that we should take as 'remnant' or 'a remnant' Jacob and his sons, since all are safe. Or does it perhaps signify, by a deep and secret mystery, that which the Apostle says: 'A remnant according to the election of grace has been saved,' since the prophet had foretold:
'And if the number of the sons of Israel be as the sand of the sea, a remnant shall be saved'? For to this end Christ was slain by the Jews and handed over to the Gentiles—as Joseph by his brothers to the Egyptians—that the remnant of Israel too might be saved. Hence the Apostle says: 'For I too am an Israelite,' and: 'that the fullness of the Gentiles might come in, and so all Israel might be saved'; that is: from the remnant of Israel according to the flesh and the fullness of the Gentiles who in the faith of Christ are Israel according to the spirit. Or, if for that Israelite nation too there remains a fullness of faith, from which came the remnant in which remnant the apostles too were then saved—this is signified by that fullness of the liberation of Israel, by which through Moses they were freed from Egypt.
'Jacob entered into Egypt and all his seed with him, his sons and his sons' sons, his daughters and his daughters' daughters with him.' It must be asked how he says 'his daughters and his daughters' daughters with him,' when he is read to have had one daughter. But above we said that 'his daughters' could be taken as his granddaughters, just as all are called 'sons of Israel'—even the whole people propagated from him. But now, when he says 'daughters of daughters' on account of the one Dinah, the plural number is put for the singular, just as the singular is also wont to be put for the plural—unless someone asserts that his daughters-in-law could have been called his daughters.
As to what Scripture says, that Leah bore so many souls, or that so many souls came forth from the loins of Jacob, it must be seen what is to be answered hence to those who strive to confirm by this testimony that souls are propagated by parents together with bodies. For that souls were said for men, by an expression in which the part signifies the whole, no one doubts. But how we may detach that very part from which the whole was mentioned—that is, the soul, by whose name the whole man was signified—from that which was said, 'they came forth from his loins,' so that we may understand only the flesh born of him, though only souls are named, the modes of expression must be sought according to the Scriptures.
'These are the sons of Leah, whom she bore to Jacob himself in Mesopotamia of Syria, and Dinah his daughter; all the souls, sons and daughters, thirty-three.' Were all these thirty-three souls born of Leah in Mesopotamia of Syria? Surely six sons and one daughter, from whom grandchildren are mentioned. If, then, a question had arisen concerning Benjamin alone, when, the twelve sons of Jacob being numbered and named individually, it was said, 'These are the sons of Jacob who were born to him in Mesopotamia of Syria,' how much greater is the question now, how thirty-three souls were born of Leah in Mesopotamia of Syria—unless because that expression is confirmed, as though all were born there whose parents were born there!
Then this too is now not doubtful, that in the one daughter, daughters are named, the plural number being put for the singular. As to what is read, that sixty-six souls entered with Jacob into Egypt—the sons of Joseph, namely, being excepted—and then, these being added in, it is inferred: 'seventy-five souls there were, with whom Jacob entered into Egypt,' it is thus to be taken: those who were in the house of Jacob when he entered into Egypt. For assuredly those whom he found there did not enter with them.
But since, when the truth is more diligently examined, two are found to have been already born when he entered—Ephraim and Manasseh—which not only the Hebrew codices are said to have in this place, but which the very translation according to the Septuagint declares in Exodus—nor do the Septuagint translators seem to me to have erred in this, who, on account of some mystic signification, by a certain as it were prophetic liberty, wished to complete this number. If, while Jacob was still living, from those two sons Manasseh and Ephraim there were propagated those whom they judged should be added to that same number of the house of Jacob—but since Jacob is found to have lived seventeen years in Egypt, how the sons of Joseph could, while he was living, have had even grandsons, is not found.
For Jacob entered Egypt in the second year of the famine; but the sons of Joseph were born in the years of abundance—in whatever years of plenty they may be reckoned to have been born. From the first year of plenty until the second year of the famine, in which Jacob entered Egypt, there are nine years; adding to these the seventeen during which Jacob lived there, twenty-six years are found. How, then, could young men of less than twenty-six years have even grandsons? But neither is this question resolved by any Hebrew truth. For how could it have been fulfilled that Jacob received so many grandsons before he entered Egypt—even from Benjamin, who came to his brother at that age?
But Scripture mentions not only that he had sons, but also grandsons and great-grandsons, who are all reckoned as sixty-six persons, with whom Jacob, even according to the Hebrew truth, is reported to have entered Egypt. It must also be seen what it means that, when Joseph and his sons are reckoned as not more than eight, but Benjamin and his sons are found to be eleven together, they are not all nineteen, as eight and eleven are, but are referred in the sum as eighteen; and afterward Joseph with his sons are said to have been not eight souls but nine, though eight are found. All these things, which seem insoluble, without doubt contain a great reason;
but I know not whether all can agree according to the letter, especially in numbers—which we most worthily believe to be in the Scriptures most sacred and most full of mysteries, from certain instances which we have been able to know from them. It is commended in the patriarchs that they were keepers of cattle from their childhood and from their parents. And rightly: for this is, without any doubt, a just servitude and a just dominion, when cattle serve man and man rules over cattle. For so it was said when he was created: 'Let us make man to our image and likeness; and let him have power over the fish of the sea and the birds of the air and all the cattle that are upon the earth.' Wherein it is intimated that reason ought to rule over the irrational life.
But it was either iniquity or adversity that made man a servant to man: iniquity indeed, as it was said, 'Cursed be Canaan; he shall be a servant to his brothers'; but adversity, as befell Joseph himself, that being sold by his brothers he became the servant of a foreigner. And so the first servants, to whom this name (servus) was given in the Latin tongue, wars made. For a man who, overcome by another man, could by the law of war have been killed, because he was preserved (servatus), was called a servant (servus); whence also 'captives' (mancipia), because they were taken by hand (manu capta). There is also a natural order in men, that women serve men and children their parents, because there too this is justice, that the weaker reason serve the stronger.
This, therefore, is the clear justice in dominions and servitudes: that those who excel in reason should excel in dominion. And when this, in this world, is disturbed through the iniquity of men or through the diversity of carnal natures, the just endure the temporal perversity, being destined at the end to have a most ordered and everlasting felicity. 'For every shepherd of sheep is an abomination to the Egyptians.' Rightly to the Egyptians, in whom is a figure of the present world, in which iniquity abounds, is every shepherd of cattle an abomination; for a just man is an abomination to the unjust. 'And Jacob and his sons came into Egypt to Joseph; and Pharaoh king of Egypt heard. And Pharaoh said to Joseph: Your father and your brothers have come to you:'
'Behold, the land of Egypt is before you; settle your father and your brothers in the best land.' This repetition is not the resumption of a matter passed over — the kind to which Scripture often returns obscurely by way of recapitulation — but is entirely plain; for Scripture had already told how Joseph's brothers came to Pharaoh and what he said to them and what he heard from them. But it has now repeated this as though from the beginning, so as to weave from that point the narrative onward from these words which Pharaoh spoke to Joseph alone. Of all these passages, in the Greek codices copied by the more careful scribes, some bear obelisks and mark what is not found in the Hebrew but is found in the Septuagint; others bear asterisks, by which are marked the things that the Hebrews have but the Septuagint does not have.
What does it mean that Jacob said to Pharaoh: 'The days of the years of my life, which I sojourn'? For so the Greek has it, where the Latin has 'ago' or 'have' or something else. Did he then say 'which I sojourn' because he was born in a land which the people had not yet received by the divine promise of inheritance, and living his life there he was assuredly in a foreign land — not only when he was a stranger, as in Mesopotamia, but even when he was where he was born? Or rather is it to be understood according to what the Apostle says: 'While we are in the body, we are away from the Lord'? According to this, that too which is said in the Psalm is understood: 'I am a settler on the earth and a stranger, like all my fathers.'
For again he says of those very days of his life: 'They have not attained to the days of the years of the life of my fathers, which days they sojourned.' Here indeed he wished nothing else to be understood than what the Latin codices have, 'they lived'; and by this he signified that this life is a sojourning upon the earth, that is, a dwelling of pilgrimage. But I believe this befits the saints, to whom the Lord promises another, eternal fatherland. Hence we must see how it was said of the wicked: 'They will settle and hide themselves, they will watch my heel.' For it is more fittingly understood of those who dwell in order to hide, that is, in order to lie in wait for the sons; they do not remain in the house forever. 'And he gave them a possession in the best land.'
'In the land of Rameses, as Pharaoh had commanded.' It must be asked whether the land of Rameses is itself also Goshen. For they had asked for Goshen, and Pharaoh had commanded that Goshen be given to them. 'And Joseph measured out grain for his father'; and yet his father did not do him homage either when he saw him or when he received grain from him. How then shall we suppose Joseph's dream now fulfilled, and not rather hold that the prophecy of some greater matter is contained here? 'And Joseph brought all the money into Pharaoh's house.' It pertained to Scripture in this matter too to commend the faithfulness of God's servant. 'And Joseph said to them: Bring your cattle, and I will give you bread for your cattle, if your silver has failed.'
It may be asked: since Joseph had gathered grain by which men might live, from what did the cattle live, when so great a famine grew strong — especially because Joseph's brothers had said to Pharaoh, 'For there is no pasture for the cattle of your servants; the famine has grown strong in the land of Canaan,' and they had recalled that they had come on account of this lack of pasture as well? Accordingly, if by that famine the pastures had failed in the land of Canaan, why had the same pastures not failed in Egypt when the same famine was then prevailing everywhere? Or, as is reported by those who know the region, in the many marshes of Egypt could pastures not be wanting even when there was famine of grain — the grain that is wont to come from the flooding of the river Nile?
For those marshes are said to yield pasture the more abundantly precisely when the water of the Nile rises less. When Jacob was about to die, he says to his son Joseph: 'If I have found grace in your sight, put your hand under my thigh, and you shall show mercy and truth toward me.' He binds his son by that oath by which Abraham had bound his servant: the one commanding whence a wife should be taken for his son, the other entrusting the burial of his own body. In each case, however, those two things are named which are to be held great and weighed in all the Scriptures. Wherever they are read scattered about — mercy and justice, or mercy and judgment, or mercy and truth — since in a certain place it is written: 'All the ways of the Lord are mercy and truth.'
Thus these two things, so greatly commended, are greatly to be considered. Now Abraham's servant had said: 'If you show mercy and justice toward my master,' just as this man too says to his son: 'And you shall show mercy and truth toward me.' But what does so anxious a commendation of his body mean in so great a man — that he should not be buried in Egypt, but in the land of Canaan beside his fathers? It seems strange, and as it were absurd, and unbefitting so great an excellence of a prophetic mind, if we measure it by the custom of men. But if in all these things sacred mysteries are sought, a joy of greater wonder will arise for the very one who finds them.
For it is beyond doubt that in the Law the corpses of the dead signify sins, since men are commanded to be purified, as it were from uncleanness, after handling them or any contact whatsoever. And hence that sentence is drawn: 'He who is baptized after touching a dead body, and touches it again, what has his washing profited him? So too is he who fasts for his sins and, walking again, does these same things.' Therefore the burial of the dead signifies the remission of sins, pertaining to what was said: 'Blessed are those whose iniquities are forgiven and whose sins are covered.' Where then were the corpses of the patriarchs, signifying this, to be buried, except in that land where He was crucified by whose blood the remission of sins was accomplished?
For by the deaths of the patriarchs the sins of men were prefigured. Now the place is said — the one called Abrahamium, where those bodies are — to be distant from the place where the Lord was crucified about thirty miles, so that even this very number may be understood to signify Him who appeared at His baptism at about thirty years of age; and if anything else concerning so great a matter can be understood, whether in this way or more sublimely, provided only that we do not think it in vain that such and so great men of God bestowed such care upon the burial of their bodies, since this is, and ought to be, the confidence of the faithful:
namely, that wherever their bodies may be buried, or even left unburied through the rage of enemies, or torn apart and consumed at the pleasure of their foes, not for that reason will their resurrection be any less entire or any less glorious. As to what the Latin codices have: 'And he worshiped upon the top of his (eius) staff,' some, emending it, have: 'he worshiped upon the top of his own (suae) staff,' or 'upon the head of his own staff,' or 'toward the point,' or 'upon the point.' For the Greek word deceives them, which is written with the same letters whether it means 'his' or 'his own'; but the accents differ, and by those who know these things they are not disregarded in the codices, for they avail for a great distinction.
Although it could also have one more letter, if it were 'his own' (suae), so that it would not be 'autou' but 'heautou.' And therefore it is rightly asked what the meaning is of what was said. For it is easily understood that the old man, who carried a staff after the manner in which that age is wont to bear a walking-stick, when he inclined himself to worship God, assuredly did so upon the top of his own staff, which he carried in such a way that, bowing his head over it, he worshiped God. What then does 'he worshiped upon the top of his (eius) staff' mean — that is, of his son Joseph? Or had he perhaps taken the staff from him when that same son swore to him, and while holding it, after the words of the one swearing, had he, before the staff was yet returned, straightway worshiped God?
For he was not ashamed to bear for a while the insignia of his son's power, where a figure of a great thing to come was being prefigured. Although in the Hebrew the resolution of this question is said to be very easy, where they report it is written: 'And Israel worshiped toward the head of the bed,' on which of course the old man was lying, and which he had so placed that on it he might, without effort, pray whenever he wished. Nor for that reason, however, is what the Seventy translated to be thought to have no meaning, or only a slight one. Here too, when he recalls the promises of God made toward him, Jacob says that it was said to him: 'I will make you into congregations of nations.' By which words he signifies the calling of the faithful rather than the propagation of a carnal race. As to what is written, Jacob saying of Ephraim and Manasseh:
'Now therefore your two sons who were born to you in the land of Egypt, before I came to you into Egypt, are mine — Ephraim and Manasseh; like Reuben and Simeon they shall be to me. But the children whom you shall beget afterward shall be yours; they shall be called by the name of their brothers in their inheritances.' This sometimes deceives readers, so that they suppose it was said as though Joseph had begotten others, whom Jacob commanded to be called by the names of these; which is not so. For the order of the words is woven thus: 'Now therefore your two sons who were born to you in the land of Egypt, before I came to you into Egypt, are mine — Ephraim and Manasseh; like Reuben and Simeon they shall be to me, they shall be called by the name of their brothers in their inheritances,' that is:
they shall receive the inheritance together with their brothers, so as to be called together sons of Israel. For these very two tribes were added, so that, excepting the tribe of Levi which was priestly, there might be twelve to divide the land and to pay the tithes. But that other clause is inserted, which he said concerning Joseph's other sons, if they should be born. As to the fact that Jacob wished to indicate to his son Joseph, as though to one who did not know, where and when he had buried his mother, although he himself had been present together with his brothers — but even if he was so small in age that he could neither attend to that nor keep it in mind, what circumstance compelled that it be told just now? Unless perhaps it pertained to the matter to mention that Joseph's mother was buried there, where Christ was to be born.
As to the fact that Israel so blesses his grandsons that he lays his right hand on the younger and his left on the elder, and to his son Joseph, who wished to correct him as though he were erring and did not know, he thus replies: 'I know, my son, I know; this one too shall become a people, and this one shall be exalted; but his younger brother shall be greater than he, and his seed shall be in a multitude of nations.' This is to be understood of Christ only so far as it was also said of Jacob himself and his brother that 'the elder shall serve the younger.' For according to this, Israel signified something prophetically by doing this: that the later people, which was to come into being through Christ by spiritual generation, would surpass the earlier people that gloried in the carnal generation of the fathers.
As to the fact that Jacob says he is giving Shechem as a special portion to his son Joseph, and adds that he had taken possession of it with his sword and bow, it may be asked how this can fit literally. For he bought that possession with a hundred lambs; he did not seize it by right of martial victory. Or was it because his sons stormed Salem, a city of the Shechemites, and it could have become his by right of war — so that a just war might seem to have been waged with those who first did so great an injury in defiling his daughter? Why then did he not give that land to those who did this deed, that is, to his elder sons? Then, if he now gives that land to his son Joseph while glorying in that victory, why were the sons who committed this deed displeasing to him at the time?
Why, finally, even now, when he was blessing them, did he recall it reproachfully in their deeds? Beyond doubt, then, some prophetic mystery lies hidden here, because Joseph too by a certain special signification prefigured Christ, and to him is given that land where Jacob had destroyed and buried the strange gods — so that Christ may be understood as about to possess the nations who renounce the gods of their fathers and believe in Him. It must be seen how the Scriptures say what they constantly say concerning the dead: 'And he was gathered to his fathers,' or 'he was gathered to his people.' For behold, it is said of Jacob, now indeed dead but not yet buried; and to what people he is gathered is not readily seen.
For from him the earlier people is born, which was called the people of Israel; but those who preceded him are named as so few righteous men that we hesitate to call them a people. For if it had been said 'he was gathered to his fathers,' no question would arise. Or is the people perhaps not only of holy men but also the people of the angels of that city, whence it is said to the Hebrews: 'But you have come to Mount Zion and to the city of God, Jerusalem, and to thousands of exulting angels'? To this people are gathered those who end this life pleasing to God. For then they are said to be gathered, when there no longer remains any anxiety of temptations and danger of sins. Looking to which, Scripture says: 'Before death praise no man.'
The forty days of burial which Scripture mentions perhaps signify something of penitence, by which sins are buried. For not in vain were the forty days of fastings also appointed, on which Moses and Elijah and the Lord Himself fasted; and the Church calls the chief observance of fastings the 'Quadragesima' (Lent). Hence too in the Hebrew, concerning the Ninevites, they report it is written in the prophet Jonah: 'Forty days, and Nineveh shall be overthrown' — so that through so many days, suited of course to the humiliation of the penitent, they may be understood to have bewailed their sins in fastings and to have obtained the mercy of God. Yet this number is not to be thought to suit only the mourning of the penitent;
otherwise the Lord would not have spent forty days with His disciples after the resurrection, going in and out among them, eating and drinking — days which were assuredly of great gladness. Nor are the Seventy translators, whom the Church is accustomed to read, to be believed to have erred in not saying 'forty days,' but 'three days, and Nineveh shall be overthrown.'
For endowed with greater authority than the office of translators — namely with the prophetic Spirit, by which they are affirmed to have agreed even with one voice in their translations (which was a great miracle) — they set down 'three days,' although they were not unaware that 'forty days' was read in the Hebrew codices, so that in the glorification of the Lord Jesus Christ might be understood the dissolving and abolishing of sins, of whom it was said: 'He was delivered up for our trespasses and rose again for our justification.' Now the glorification of the Lord is recognized in the resurrection and in the ascension into heaven. Hence too He gave the one and the same Holy Spirit twice in number: first, after He rose again; again, after He ascended into heaven.
And since He rose again after three days, but ascended after forty days, the one of these, which was done later, the Hebrew codices signify by the number of days; the other, concerning the three days — which also pertains to the same matter — the Septuagint chose to mention, not by the servitude of translation but by the authority of prophecy. Let us therefore not say that one of these is false, nor let us quarrel on behalf of some translators against others, since both those who translate from the Hebrew prove to us that this is written which they translate, and the authority of the Seventy translators — which is commended even by so great a miracle divinely wrought — is confirmed by such great antiquity in the churches.
As to what Joseph charged the great men of Egypt, that they should say to Pharaoh in his name: 'My father adjured me, saying: In the tomb which I dug for myself in the land of Canaan, there you shall bury me,' it may be asked how this is true, since these words of his father — when he charged him concerning his own burial — are not read. But we ought to refer the words to the sense, as we have advised in other words or narratives similarly repeated above. For the words ought to serve the intention that is to be declared and brought to knowledge. Now that Jacob dug a sepulcher for himself is nowhere read earlier in the Scriptures. But unless it had happened, since they were in those same lands, it would not now be said. What does it mean that, as they were going to bury Jacob, Scripture says:
'And they came to the threshing floor of Atad, which is beyond the Jordan'? For they passed by the place in which the dead man was to be buried, by more than fifty miles — as those who know report — for so great is the distance, more or less, from that place where the patriarchs were buried, among whom was Jacob, up to this place to which they are related to have come. For after the mourning and the great lamentation was made there, they returned to the place they had passed by, having again crossed the Jordan. Unless perhaps someone should say that, for the sake of avoiding certain enemies, they came with the body through the wilderness, by which way the people of Israel too was led when freed from Egypt by Moses.
For by that route both a great circuit is made, and one comes through the Jordan to the Abrahamium, where the bodies of the patriarchs are, that is, to the land of Canaan. But however it was done, that they went so far across those regions toward the east, and thence came to them through the Jordan, it must be believed to have been done for the sake of signification — because through the Jordan Israel, in his sons, was afterward to come to those lands. 'And he made mourning for his father seven days.' I do not know whether a mourning of nine days is found to have been observed for any of the saints in the Scriptures — what the Latins call the 'novendial.'
Hence those Christians who keep this number for their dead seem to me to be forbidden from this custom, since it belongs rather to the practice of the pagans. But the seventh day has authority in the Scriptures. Hence in another place it is written: 'The mourning of the dead is seven days, but of the fool all the days of his life.' Now the number seven, on account of the sacrament of the Sabbath, is chiefly a token of rest; hence it is fittingly shown to the dead as to those resting. Yet this number, in the mourning for Jacob, the Egyptians multiplied tenfold, for they mourned him seventy days. 'And Joseph lived a hundred and ten years. And Joseph saw the children of Ephraim to the third generation; and the sons of Machir the son of Manasseh were born upon Joseph's knees.'
Since Scripture says that Joseph, while living, saw these sons of his sons, or grandsons of his sons, how does it join them to those seventy-five persons with whom Scripture says Jacob entered Egypt — seeing that Joseph, by growing old, reached the point of seeing them born, whereas when Jacob entered Egypt, Joseph was a young man, and his father at his death left him at about his fifty-sixth year of age? Hence it is evident that Scripture wished, for the sake of a certain mystery, to commend that number, that is, the seventy-five.
But if anyone demands how, even according to the truth of history, it can be true that Jacob entered Egypt with seventy-five souls, it must be understood not of that one day on which his entry took place; but because Jacob is very often named in his sons, that is, in his descendants, and it is established that he entered Egypt through Joseph, his entry is to be reckoned for as long as Joseph lived, through whom it came about that he entered. For in all that time all those who are mentioned could be born and live, so that seventy-five souls are completed, down to the grandsons of Benjamin. For as it says: 'These are the sons of Leah,'
'whom she bore to Jacob himself in Mesopotamia of Syria,' speaking also of those who had not yet been born, because there she had borne the parents from whom they were born, thus representing us as born there, since the cause by which they were to be born was born there, that is, their parents whom Leah bore there: so, since Jacob had the cause of entering Egypt in Joseph, the whole time during which Joseph lived in Egypt was Jacob's entry into Egypt through his own offspring, which was being propagated while Joseph lived, through whom it came about that he entered. SECOND BOOK. QUESTIONS ON EXODUS. (At the end, a description of the tabernacle.) QUESTION I.
Concerning the lie of the midwives, by which they deceived Pharaoh, that they might not kill the male Israelites when they were born, saying that the Hebrew women do not bear as the Egyptian women bore, it is customarily asked whether such lies are approved by divine authority, since it is written that God did good to the midwives: but whether He was pardoning the lie out of mercy, or was judging the lie itself worthy of reward, is uncertain. For the midwives did one thing in giving life to the little infants, another in lying to Pharaoh; for in giving those infants life there was a work of mercy, but they used that lie for their own sake, lest Pharaoh should harm them — which could pertain not to praise, but to pardon.
Nor does it seem to me that from this an authority for lying is set forth for those of whom it is said: 'And no lie was found in their mouth.' For if the life of certain persons, far inferior to the profession of the saints, has these sins of lies, they are borne along by their very advancement and disposition, especially if they do not yet know how to await the heavenly divine benefits, but are occupied about earthly things. But those who so live that their conversation, as the Apostle says, is in heaven, I do not think ought to shape the measure of their tongue — as far as pertains to uttering the truth and avoiding falsehood — by that example of the midwives. But this question must be discussed more carefully on account of other examples that are found in the Scriptures.
Concerning the deed of Moses, when he killed the Egyptian to defend his brothers, we have disputed sufficiently in that work which we wrote 'On the Life of the Patriarchs against Faustus': whether the disposition in him was praiseworthy, by which he committed this sin — just as the richness of the earth is wont to be praised, even before useful seeds, by a certain fertility of herbs, however useless — or whether the deed itself is altogether to be justified; which does not seem to be the case, because he as yet bore no lawful power, neither received from God nor ordained by human society.
Yet, as Stephen says in the Acts of the Apostles, 'he supposed his brothers understood that through him God was giving them salvation,' so that by this testimony Moses may seem to have been already divinely admonished — which Scripture is silent about in that place — to have been able to dare this. 'The Lord called him out of the bush.' The Lord in an angel? Or the Lord — that angel who was called 'the angel of great counsel' and is understood to be Christ? For above it said: 'The angel of the Lord appeared to him in a flame of fire out of the bush.' 'To bring them out of that land into a good and large land, into a land flowing with milk and honey.' Are we to take 'a land flowing with milk and honey' spiritually, because according to our own understanding this is what that land was which was given to the people of Israel?
Or is it a manner of speaking, by which this is referred to the praise of fertility and sweetness? 'And now, behold, the cry of the children of Israel has come to me' — not like the cry of Sodom, by which iniquity without fear and without shame is signified. As to what the Lord commanded the Hebrews through Moses, that they should take from the Egyptians vessels of gold and silver and clothing, and He added: 'And you shall plunder them' — the judgment of this command cannot be unjust. For it is the command of God, concerning which there was to be no judging but obeying. For He knows how justly He commanded; but it belongs to the servant to do obediently what He commanded. As to what Moses said to the Lord:
'I beseech You, Lord, I have not been eloquent before yesterday nor before the day before yesterday, nor since You began to speak to Your servant' — it is understood that he can believe himself to be made suddenly eloquent by the will of God, when he says: 'nor since You began to speak to Your servant,' as though showing that it could have come about that one who had not been eloquent before yesterday and the day before yesterday might suddenly become so from the time the Lord began to speak with him. 'Who made the mute and the hearing, the seeing and the blind? Is it not I, the Lord God?' There are those who slander God, or rather the Scripture of the Old Testament, because God said that He Himself made the blind and the mute. What then do they say of the Lord Christ openly saying in the Gospel:
'I came, that those who do not see may see, and that those who see may become blind'? But who except a fool would believe that anything can happen to a man in respect of bodily defects which God does not will? Yet that He justly wills the whole, no one doubts. As to what the Lord says to Moses: 'But now go, and I will open your mouth and instruct you what you are to say' — it here sufficiently appears that not only the instruction of the mouth but the very opening of it also pertains to God's will and grace. For He does not say: 'Do you open your mouth and I will instruct you,' but He promised both Himself: 'I will open and I will instruct.' But elsewhere He says in the Psalm:
'Open your mouth wide, and I will fill it' — where He signifies in man the will to receive what God gives to the willing, so that to the beginning of the will pertains 'open your mouth wide,' and to God's grace 'and I will fill it' — but here: 'and I will open your mouth and instruct you.' 'And the Lord, being angry with anger, said.' As to how God can be understood as being angry — since it is not as a man, through an irrational disturbance — this must be held throughout wherever Scripture says any such thing, lest the same things have to be said often about this. But it is rightly asked why here, being angry, He spoke concerning Moses' brother, that he himself should speak for him to the people; for He seems, as to one distrustful, not to have given the fullest faculty which He was going to give.
and to have willed that it be done through two, which could have been done through one, if he had believed. Yet nevertheless, all these same words, more carefully considered, do not signify that the Lord, being angry, gave Aaron by way of vengeance. For thus He says: 'Is not Aaron your brother the Levite? I know that in speaking he himself will speak.' By which words God is shown rather to have rebuked him for fearing to go, on the ground that he himself was less suitable, when he had a brother through whom he could speak to the people what he wished, since he himself was weak of voice and slower of tongue; although concerning God he ought to have hoped for everything. Then He says the very same things which He had promised a little before and after He was angry. For He had said: 'I will open your mouth and instruct you'; but now He says:
'I will open your mouth and his mouth, and I will instruct you both what you are to do.' But since He added: 'and he himself shall speak for you to the people,' the opening of the mouth seems to have been granted on account of which Moses says that he is slower of tongue. As to the weakness of voice, however, the Lord willed to grant him nothing, but on account of this He joined the help of a brother who could use that voice which would suffice for teaching the people. So then, when He says: 'and you shall put my words in his mouth,' He shows that He was going to give what was to be spoken; for if only what was to be heard, as by the people, He would say 'into the ears.' Then, when He says a little after: 'and he himself shall speak for you to the people, and he shall be your mouth,' here too 'to the people' is understood. And when He says: 'he shall speak for you to the people':
He sufficiently indicates in Moses the primacy, in Aaron the ministry. Then, when He says: 'but you shall be to him in the things that pertain to God,' here perhaps a great mystery is to be searched out, of which Moses bears the figure, standing as it were in the middle between God and Aaron, and Aaron in the middle between Moses and the people. As to what is written: 'And it came to pass on the way, at the lodging-place, that an angel met him and sought to kill him. And Zipporah, taking a stone, circumcised the foreskin of her son and fell at his feet and said: The blood of my child's circumcision has stood; and he departed from him' — on account of which she said: 'The blood of the circumcision has ceased' — first it is asked whom the angel wished to kill, whether Moses, because it was said:
An angel met him and sought to kill him. For who is to be thought to have met him, except the one who was set over the whole company of his people and by whom the rest were being led? Or was it a boy that he sought to kill, whom the mother came to the aid of by circumcising him, so that it may be understood on this account that he wished to kill the infant, because he was not circumcised, and thus to confirm the precept of circumcision by the severity of the punishment? But if it is so, it is uncertain about whom he first spoke when he said 'he sought to kill him,' since it is not known whom he means, unless it be found from what follows — a truly wonderful and unusual manner of speech, that he should first say, 'He met him and sought to kill him,' concerning one about whom he had said nothing beforehand. But such a form is found in the psalm: 'His foundations are in the holy mountains;'
'The Lord loves the gates of Zion.' For the psalm begins there, and it had said nothing about him or about her whose foundations he wished to be understood when he said, 'His foundations are in the holy mountains.' But since there follows, 'The Lord loves the gates of Zion,' therefore the foundations are either of the Lord or of Zion, and, for the easier sense, rather of Zion, so that the foundations of the city may be understood.
But since in this pronoun 'his/its' (eius) the gender is ambiguous — for this pronoun is of every gender, that is, both masculine and feminine and neuter — yet in the Greek it is spoken in the feminine gender, 'autēs,' and in the masculine and neuter 'autou,' and the Greek codex has 'autou,' it compels us to understand not the foundations of Zion, but the foundations of the Lord, that is, those which the Lord established, concerning whom it was said, 'The Lord who builds Jerusalem.' And yet he had named neither Zion nor the Lord beforehand, when he said, 'His foundations are in the holy mountains.' So too here, the infant not yet having been named, it was said, 'He met him and sought to kill him,' so that we may recognize from what follows about whom he spoke.
Although, even if anyone should wish to take it as referring to Moses, one need not strenuously resist. Rather, what follows should, if possible, be understood: what it means that the angel therefore withdrew from the slaying of any of them, because the woman said, 'The blood of the child's circumcision has stopped.' For she does not say, 'He withdrew from him' on account of the fact that she circumcised the infant, but because the blood of the circumcision stopped: not because it flowed, but because it stopped — by a great sacrament, unless I am mistaken. As to what was said above, that Moses set his wife and infants upon the beasts of burden, that he might go with them into Egypt, but that afterward Jethro his father-in-law met him together with them, after he had led
the people out of Egypt: it may be asked how both can be true. But it must be understood that after that slaying of Moses or of the infant which was about to come from the angel, she returned with the little ones. For some have thought that the angel terrified him for this reason, lest, to the hindrance of the ministry which Moses bore as divinely imposed, the female sex should accompany him. It is asked how it can be said to the people that God commanded he would cast them out of Egypt into the land of Canaan, but to Pharaoh that they wished to go out a three days' journey into the desert to sacrifice to their God according to his command.
But it must be understood that, although God knew what he was going to do, since he foreknew that Pharaoh would not consent to letting the people go, that first thing was said which also would first have come to pass, if Pharaoh had let them go. For in order that all things should happen just as the following Scripture testifies, the obstinacy of Pharaoh and of his people deserved it. For God does not lie in commanding what he knows the one commanded will not do, so that a just judgment may follow. The words which Moses says to the Lord: 'Why have you afflicted this people? And why have you sent me? For from the time I went in to Pharaoh to speak in your name, [he has done evil] against this people, and you have not delivered your people' —
these are not words of obstinacy or of indignation, but of inquiry and of prayer, as appears from what the Lord answered him. For he does not rebuke his unbelief, but discloses what he is going to do. There is no doubt that there is here a place of a sacrament: that Scripture, wishing to demonstrate the origin of Moses — since his activity was now demanded — began the genealogy from the firstborn of Jacob, that is, Reuben, then to Simeon, then to Levi; it did not proceed further, since Moses was from Levi. But these are commemorated who had already been commemorated among those seventy-five with whom Israel entered into Egypt. For it was not the first nor the second, but the third tribe, that is, the Levitical, that God willed to be priestly. As to what Moses says:
'Behold, I am of a feeble voice, and how shall Pharaoh hearken to me?' — it seems that he excuses himself on account of the feebleness of his voice not only because of the greatness of the people, but even because of one man. It would be strange if his voice were so feeble that it could not be heard even by one man. Or perhaps royal pride did not permit them to speak from close by? And it is said to him: 'Behold, I have given you as a god to Pharaoh, and Aaron your brother shall be your prophet.' It is to be noted that, when he was being sent to the people, it was not said to him, 'Behold, I have given you as a god to the people, and your brother shall be your prophet,' but, 'Your brother,' he says, 'shall speak to the people for you.' It was also said, 'He shall be your mouth, and you to him the things that pertain to God'; it was not said, 'You to him a god.'
But to Pharaoh, Moses is said to be given as a god, and by analogy Aaron as Moses' prophet, but toward Pharaoh. Here it is intimated to us that the prophets of God speak those things which they hear from him, and that a prophet of God is nothing other than a proclaimer of the words of God to men who either cannot or do not deserve to hear God. God repeatedly says: 'I will harden Pharaoh's heart,' and as it were adduces the reason why he does this. 'I will harden,' he says, 'Pharaoh's heart, and I will multiply my signs and my wonders in Egypt,' as though the hardening of Pharaoh's heart were necessary in order that the signs of God might be multiplied or fulfilled in Egypt. God therefore makes good use of evil hearts for that which he wills to display to the good, or to those whom he is going to make good.
And although the quality of each heart in its malice — that is, what sort of heart one has toward evil — comes about by one's own fault, which grew up from the choice of the will, yet by that evil quality, so that it is moved this way or that, whether it be moved evilly this way or that, it is done by causes by which the mind is driven; and that these causes should exist or not exist is not in a man's power, but they come from the hidden providence — most just indeed and most wise — of God, who disposes and administers the whole that he created. Therefore, that Pharaoh had such a heart, which by the patience of God was not moved to piety but rather to impiety, was of his own vice;
but that those things came to pass by which the heart, so malignant through its own vice, resisted the commands of God — for this is what is called 'hardened,' because it did not consent pliantly but resisted inflexibly — this was of the divine dispensation, by which for such a heart there was prepared a punishment not only not unjust but manifestly just, whereby those who fear God might be corrected. For instance, when a gain is set before someone — say, a gain for the sake of which a murder is committed — the greedy man is moved one way, the despiser of money another: the one, namely, to commit the crime, the other to avoid it; yet the very setting-forth of the gain was not in the power of either of them. So causes come to evil men
which are indeed not in their power, but which have this effect upon them: they act according to what sort of men they find them already made by their own vices out of a past act of will. It should indeed be considered whether it can also be taken thus: 'I will harden,' as if he said, 'I will show how hard it is.' 'If Pharaoh speaks to you, saying, Give us a sign or a wonder, then you shall say to Aaron your brother, Take the rod and cast it down before Pharaoh and before his servants, and it shall become a serpent.' Here surely there was no need of the ministry of voice, for which Aaron seemed to have been given, as it were of necessity, on account of the feebleness of Moses' voice; rather, a rod was to be cast down, that it might become a serpent.
Why, then, did Moses himself not do this, except because this mediation of Aaron himself between Moses and Pharaoh bears the figure of some great matter? This too is to be noted, that when that sign was being wrought openly before Pharaoh, it is written: 'And Aaron cast down his rod' — whereas, if it had perhaps been said, 'He cast down the rod,' there would be no question; but that it added 'his,' although Moses had given it to him, was perhaps not said in vain. Or was that rod common to both of them, so that it might be called the rod of either of them and be truly so called? 'And the rod of Aaron swallowed up their rods.' If it had been said, 'The serpent of Aaron swallowed up their rods,' it would be understood that the true serpent of Aaron swallowed up not those illusory figments, but rods.
For it could swallow up that which they were, not that which they seemed to be and were not. But since he said, 'The rod of Aaron swallowed up their rods,' certainly the serpent could swallow up rods, but not a rod. Yet the thing was called by that name from which it had been changed, not into that into which it was changed, because into that it was also changed back; and therefore it ought to be called by that which it principally was. What, then, is to be said of the rods of the magicians? Were they too made into true serpents, but called rods for the same reason as the rod of Aaron? Or did they rather seem to be what they were not, by a sorcerous deception? Why, then, on both sides are they called both rods and serpents, so that in the manner of speaking there is no difference regarding those figments?
But it is difficult to demonstrate how, even if true serpents were made from the rods of the magicians, neither the magicians nor the evil angels, by whose ministry those things were wrought, were nevertheless creators of the serpents. For there are present in corporeal things, throughout all the elements of the world, certain hidden seminal reasons, by which, when temporal and causal opportunity has been given, they break forth into their due species in their own modes and limits. And thus the angels who do these things are not called creators of the animals, just as neither are farmers to be called creators of the crops or trees or of whatever things spring up in the earth, although they know how to furnish certain visible opportunities and causes for those things to be born.
But what these men do visibly, the angels do invisibly; yet God alone, the one, is the Creator, who implanted the causes themselves and the seminal reasons in things. The matter has been stated briefly: if it were to be explained by examples and copious discussion, so that it might be more easily understood, there would be need of a long discourse, from which the ground of our haste excuses itself. 'And the enchanters of the Egyptians did likewise with their sorceries; and Pharaoh's heart was hardened, and he did not hearken to them, as the Lord had said.' When these things are said, it seems that Pharaoh's heart was hardened for this reason, that the enchanters of the Egyptians also did like things; but what follows will teach how great that obstinacy was, even when the enchanters failed.
'And the enchanters of the Egyptians did likewise with their sorceries and brought up frogs upon the land of Egypt.' It is asked whence, if it had already been done everywhere. But it is a similar question whence they also turned water into blood, if all the water of Egypt had already been turned into blood. Accordingly, it must be understood that the region where the children of Israel dwelt was not struck by such plagues; and from there the enchanters were able either to draw water, which they might turn into blood, or to bring up some frogs, merely for the demonstration of their magical power. Although they could also have done so after those things had been checked. But Scripture, in narrating swiftly, joined together what could also have been done afterward.
'And Pharaoh saw that there was respite; and his heart was made heavy, and he did not hearken to them, as the Lord had said.' Here it appears that the causes of the hardening of Pharaoh's heart were not only those — namely, that his enchanters did like things — but also the very patience of God, by which he spared him. The patience of God is, according to men's hearts, useful to some for repenting, useless to others for resisting God and persevering in evil; yet it is not in itself useless, but according to the evil heart, as we have already said. This the Apostle too says: 'Not knowing that the patience of God leads you to repentance?'
'But according to the hardness of your heart and your impenitent heart you are treasuring up for yourself wrath in the day of wrath and of the revelation of the just judgment of God, who will render to every man according to his works.' For elsewhere too, when he said, 'We are the good odor of Christ in every place,' he added this also: 'both in those who are being saved and in those who are perishing.' He did not say that he was a good odor of Christ to those who are being saved, but an evil one to those who are perishing; rather he said only that he was a good odor. But they are such that they perish even by a good odor, according to the quality of their own heart, as has often been said — a quality which is to be changed by good will in the grace of God, so that the judgments of God may begin to profit them, which harm evil hearts. Whence he, with his heart changed for the better, sang:
'My soul shall live and shall praise you; and your judgments shall help me.' He did not say, 'Your gifts' or 'Your rewards,' but 'Your judgments.' It is a great thing, moreover, that it can be said with sincere confidence: 'Prove me, O Lord, and try me; burn my reins and my heart.' And lest he should seem to have attributed anything to his own strength, he immediately added: 'For your mercy is before my eyes, and I have been well pleased in your truth.' He commemorates the mercy shown toward himself, that he may be able to be well pleased in the truth, since 'all the ways of the Lord are mercy and truth.' As to what the magicians said to Pharaoh:
'This is the finger of God,' because they could not bring forth the gnats, they truly perceived — since they knew the power of their nefarious arts — that their attempts had been frustrated, not by such arts, as though Moses were more powerful in them, but by the finger of God, who was indeed working through Moses. Now the finger of God, as the Gospel most clearly declares, is understood as the Holy Spirit. For while one evangelist so narrates the words of the Lord as to say, 'If I by the finger of God cast out demons,' another evangelist, narrating the very same thing, wished to explain what the finger of God is, and said, 'If I by the Spirit of God cast out demons.'
Since therefore the magicians, in whose power Pharaoh trusted beforehand, confessed that the finger of God was in Moses, by whom they were overcome and their sorceries frustrated, nevertheless Pharaoh's heart was hardened now with a wholly wondrous hardness. But why the magicians failed in that third plague — for the plagues began from when the water was turned into blood — is difficult both to perceive and to explain. For they could have failed even in the first sign, where the rod was turned into a serpent, and in the first plague, where the water was changed into blood, and in the second concerning the frogs, if the finger of God, that is, the Spirit of God, had so willed. For who, most demented, would say that the finger of God could hinder the attempts of the magicians in this sign and was unable to do so in the earlier ones?
There is therefore altogether a certain cause why they were permitted to do those things up to this point. For perhaps the Trinity is thereby commended, and — what is true — the greatest philosophers of the nations, so far as it is traced in their writings, philosophized without the Holy Spirit, although they were not silent about the Father and the Son, which Didymus too recalls in his book which he wrote on the Holy Spirit. 'Behold, I send upon you and upon your servants and upon your people and upon your houses the dog-fly, and the houses of the Egyptians shall be filled with the dog-fly, that you may know that I am the Lord, the God of all the earth. And I will set a division between my people and your people.'
What Scripture here disclosed, lest it should say it everywhere, we ought to understand was done also in the later and in the earlier signs, namely, that the land in which the people of God dwelt was afflicted by no such plagues. But it was opportune that this should be plainly set down here, whence now begin the signs to which the magicians did not even attempt to do like things. For without doubt, because the gnats had been everywhere in the kingdom of Pharaoh, but had not been in the land of Goshen, there the magicians attempted to do likewise and were by no means able. Up to the point, therefore, where they failed, nothing was said about the separation of that land; but from the point where those things began to happen where they would not even dare to attempt like things. As to what the Latin copies have:
'Go and sacrifice to the Lord your God in the land,' the Greek has: 'Come and sacrifice to the Lord your God in the land.' For he did not wish them to go where they said, but wished them to sacrifice there in Egypt. This the following words of Moses show, where he says it cannot be done because of the abominations of the Egyptians. As to what Moses says: 'It cannot be done thus; for we shall sacrifice the abominations of the Egyptians to the Lord our God' — that is: 'We are about to sacrifice these things which the Egyptians abominate, and therefore we cannot in Egypt.' This the words which he adds and says make plain: 'For if we sacrifice the abominations of the Egyptians openly before them, we shall be stoned.' Not understanding this, certain of our translators have interpreted it so as to say:
'It cannot be done thus; shall we then sacrifice the abominations of the Egyptians to the Lord our God?' — whereas Scripture rather said that they are about to sacrifice the abominations of the Egyptians. But other Latin copies have thus: 'It cannot be done thus, since we shall not sacrifice the abominations of the Egyptians to the Lord our God.' The added negative particle makes a contrary sense, whereas Moses said: 'It cannot be done thus; for we shall sacrifice the abominations of the Egyptians to the Lord our God'; and therefore they said they wished to go into the wilderness, where the Egyptians would not see their abominations. This, moreover, is to be understood as signified mystically.
This we have also said concerning the shepherds, who were abominable to the Egyptians, and therefore the Israelites received a separate land when they came into Egypt. For thus also the sacrifices of the Israelites are abominations to the Egyptians, just as the life of the righteous is to the wicked. When the locust had been taken away, it was said of Pharaoh: 'And Pharaoh made his heart heavy even at this time, and would not let the people go.' Certainly now it is not said, 'Pharaoh's heart was made heavy,' but, 'Pharaoh made his heart heavy.' So indeed in all the plagues. For from the will of man is the origin of vices;
but the hearts of men are moved by causes, some hearts thus, others so, and often even by causes not different, in different ways according to their own qualities, which come from their wills. 'But Pharaoh, seeing that not one of the cattle of the children of Israel had died, Pharaoh's heart was made heavy.' How was this weighing-down of Pharaoh's heart brought about from contrary causes? For if the cattle of the Israelites too had died, then a fitting cause would have seemed present by which his heart was weighed down to despise God, as if his magicians also had made the cattle of the Israelites die; but now, whereas he ought to have been moved to fear or to believe on seeing not one beast dead of the cattle of the Hebrews, from this his heart was made heavy; that is:
that hardening progressed even to this point. What is it that God says to Aaron and Moses: 'Take for yourselves handfuls of ashes from the furnace, and let Moses sprinkle it toward heaven before Pharaoh and before his servants, and let it become dust upon the whole land of Egypt'? For the earlier signs were wrought by the rod, which not Moses but Aaron either stretched out over the water or struck the earth with; but now, two signs having been interposed concerning the dog-fly and the deaths of the cattle, where neither Aaron nor Moses did anything with the hand, it is said that Moses should sprinkle ashes from the furnace toward heaven, and both are commanded to take it, but he to sprinkle it not on the earth, but toward heaven:
as though Aaron, who had been given to the people, should strike the earth or stretch out his hand upon the earth or upon the water; but Moses, of whom it was said, 'He shall be to you the things that pertain to God,' is commanded to sprinkle the ashes toward heaven. What of those two earlier signs, where neither Moses nor Aaron does anything with the hand? What does this diversity mean? For it is surely not nothing. 'And for this very cause have you been preserved, that I might show in you my power, and that my name might be proclaimed in all the earth.' These words of Scripture the Apostle too set down, when he was engaged in that most difficult passage. There, moreover, he also says this:
'But what if God, willing to show his wrath and to demonstrate his power, endured with much patience the vessels of wrath' — sparing indeed those whom he had foreknown were going to be evil, which vessels he calls fitted for perdition — 'and that he might,' he says, 'make known the riches of his glory upon the vessels of mercy.' Whence the voice of the vessels of mercy is in the Psalms: 'My God, his mercy shall go before me; my God shall show me among my enemies.' God therefore knows how to make good use of the evil, in whom nevertheless he does not create human nature unto malice, but bears with them patiently, until he knows it fitting: not in vain, but using them for the admonition or exercise of the good.
For behold, that the name of God might be proclaimed in all the earth, it certainly profits the vessels of mercy. To their advantage, therefore, was Pharaoh preserved, as both Scripture testifies and the outcome teaches. What is it that God commanded to Pharaoh, when he threatened that he would bring a great hail, that he should hasten to gather in his cattle and whatever he had in the field, lest they perish by the hail? For this seems to be a warning not so much in indignation as in mercy. But this raises no question, since God, even when angry, tempers the punishment.
What deservedly moves one is: what cattle are now being provided for, if all had died in the earlier plague, where it is written that God made a distinction between the cattle of the Hebrews and of the Egyptians, so that from the former none died, but all the cattle of the Egyptians died. Or is the question resolved thus: that he had foretold that those would die which were in the field, so that these are understood as all, but those which were in the houses are understood to have escaped — which could have been gathered even by those in doubt and kept in the house, lest perchance what Moses had foretold the Lord would do should prove true; and from these there could again be some in the fields, which he now warns to be gathered into the houses, lest they perish by the hail — especially since Scripture follows and says:
'He of Pharaoh's servants who feared the word of the Lord gathered his cattle into the houses; but he who did not set his mind on the word of the Lord left his cattle in the field.' This, therefore, could come to pass when God had also threatened the death of the cattle, although Scripture was silent about it. 'And the Lord said to Moses: Stretch out your hand toward heaven, and there shall be hail in all the land of Egypt.' Behold, again Moses is commanded to stretch out his hand not toward the earth, but toward heaven, as above concerning the ashes. When, at the crashing of heaven, which was violent in the hail, Pharaoh, terrified, begged Moses to pray for him, confessing his iniquity and that of his people, Moses said to him: 'You and your servants — I know that you do not yet fear the Lord.'
What sort of fear was he seeking, to whom that fear was not yet the fear of the Lord? For it is easy to fear punishment, but this is not to fear God — namely, with that fear of piety which Jacob commemorates, where he says: 'Unless the God of my father Abraham and the fear of Isaac had been with me, you would now have sent me away empty.' The Lord said to Moses: 'Go in to Pharaoh; for I have made his heart heavy, and that of his servants, that these my signs may come upon them in order.' Thus he says, 'For I have made his heart heavy, that these my signs may come upon them in order,' as though God had need of anyone's malice. But it is to be understood as if he said: 'For I have been patient over him and his servants, so as not to take them away, that my signs may come upon them in order.'
For because by the patience of God the evil mind became more obstinate, therefore, instead of 'I was patient toward him,' it is said: 'I have made his heart heavy.' 'And there was not one locust left in all the land of Egypt. And the Lord hardened Pharaoh's heart.' Scripture certainly commemorated a benefit of God, that he took away the locusts, and then said that the Lord had hardened Pharaoh's heart: by his very benefit, that is, and by his patience, through which that obstinacy came about, while he was being spared — just as all the evil hearts of men grow hard by making evil use of the patience of God. A third time it is said to Moses: 'Stretch out your hand toward heaven,' that the plague of darkness too might come. But it was never said to his brother Aaron that he should stretch out his hand toward heaven. As to what, then, was said to Moses:
'Stretch out your hand over the land of Egypt, and let the locust come up over the land,' I believe it is signified that he who can do more can also do less, but not that he to whom the lesser things are conceded can straightway do the greater. God to Moses: 'Speak therefore secretly in the ears of the people, and let each one ask of his neighbor, and the woman of her neighbor, vessels of silver and of gold and raiment.' From this no one ought to think that an example is to be taken for despoiling one's neighbor in this manner; for God commanded this, who knew what each one ought to suffer. Nor did the Israelites commit theft, but rendered a ministry to God who commanded;
just as when the officer of a judge kills the one whom the judge ordered to be killed — assuredly, if he did it of his own accord, he is a murderer, even if he kills the one whom he knows ought to have been killed by the judge. There is also this not inconsiderable question: if the Hebrews dwelt apart in the land of Goshen, where the plagues by which the kingdom of Pharaoh was afflicted did not occur, how does each one ask of his neighbor, male or female, gold, silver, and raiment, especially since, where this is first commanded through Moses, it is put thus:
'and the woman of her neighbor and her fellow-cell-dweller' — or 'fellow-lodger,' if it must be so expressed — 'or her housemate.' Whence it is to be understood that even in the land of Goshen the Hebrews did not dwell alone, but that some Egyptians were fellow-dwellers with them in that land, to whom by the merit of the Hebrews even those divine benefits could deservedly reach, so that hence those same Egyptian fellow-dwellers might both love them and readily lend what they asked. Nor yet did God judge them to have been so free from the injuries and afflictions which the people of God endured, that they should not be struck even by this loss — they who had not been struck by those plagues, because that land was being spared. 'And the Lord said to Moses:'
'Pharaoh shall not hearken to you, that I may multiply my signs and my wonders in the land of Egypt' — as though there were need of his disobedience, that those signs might be multiplied, which were profitably wrought for terrifying the people of God and, by that very distinction, for forming them unto piety. But this was of God, making good use of the malice of that heart, not of Pharaoh making evil abuse of the patience of God. 'And whatever remains of it in the morning you shall burn with fire.' It can be asked how anything will remain, when they had been forewarned that, if a house should not have a number sufficient for consuming the animal, the neighbors should be taken in. But it is understood, since it was said, 'You shall not break a bone of it,' that the bones certainly were to remain, which were to be burned with fire.
'A perfect lamb, male, a yearling, it shall be for you.' This expression can trouble a person who does not know by what necessity it was so translated, as though a lamb could be something not male. For it ought to have been rendered 'sheep,' because the Greek has 'próbaton'; but 'próbaton' in the Greek language is of the neuter gender, and all that follows could then have agreed with it, as though it said: 'a perfect, male, yearling beast shall be for you.' For in Latin one could say 'masculum pecus' (a male beast), just as one says 'mascula tura' (male incense) in the neuter gender; but 'ovis' (sheep) cannot be called 'masculus,' because 'ovis' is of the feminine gender. Likewise, if one were to say 'ovis mascula' (a male sheep), it would be still more absurd.
But if 'beast' (pecus) had been used, something else too might be understood, and the sacrament would not be preserved; for although Scripture speaks of a sheep, it afterward says: 'from the lambs and the kids you shall take it.' In which matter Christ is rightly understood to be signified. For what need was there to instruct that a sheep or lamb be taken from lambs and kids, unless He were being prefigured, whose flesh was propagated not only from the just but also from sinners? Although the Jews try to understand that even a kid may be taken for celebrating the Passover; and they suppose this to be the meaning of 'to take from lambs and kids,' as though it said that either a lamb from lambs or a kid from kids should be taken, if the other be lacking. Yet it is evident, once the realities were fulfilled in Christ, what had been prefigured by that precept.
As for what is written: 'And you shall keep this day throughout your generations as a lawful ordinance forever'—which in Greek is called 'aiónion'—it is not to be understood as though any of these passing days could be eternal; but that thing is eternal which this day signifies. Just as when we say that God Himself is eternal, we certainly do not call these two syllables eternal, but that which they signify. Yet it must be carefully examined in what sense Scripture is accustomed to call something eternal; lest perhaps it has called that solemnly 'eternal' which men count it wickedness to omit or to change of their own accord.
For one thing is what is commanded to be done until it is accomplished—as it was commanded that the ark should encircle the walls of Jericho seven times—and another thing is when it is commanded that something be observed in such a way that no limit of observance is fixed: whether daily, or by months, or solemnly by years, or at fixed intervals of many or of some years. Either, then, Scripture called it 'eternal' because they should not dare of their own accord to cease celebrating it, or, as I said, so that not the signs themselves of things, but the things which are signified by them, should be understood to be eternal. 'And there was a great cry in the land of Egypt; for there was no house in which there was not one dead there.' Could there not have been some house that had no firstborn?
Since, then, only the firstborn were dying, how was there no house that did not have a dead one? Or had this too been arranged divinely by God's foreknowledge, that in absolutely all the houses in which the Egyptians were smitten there should be firstborn? Certainly the Egyptians who dwelt in the land of Goshen are not to be thought immune from this plague; for it was a matter of men or of animals, not of the land—that is: the firstborn men and animals were dying by a hidden and angelic stroke; nothing was done in the land or in the sky, as with the frogs or the locusts or the darkness, whereby the inhabitants might be afflicted.
For since the land of Goshen had been exempt from such plagues, without doubt the benefit reached also those Egyptians who were dwelling in that same land together with the Hebrews; yet by this plague all their firstborn were smitten. 'And the children of Israel did as Moses had commanded them, and they asked of the Egyptians vessels of gold and silver, and raiment. And the Lord gave His people favor in the sight of the Egyptians, and they lent to them; and they despoiled the Egyptians.' This had already been done before the deaths of the Egyptian firstborn; but now it is repeated by way of recapitulation. For it was narrated when it was done. For how now could it be that, in so great a mourning over the deaths of their own, they should lend those things to the children of Israel?
unless perhaps someone should say that even by this plague the Egyptians who dwelt with the Hebrews in the land of Goshen were not smitten. What is it that He says: 'And you shall take a bunch of hyssop, and dipping it in the blood which is by the door, you shall smear the lintel and both doorposts'? For it is asked what blood He calls 'by the door,' since He certainly wishes the blood of that lamb to be understood, by whose immolation the Passover is made. Or does He consequently command in this way—though He has kept silent about it—that the same lamb be slain by the door? Or, what is more credible, did He therefore say:
'from the blood which is by the door,' is it because he who is about to smear the lintel and doorposts will place the very vessel, in which he caught the blood, by the door, so that he may have it at hand when he dips? 'And the children of Israel journeyed from Rameses to Succoth, about six hundred thousand men on foot, besides the equipment' (or 'the reckoning'), if that is the right way to interpret what the Greek says by 'aposkeuén.' By which word Scripture indicates that not only movable goods but also moving things are signified, where Judah, speaking to his father, says: 'Send the boy with me, and we will rise up and go, that we may live and not die, both we and you and our substance.'
For there the Greek has 'aposkeué' where the Latin translated 'substance' (substantia), which our translators sometimes render 'reckoning' (census), just as now I chose to say 'equipment' (instructum)—provided that by that name both men and beasts of burden, or all cattle, be understood. Whether even wives too can be understood there, I do not know. Yet since Scripture records six hundred thousand men on foot, adding and saying 'apart from the equipment or reckoning or substance,' or by whatever other word 'aposkeué' is better translated, it is manifest that men too are signified—whether among the servants, or the women, or those of an age not fit for military service—so that we may understand the six hundred thousand men on foot to consist only of those who could be armed in a military column.
But it is usually asked whether the Hebrews could have reached so great a number during those years in Egypt which the number considered in the Scriptures can show. And first, how many those years were is no small question. For God says to Abraham, when that sacrifice of the three-year-old heifer, the she-goat, the ram, the turtledove, and the pigeon had been offered—before not only Isaac but not even Ishmael yet had been born: 'Knowing you shall know that your seed shall be a sojourner in a land not its own, and they shall reduce them to servitude and shall afflict them four hundred years.' If, then, we take the four hundred years so as to be understood as under servitude to the Egyptians, it was no small span of time in which the people were thus multiplied.
But that there were not so many years Scripture testifies by the most evident indication. For some think that four hundred and thirty years should be reckoned from when Jacob entered Egypt until the people were freed thence through Moses, since in Exodus it is written: 'And the sojourning of the children of Israel, which they sojourned in the land of Egypt and in the land of Canaan, they and their fathers, was four hundred and thirty years.' But they wish the years of their servitude to be four hundred, on account of what is written in Genesis: 'Knowing you shall know that your seed shall be a sojourner in a land not its own, and they shall reduce them to servitude and shall afflict them four hundred years.'
But since the years of servitude are reckoned after the death of Joseph—for while he was living they not only did not serve there but even reigned—the question is how the four hundred and thirty years in Egypt are to be reckoned. For Jacob entered in the thirty-ninth year of his son, since Joseph was thirty years old when he appeared before Pharaoh and began to reign under him; and when the seven years of plenty had passed, in the second year of the famine, Jacob entered Egypt with his other sons. And therefore Joseph was then passing his thirty-ninth year, who, having completed one hundred and ten years of his life, died. He lived, then, in Egypt after his father's coming to him seventy-one years:
and if we subtract these from four hundred and thirty years, the years of servitude will remain—that is, after Joseph's death—not four hundred but three hundred and fifty-nine years. But if we suppose that we ought to reckon from the time when Joseph began to reign under Pharaoh, so that Israel is understood to have then in some manner entered Egypt, when his son was raised there to such great power, then even so it will be three hundred and fifty; which Tychonius wishes to be taken as four hundred, so that a part is understood for the whole—that is, from the whole hundred a portion of fifty—and he proves that Scripture is accustomed to use this rule of speech. But if—what can be said with somewhat more probability—we take Israel to have then entered Egypt
namely when Joseph began to be sold thither, we shall have to subtract yet another thirteen years, so as to take three hundred and thirty-seven years for four hundred. But since Scripture records that Kohath the son of Levi, the grandfather of Moses, entered Egypt with his grandfather Jacob, and says that he lived one hundred and thirty years, while his son Amram, the father of Moses, lived one hundred and thirty-seven, and says that Moses was eighty years old when he freed the people from Egypt—even if Kohath had then, in the year he died, begotten the father of Moses, and that Amram too had begotten Moses in the last year of his life—the years reckoned, one hundred and thirty and one hundred and thirty-seven and eighty, make three hundred and forty-seven years, not four hundred and thirty. But if anyone should say that Kohath the son of Levi was born in the last year of Joseph's life,
nearly seventy years can be added to that sum, because Joseph lived seventy-one years in Egypt after his father's coming. Wherefore even thus: the seventy years of Joseph's life from Jacob's entrance into Egypt until the birth of Kohath—if he be asserted to have been born then—and the one hundred and thirty years of Kohath himself, and the one hundred and thirty-seven of his son Amram the father of Moses, and the eighty of Moses himself, make four hundred and seventeen years, not four hundred and thirty. Accordingly, that reckoning which Eusebius followed in his chronological history is supported by transparent truth.
For he reckons the four hundred and thirty years from that promise by which God called Abraham to go forth out of his land into the land of Canaan; because the Apostle too, when he praised and commended the faith of Abraham in that promise by which he means Christ to be understood as prophesied—that is, the promise by which God promised Abraham that in him all the tribes of the earth should be blessed—says: 'Now this I say, that the covenant confirmed by God, the law which was made four hundred and thirty years after, does not annul it, so as to make the promises void.' From that promise, then, by which Abraham was called and believed God, the Apostle says the law was made four hundred and thirty years after; not from the time when Jacob entered Egypt.
Then this is sufficiently indicated by the very Scripture of Exodus too; for it did not say: 'the sojourning of the children of Israel, which they sojourned in the land of Egypt, was four hundred and thirty years,' but it plainly said: 'which they sojourned in the land of Egypt and in the land of Canaan, they and their fathers.' And by this it is manifest that the time also of the patriarchs Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob must be reckoned—from when Abraham began to sojourn in the land of Canaan, that is, from that promise in which the Apostle praises his faith, up to that time when Israel entered Egypt. For during all that time the fathers sojourned in the land of Canaan, and thereafter the seed of Israel in Egypt.
And thus the four hundred and thirty years were completed from the promise up to the exodus of Israel out of Egypt, when the law was given on Mount Sinai—which does not annul the covenant so as to make the promises void. In the seventy-fifth year of his life, then, Abraham, as Scripture says, went out into the land of Canaan and begot Isaac when he was a hundred years old. So there are twenty-five years from the promise until the birth of Isaac. To these are added all the years of Isaac's life, that is, one hundred and eighty; they make two hundred and five. Then Jacob was a hundred and twenty years old; for the twins, he himself and Esau, were born to their father at sixty. And ten years after, Jacob entered Egypt when he was a hundred and thirty years old, while Joseph was thirty-nine.
Accordingly there are two hundred and fifteen years from the promise up to Jacob's entrance into Egypt. But Joseph, from that thirty-ninth year of his age in which his father found him in Egypt, lived seventy-one years, because all the years of his age were one hundred and ten. When, therefore, seventy-one are added to two hundred and fifteen years, they make two hundred and eighty-six years. There remain one hundred and forty-four or five, in which the people of Israel is understood to have served in Egypt after Joseph's death. How greatly they could have been multiplied in these years—if human fecundity be considered, with the help of Him who willed them to be exceedingly multiplied—it is found to be no wonder that the people went out of Egypt with six hundred thousand men on foot, apart from all the rest of the array;
where there were also servants, and the female sex, and the age unfit for war. As for what God said to Abraham: 'Knowing you shall know that your seed shall be a sojourner in a land not its own, and they shall reduce them to servitude and shall afflict them four hundred years,' it is not to be understood as though the people of God were in that harshest servitude for four hundred years; but because it is written: 'In Isaac shall your seed be called,' from the year of Isaac's birth until the year of the departure from Egypt are reckoned four hundred and five years.
Since, then, you have subtracted from the four hundred and thirty the twenty-five which are from the promise until the birth of Isaac, it is no wonder if Scripture willed to call the four hundred and five years a round sum of four hundred; for Scripture is accustomed so to name periods of time that whatever slightly exceeds or falls short of the sum of a more perfect number is not counted. So then, what it says—'they shall reduce them to servitude and shall afflict them'—is not to be referred to the four hundred years, as though they had held them in servitude for so many years; but the four hundred years are to be referred to what was said:
'your seed shall be a sojourner in a land not its own,' because whether in the land of Canaan or in Egypt that seed was a sojourner, before they took the land as an inheritance by God's promise—which came to pass after they were freed from Egypt. So that a hyperbaton is here to be understood, and the order of the words is: 'Knowing you shall know that your seed shall be a sojourner in a land not its own for four hundred years,' while that which is interposed is to be understood: 'and they shall reduce them to servitude and shall afflict them,' in such a way that this interposition does not pertain to the four hundred years. For in the last part of this sum of years, that is, after Joseph's death, it came to pass that the people of God endured harsh servitude in Egypt.
What does it mean, when He was giving precepts concerning the Passover: 'And it shall be to you a sign upon your hand'? Is it understood as 'upon your works,' that is, that you ought to prefer it to your works? For the Passover, on account of the slaying of the sheep, pertains to faith in Christ and to the blood by which we were redeemed. But this faith is to be set before works, so that it may be in some manner 'upon the hand' against those who gloried in the works of the law. Concerning which matter the Apostle speaks and treats much, who wishes faith to be set before works in such a way that good works depend upon it and are anticipated by it—not that it should seem to be repaid, as it were, by the merits of good works. For faith pertains to grace; but if of grace, then no longer of works; otherwise grace is no longer grace.
'But when Pharaoh let the people go, God did not lead them by the way of the land of the Philistines, because it was near. For God said: Lest perhaps the people repent, when they see war, and return to Egypt.' Here it is shown that all things ought to be done which can rightly be done by counsel, in order to avoid what is adverse, even when God is most manifestly the helper. 'And in the fifth generation the children of Israel went up out of the land of Egypt.' Does He mean 'generation' to be reckoned in hundreds of years, and therefore 'in the fifth generation' because after four hundred and thirty years? Or is this rather to be understood by the generations of men, from Jacob himself who entered Egypt up to Moses who went out with the people?
For Jacob is found first, Levi second, Kohath third, Amram fourth, Moses fifth. These the Latin translator calls 'generations' (progenies), which the Greeks call 'geneai,' which in the Gospel are called 'generationes' and are numbered only by successions of men, not by number of years. 'And Moses said: Be confident and stand, and see the salvation which is from the Lord, which He will work for you this day. For as you have seen the Egyptians this day, you shall not add to see them again forever.' How are these words to be understood, since the Israelites afterward did see the Egyptians? Or is it because those who then were seeing them did not see them any longer—because both those who were pursuing them died, and all these too, each on the day of his death?
For their descendants saw the descendants of those. Or is 'you shall not see them as this day' to be understood as 'not as this day pursuing you and as enemies and coming against you in so great a column,' so that there is no question at all even about the 'forever' which He here placed—because although both will see each other at the time of the resurrection, they will certainly not see them as this day? What does it mean that the Lord said to Moses: 'Why do you cry to me?'—since Scripture said nothing about Moses' words, nor recorded him as praying? Unless it is because He willed it to be understood that Moses did this by the silence of his voice, so that he cried out with his heart. 'And you, lift up your rod and stretch out your hand over the sea.' This is that rod by which wonders were being wrought, which is now said to be Moses';
but then it was said to have been his brother's, when Moses himself worked through it. 'You stretched out your right hand, the earth swallowed them up.' It is no wonder that 'earth' is put for 'water.' For that whole extreme or lowest part of the world is reckoned under the name of 'earth,' according to what is often said: 'God who made heaven and earth'; and in the distribution of that Psalm, having mentioned the heavenly things, it says: 'Praise the Lord from the earth,' and it goes on to include in the praise those things too which pertain even to the waters. 'You sent your Spirit and the sea covered them.' Behold, now for the fifth time the Spirit of God is mentioned, so that in this number we may take also what was said: 'This is the finger of God.' First, where it is written: 'The Spirit of God moved over the waters'; second, where it is said:
'My Spirit shall not remain in these men, because they are flesh'; third, where Pharaoh says to Joseph: 'Since the Spirit of God is in you'; fourth, where the enchanters of the Egyptians say: 'This is the finger of God'; fifth, in this canticle: 'You sent your Spirit and the sea covered them.' But let us remember that the Spirit of God is mentioned not only in reference to benefits but also to vengeance. For what else did He say above too: 'And by the Spirit of your wrath the water was divided'? So then this Spirit of God was, against the Egyptians, the Spirit of His wrath, to whom the dividing of the waters was harmful, so that as they entered they might be overwhelmed by the returning waters; but to the children of Israel, to whom it was profitable that the water was divided, that Spirit was not the Spirit of God's wrath.
Whence it is signified that, on account of diverse operations and effects, the Spirit of God is differently named, though He is one and the same—at least He who is also received as the Holy Spirit in the unity of the Trinity. Accordingly, I do not think that any other than the same One is signified where the Apostle says: 'For you have not received the spirit of bondage again unto fear, but you have received the Spirit of adoption, in whom we cry: Abba, Father'; because by that same Spirit of God—that is, by the finger of God, by which the law was written on tablets of stone—fear was struck into those who did not yet understand grace, so that by the law they might be convicted of their own weakness and sins, and the law might become for them a tutor by whom they might be led to the grace which is in the faith of Jesus Christ.
But concerning this Spirit of adoption and of grace, that is, concerning this work of the Spirit of God by which grace and regeneration unto eternal life is imparted, it is said: 'But the Spirit gives life,' whereas above it was said: 'The letter kills'—that is, the written law only commanding, without the help of grace. 'And they came to Marah, and could not drink of Marah; for it was bitter.' If the name of that place was called 'bitterness' for this reason, that they could not drink water there because it was bitter—for 'Marah' is interpreted 'bitterness'—how did they come 'to Marah,' unless because Scripture called by that name the place into which they came, by which it was already being called when these things were being written? For these things were certainly written later than they occurred.
'And the Lord showed him a tree, and he cast it into the water, and the water was made sweet.' Was there a kind of tree having this power, or could God, who was doing such great wonders, do this by any tree whatever? Yet this seems to be signified by what was said, 'He showed him,' as though there already was such a tree by which this could be done—unless perhaps it was a place where no trees at all were to be found, so that this very thing was part of the divine help, that the Lord showed him a tree where there was none, and by the tree made the waters sweet, prefiguring the glory and grace of the cross. But even in such a nature of the tree, who is to be praised except the Creator and Revealer? 'And the Lord said to Moses: Behold, I will rain upon you bread from heaven;
and the people shall go out and gather a day's portion for a day, that I may test them, whether they will walk in my law or not.' This testing is a proving, not a seduction unto sin; nor is it a proving so that God may come to know, but so that He may show men to themselves, whereby they may become more humble in asking for help and in acknowledging the grace of God. Moses and Aaron say to the people, among other things: 'Because the Lord has heard your murmuring, which you murmur against us. But what are we? For your murmuring is not against us, but against God.' They did not wish to be reckoned as being of as great worth as God—for they said: 'What are we?'—so that those men might know they had murmured against Him who had sent these, and who was working through these.
Nor is that saying of the same kind, where Peter says to Ananias: 'Have you dared to lie to the Holy Spirit? You have not lied to men, but to God.' For he did not say: 'Have you dared to lie to me? You have not lied to me, but to God'—which, had he said it, would have been similar. Nor did he say thus: 'Have you dared to lie to the Holy Spirit? You have not lied to the Holy Spirit, but to God'—for speaking so, he would deny that the Holy Spirit is God. But now, when he had said: 'Have you dared to lie to the Holy Spirit?'—while that man thought he had lied to men—he showed the Holy Spirit Himself to be God by adding: 'You have not lied to men, but to God.' God commands the people through Moses: 'At evening you shall eat flesh, and in the morning you shall be filled with bread.'
Behold, 'bread' is not named for every kind of food. For under that name flesh too would be included, since it also is food; nor yet does He now call 'bread' only those things which are made from grain—for those we are properly accustomed to call 'bread'—but He calls the manna by the name of 'bread.' Nor is it without significance that He says He will give flesh at evening and bread in the morning. For something similar was signified in Elijah too, when the raven brought him food. Or perhaps by flesh at evening and bread in the morning is signified He who was delivered up for our offenses and rose again for our justification? For at evening, dead from weakness, He was buried, but in the morning He appeared to the disciples, who had risen in power.
'And Moses said to Aaron: Take one golden vessel and put into it a full gomor of manna, and you shall lay it up before God, to be kept for your generations, as the Lord commanded.' It can be asked where Aaron would place it 'before God,' when there was as yet no image, nor had the ark of the covenant yet been established. Or did He perhaps therefore speak of the future, 'you shall lay it up,' so that it might be understood that it could then be laid up before God when the ark was to be? Or rather is 'before God' said of what is done by the very devotion of offering, in whatever place it be placed? For where is God not? But that which He adds: 'And Aaron laid it up before the testimony to be kept,' rather asserts the former sense.
For in this manner Scripture said by prolepsis what was done afterward, when the tabernacle of testimony began to exist. 'And the children of Israel ate manna forty years, until they came into the land that is inhabited; they ate manna until they came into the region of Phoenicia.' Scripture signified by prolepsis—that is, by recording in this place what was done even afterward—that the children of Israel ate nothing in the wilderness except manna. For this is what it means: 'until the land that is inhabited,' that is, which is no longer wilderness—not because as soon as they came to habitable land they ceased to feed on manna, but because not before. For the manna is signified to have ceased once the Jordan was crossed, where they ate the bread of the land.
When, therefore, they entered the habitable land before they crossed the Jordan, they could feed either on manna alone or on both foods; for this can be understood, since the manna is not said to have ceased except once the Jordan was crossed. But why in that scarcity of the wilderness they also desired flesh, when they had gone out of Egypt with their own very numerous cattle, is a great question. Unless perhaps it be said that, since throughout the wilderness there were not such great pastures, and from this the fecundity of the cattle seemed likely to be less, they spared the cattle, lest, all being consumed, even the things necessary for the sacrifices should be lacking—or whatever else can be said whereby this question may be resolved.
Yet it is more fittingly believed that they did not desire the flesh which they could have from the cattle, but that which was lacking—namely, from the waters. For those very things they did not find in that wilderness; whence to them also the 'ortygometra' was given, that is, birds which many have translated into Latin as 'quails,' though the 'ortygometra' is another kind of bird, albeit not altogether unlike quails. For God knew what they desired, and with what kind of flesh He would satisfy their desire. But since Scripture had said they craved flesh, and had not expressed what kind of flesh, therefore the question arose. 'They ate manna until they came into the region of Phoenicia.' It had already said: 'until they came to the land that is inhabited';
but because it had not expressed with precision which land it meant, by the repetition it seems to have expressed a certain precision by saying 'into the region of Phoenicia.' But it must then be believed that that land was so called; for now it is not called by this name. For there is another region, which is called Phoenicia, the region of Tyre and Sidon, through which they are not read to have passed. Although Scripture could perhaps have called it the land of Phoenicia where palm trees had already begun to be after the desolation of the wilderness, since 'palm' in Greek is so called ('phoinix'). For at the beginning of their departure they found a place where there had been seventy palm trees and twelve springs; but afterward the length of the wilderness received them, where there was no such thing, until they came to the places that were cultivated.
But that sense is more probable, that we should believe the land was then so called. For the names of many lands and places, as also of rivers and cities, have been changed through antiquity for certain existing causes. 'And the Lord said to Moses: Go before the people; and take with you some of the elders of the people; and take in your hand the rod with which you struck the river.' It is read that Aaron struck the river, not Moses, with the rod; for Moses with that same rod divided the sea, not the river. What, then, does 'take the rod with which you struck the river' mean for Him? Or did He perhaps call the sea a 'river'? An example of this manner of speaking must be sought, if that is so.
Or is it that what Aaron did was rather attributed to Moses, because it was through Moses that God commanded what Aaron should do, and in Moses lay the authority, while in the other lay the ministry? Since indeed even in his very first words God says this to him concerning his brother: 'He shall be to thee a mouth toward the people, and thou shalt be to him in the things that pertain to God.' And 'Behold, I stand upon the top of the hill, and the rod of God is in my hand,' Moses says to Joshua the son of Nun, when he was commanding that battle be waged against Amalek. Now therefore it is called the rod of God, which was first called the rod of Aaron, and afterward the rod of Moses. Just as the spirit of Elijah is spoken of, which is the Spirit of God, of which Elijah was made a partaker, so that rod could be so called. God's righteousness too is spoken of, which is ours, yet bestowed by God: speaking of which the Apostle rebukes the Jews, saying:
'being ignorant of God's righteousness, and wishing to establish their own righteousness'—that is, as though prepared for themselves by themselves. Against such he says: 'For what hast thou that thou didst not receive?' 'Now Aaron came, and all the elders of Israel, to eat bread with Moses' father-in-law before God,' or, as other copies have it, 'in the presence of God,' which in Greek is written 'enantion tou Theou.' It is asked how they ate 'before God,' when there was as yet neither the tabernacle nor the ark of the covenant, which were established afterward. For neither here can we take it as said of something future, as is said of the manna that was placed in the golden vessel. Therefore we ought to take 'before God' as meaning that what was done was done in God's honour; for where is God not present?
「不明白天主的義,想要立自己的義」,就是彷彿是他們憑自己為自己所預備的。使徒針對這樣的人說:「你有什麼不是領受的呢?」「亞倫和以色列的眾長老都來了,與摩西的岳父在天主面前吃飯」,或如別的抄本所載「在天主的面前」,希臘文寫作「enantion tou Theou」。有人問:他們怎能「在天主面前」吃飯,因為那時既沒有帳幕,也沒有約櫃——這些都是後來才設立的。我們也不能像論到那放在金罐裡的嗎哪那樣,把此處當作預表將來之事來理解。所以我們當把「在天主面前」理解為:所行之事乃是為榮耀天主而行的;因為天主哪裡不在呢?
Moses says to his father-in-law: 'Because the people come to me to seek judgment from God; for when a dispute befalls them and they come to me, I judge each one and I make known to them the precepts of God and his law.' It may be asked how Moses could say these things, when as yet no law of God had been written down—unless it be because the law of God is eternal, which all pious minds consult, so that whatever they find in it they may do or command or forbid, according as that immutable Truth has enjoined. For are we to believe that Moses, although God spoke with him, was accustomed to consult God about every single matter, if any question arose in the disputes of so great a multitude, which detained him in this business of judging from morning until evening?
And yet, unless he consulted the Lord who presides over his own mind, and wisely attended to his eternal law, he could not have found out what was most just to judge among the disputants. As to the fact that Jethro gives counsel to his son-in-law Moses, lest, taken up with the judgments of the people, both he and the people be worn away with intolerable exhaustion, the first question is why God allowed his servant, with whom he himself spoke such great and such lofty things, to be admonished by a foreigner. In this Scripture admonishes us that counsel of truth, given through any man whatsoever, ought not to be despised. It must also be considered whether perhaps God willed Moses to be admonished by a foreigner precisely there where pride too might tempt him:
for he sat alone in the loftiness of the judgment seat while the whole people stood. For Jethro himself indicates this sense, when he ordered those to be chosen to judge the causes of the people who hated pride. Then, how much that ought to be observed which Scripture says elsewhere, 'Son, let not thy acts be in many things,' appears sufficiently here too. Next the words of Jethro giving counsel to Moses must be considered; for he says: 'Now therefore hearken to me, and I will give thee counsel, and God shall be with thee.' Here it seems to me signified that the mind excessively intent upon human affairs is in a certain way emptied of God, whereby it becomes fuller in proportion as it is more freely extended toward things heavenly and eternal. And where he adds and says: 'Be thou to the people in the things that pertain to God, and thou shalt bring their words to God';
'and thou shalt testify to them the precepts of God and his law, and shalt show them the ways in which they shall walk, and the works which they shall do'—he shows that these are to be done with the whole people. For he does not say: 'Bring each one's words to God,' but 'their words,' since he had said above: 'Be thou to the people in the things that pertain to God.' After these things he admonishes that the private affairs which men have among themselves not be neglected, but be committed of course to chosen men, mighty, worshipping God, just, and who hate pride, whom he was to set some over thousands, others over hundreds, others over fifties, others over tens.
Thus he removed both from Moses himself the heavy and dangerous occupations and did not burden these men, since they who had a thousand had one over themselves, and under him they had another ten, and under these others twenty, and under these others a hundred, so that scarcely anything reached each of the several officials which they needed of necessity to judge. Here too an example of humility is instilled, in that Moses, with whom God spoke, did not disdain nor despise the counsel of his foreigner father-in-law. And yet whether Jethro himself, since he was not an Israelite, is to be reckoned among the men who worshipped the true God and who were religiously wise—just as Job also, since he was not from that people—is rightly asked; indeed it is held the more credible.
For the words are set down ambiguously, whether he sacrificed to the true God among his people, when he saw his son-in-law, or whether Moses himself adored him; although concerning adoration, even if it had been expressly stated, it would seem to be honour rendered to a father-in-law in the manner in which it is wont to be shown to men by fathers for the sake of honour; just as it is written of Abraham that he adored the sons of Heth. But whom he calls 'grammatoeisagogeis' after the decurions cannot easily be known, since we have this name in no usage either of offices or of teaching posts. For some have interpreted them as 'doctors,' so that they be understood assuredly of letters, men who introduce others into letters, as the Greek word resounds.
Here indeed it is signified that before the law was given the Hebrews had letters; but when these began to exist, I know not whether it can be traced out. For to some it seems that they began from the first men and were carried down to Noah and thence to the forefathers of Abraham and thence to the people of Israel; but whence this can be proved, I do not know. 'And in the third month of the departure of the children of Israel from the land of Egypt, on this day they came into the wilderness of Sinai. And they set out from Rephidim and came into the wilderness of Sinai, and there Israel encamped over against the mountain. And Moses went up into the mountain of God, and the Lord called him from the mountain, saying: These things shalt thou say to the house of Jacob and shalt announce to the children of Israel,' and so forth. Then a little after:
'Go down and testify to the people, and sanctify them today and tomorrow, and let them wash their garments and be ready against the third day. For on the third day the Lord shall come down upon Mount Sinai in the sight of all the people.' On this day is found the giving of the law, which was written on tablets of stone by the finger of God, as what follows teaches. And this third day appears to be the third day of the third month from the departure of Israel out of Egypt. From the day, therefore, on which they kept the Passover—that is, immolated and ate the lamb—which was the fourteenth of the first month, up to this day on which the law is given, fifty days are numbered: seventeen namely of the first month, the rest reckoned from that very fourteenth;
then all thirty of the second month, which make forty-seven, and the third day of the third month, which is the fiftieth from the solemnity of the slain lamb. And through this, in that shadow of the thing to come, as the law was given on the fiftieth day after the festal day of the immolated lamb—the law that was written by the finger of God—so in the very truth of the New Testament, from the festivity of the immaculate Lamb Christ Jesus fifty days are numbered, until the Holy Spirit was given from on high. And that the finger of God is the Holy Spirit we have already said above too, with the Gospel as witness. It is asked how the ten precepts of the law are to be divided: whether there are four up to the precept concerning the sabbath, which pertain to God himself, and the remaining six, of which the first is:
'Honour thy father and mother'—which pertain to man; or rather whether the former are three and the latter seven. For those who say the former are four separate what is said, 'Thou shalt have no other gods besides me,' so that it be another precept, 'Thou shalt not make thee an idol,' and the rest, where the worship of fabricated images is forbidden; but they wish this to be one: 'Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's wife, thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's house,' and all the rest to the end. But those who say the former are three and the latter seven wish whatever is enjoined concerning the worship of the one God to be one, lest anything else besides him be worshipped for God; and these last they divide into two, so that one be 'Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's wife,' and another 'Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's house.'
Yet that there are ten precepts neither party doubts, since Scripture attests this. To me, however, it seems more fitting to accept those three and these seven, because those which pertain to God seem also to intimate the Trinity to those who look more diligently. And indeed what is said, 'Thou shalt have no other gods besides me,' is itself more fully explained when the worship of fabricated images is forbidden. Furthermore, the coveting of another's wife and the coveting of another's house differ so much in the sinning, that to that which is said, 'Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's house,' there are joined other things, Scripture saying:
'nor his field, nor his manservant, nor his maidservant, nor his ox, nor his beast of burden, nor any of his cattle, nor whatever is thy neighbour's.' But it appears that the coveting of another's wife is distinguished from the coveting of any other thing of another's, since it began each thus: 'Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's wife'; 'Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's house,' and to this latter it began to join the rest. But it did not, when it had said, 'Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's wife,' connect to this the others, saying, 'nor his house, nor his field, nor his manservant,' and the rest; but altogether these appear to be conjoined which seem to be contained under one precept, and set apart from that in which the wife is named. But that in which it is said:
'Thou shalt have no other gods besides me,' it appears that a more diligent working-out of this matter is in those things which are subjoined. For to what does this pertain: 'Thou shalt not make thee an idol nor any likeness of whatever things are in heaven above and whatever are in the earth beneath and whatever are in the water under the earth, thou shalt not adore them nor serve them,' except to that which is said, 'Thou shalt have no other gods besides me'? But again it is asked how 'Thou shalt not steal' differs from that which a little after is enjoined concerning not coveting the neighbour's goods. Not indeed does everyone who covets his neighbour's thing steal; but assuredly everyone who steals covets his neighbour's thing.
In that generality, where it is enjoined not to covet the neighbour's thing, that also which pertains to theft could be contained. Similarly it is also asked how what is said, 'Thou shalt not commit adultery,' differs from that which a little after is said, 'Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's wife.' For in that which is said, 'Thou shalt not commit adultery,' that too could be understood—unless perhaps in those two sins, of adultery and of theft, the very deeds are marked, while in these last, the very coveting: which differ so far that sometimes one commits adultery who does not covet the neighbour's wife, when he is mingled with her for some other cause, and sometimes one covets and is not mingled with her, fearing punishment.
And this perhaps the law wished to show, that both are sins. Likewise it is wont to be asked whether under the name of adultery fornication too is comprehended. For this is a Greek word which Scripture already uses in place of a Latin one; yet in Greek 'moechos' means none but adulterers. But assuredly this law was given not to men only among the people but also to women. For not because it was said, 'Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's wife,' ought a woman to think that nothing here was enjoined for herself, and, as though lawfully, covet the husband of her neighbour. If therefore this is understood here from what was said to the man—although it was not said that it also pertains to the woman—how much more, by that which is said:
'Thou shalt not commit adultery,' both sexes are bound, since the precept itself can be referred to both, just as 'Thou shalt not kill,' 'Thou shalt not steal,' and the others which likewise, without one sex being expressed, seem to sound in common for both! Yet where one is expressed, assuredly the more honourable is expressed, that is, the masculine, so that from this the woman too may understand what is enjoined upon her. And through this, if a woman is an adulteress, having a husband, by lying with him who is not her husband, even if he has no wife, assuredly he too is an adulterer, a man having a wife, by lying with her who is not his wife, even if she has no husband.
But whether, if one who has no wife, or a woman who has no husband, does this, they are held bound by the transgression of this precept, is rightly asked. For if they are not held, fornication is not forbidden in the Decalogue, but only adultery—that is, 'moechia'—although all adultery is understood to be also fornication, as the Scriptures speak; for the Lord says in the Gospel: 'Whosoever shall put away his wife, saving for the cause of fornication, maketh her to commit adultery.' Here assuredly he called it fornication, if she who has a husband sin with another, which is adultery, that is, 'moechia.' Every adultery, therefore, is also called fornication in the Scriptures.
But whether all fornication too can be called adultery, in those same Scriptures no example of the expression occurs to me for the present. But if not all fornication can also be called adultery, where in the Decalogue that fornication is forbidden which men who have no wives commit with women who have no husbands, whether it can be found, I do not know. But if under the name of theft is rightly understood every unlawful usurpation of another's thing—for he did not permit robbery who forbade theft; but assuredly he wished the whole to be understood from a part, whatever is unlawfully taken away of the neighbour's things—assuredly under the name of adultery too every unlawful intercourse and unlawful use of those members ought to be understood as forbidden. And as to what was said:
'Thou shalt not kill,' it is not to be thought that this precept is acted against when the law kills, or when God commands someone to be killed. For he does it who commands, when it is not lawful to refuse the ministry. In that too which is said, 'Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour,' it is wont to be asked whether every lie is forbidden—lest perhaps this precept be not against those who say that one is then to lie, when that lie profits someone and does no harm to him to whom you lie. For such a lie is not 'against thy neighbour'; so that Scripture seems for this reason to have added this, which could briefly have said, 'Thou shalt not bear false witness,' just as it said, 'Thou shalt not kill, thou shalt not commit adultery, thou shalt not steal.'
But hence there is a great question, nor can it be conveniently explained by those in haste, how this is to be taken: 'Thou shalt destroy all that speak a lie,' and: 'Be not willing to make any lie whatever,' and other things of this kind. 'And all the people saw the voice and the lamps and the voice of the trumpet and the mountain smoking.' It is wont to be asked how the people 'saw' a voice, since a voice seems to pertain not to sight but rather to hearing. But just as I said just now, 'it seems' of all the things that have been said by me, so 'to see' is wont to be put for the general sense, not only of the body but also of the mind. Whence too is that: 'When Jacob saw that there was food in Egypt,' from which of course he was absent.
Although some have judged that 'to see' a voice is nothing other than 'to understand,' which is the sight of the mind. But since here it had to be said briefly that the people 'saw the voice and the lamps and the voice of the trumpet and the mountain smoking,' a greater question would arise, how it 'heard' the lamps and the smoking mountain, which pertains to the sense of seeing—unless one should say that it ought not to have been said so briefly, so that the whole might be stated: 'It heard the voice and saw the lamps and heard the voice of the trumpet and saw the mountain smoking.' For there were two kinds of voice: from the clouds, like thunder, and from the trumpet—if indeed it called that a voice which was uttered from the clouds.
And through this, it is better that in those things which pertained to the sense of hearing the general sense was put—that is, of seeing—when Scripture wished briefly to embrace the whole, than that in those things which pertain to the sense of seeing, hearing should be understood by implication: a manner of speaking we are not accustomed to. For we are accustomed to say 'see what it sounds like,' but we are not accustomed to say 'hear what it shines like.' 'Speak thou to us, and let not God speak to us, lest perhaps we die.' It is much and solidly signified that fear rather pertains to the Old Testament, as love to the New, although in the Old the New too lies hidden, and in the New the Old lies open.
But how 'to see the voice of God' can be attributed to such a people—if this is to be taken as 'to understand'—when they fear that God should speak to them lest they die, does not sufficiently shine forth. 'And Moses says to them: Be steadfast; for God is come to you to try you, that the fear of him may be in you, that ye sin not.' Thus they had to be restrained from sins assuredly by fearing, lest they suffer sensible penalties, because they could not yet love righteousness. And in this was there a trial for them from the Lord, by which they were tested, that it might appear of what sort they were—not that they might become known to God, from whom they were not hidden whatever sort they were, but that they might be known among themselves and to themselves.
Yet in these terrors much of the difference of the Old Testament is commended, which is also most openly stated in the Epistle to the Hebrews. 'And Moses entered into the cloud, where God was'—that is, where the more express signs were made, by which God was recognized. For how was he in a cloud, whom the heaven of heavens does not suffice to contain? Except in the manner in which he is nowhere absent, who is in no place. 'Ye shall not make you gods of silver, and gods of gold ye shall not make you.' What was inculcated in the first precept is repeated; and by 'gods of silver and gold' assuredly all images are understood, as in that psalm too: 'The idols of the nations are silver and gold.'
As to what is enjoined concerning the Hebrew slave, that he should serve six years and be sent away free without price—lest Christian slaves demand this of their masters, apostolic authority bids slaves to be subject to their masters, lest the name of God and the doctrine be blasphemed. For that this was enjoined in a mystery is sufficiently clear from this, because God also commanded that the ear of him who had refused that liberty be bored through with an awl to the doorpost. 'And if anyone shall sell his daughter as a maidservant, she shall not go out as the female slaves go out. But if she please not her master, to whom he had not betrothed her, he shall let her be ransomed. But to a foreign nation the master has no power to sell her, since he has despised her. But if he betroth her to his son, he shall do to her according to the ordinance of daughters.'
'But if he take another for him, he shall not defraud her of what is needful, and of her clothing, and of her fellowship. But if he do not these three things for her, she shall go out free without price.' Unfamiliar words and expressions have made this a most obscure passage, so that our interpreters could scarcely find how to explain it. In the Greek diction itself too what is here said is very obscure. Nevertheless I will disclose, as I shall be able, what seems to be meant. 'But if anyone,' it says, 'shall sell his daughter as a maidservant'—that is, that she be a maidservant, whom the Greeks call 'oiketis'—'she shall not go out as the female slaves go out,' is to be understood: 'she shall not go out as the Hebrew female slaves go out after six years.'
For that law which is observed in males must be understood as given also in the case of a Hebrew woman. Why then shall she not go out thus, except because in that servitude she is understood to have been humbled, in that the master mingled himself with her? For this in the sequel becomes somehow clear. For it follows and says: 'But if she please not her master, to whom he had not betrothed her'—that is, did not make her his wife—'he shall let her be ransomed,' this is what it said above: 'she shall not go out as the female slaves go out.' For it is just that she should receive something for the fact that she was humbled, since he did not mingle with her in such a way as to make her his wife, that is, to betroth her to himself. But this which we said, 'he shall let her be ransomed,' certain interpreters have rendered:
'he shall redeem her,' which, if it had been said in Greek 'apolysetai,' it would have been written as it is written: 'and he himself shall redeem Israel'; for 'apolytrosetai' is written there. But in this place 'apolytrosei' is read, where it is understood that he receives something rather than gives it on her behalf, that she be redeemed. For to whom shall her master give, that he may redeem her whom he himself possesses as maidservant? 'But to a foreign nation the master has no power to sell her, since he has despised her'—that is: not because he has despised her is the master therefore empowered to sell her, that is, to have such dominion over her that he may lawfully sell her even to a foreign nation. But this is 'he has despised her,' which is 'he despised her'; and 'he despised her' is this: 'he humbled her,' that is, by lying with her and not making her his wife.
But it said in Greek 'ethetesen,' which we rendered 'he despised'; which word Scripture uses in Jeremiah: 'as a woman despises him with whom she is joined.' Then it follows and says: 'But if he betroth her to his son, he shall do to her according to the ordinance of daughters.' Here it now begins to appear how it said above: 'to whom he had not betrothed her.' For what else is 'if he betroth her to his son' but 'if he join her to his son as wife?' Since indeed it says: 'he shall do to her according to the ordinance of daughters,' that is, 'so that he hand her over as though a daughter,' setting a dowry of course for her. Then it adds:
'But if he take another for him'—that is, does not reckon this one as wife for his son, but takes another for him—'he shall not defraud her of what is needful, and of her clothing, and of her fellowship'; he shall give her by a like law the things that are fitting, since she did not remain a wife to his son, in the same way as he would give if he had not betrothed her to himself and yet had humbled her by lying with her. But what we rendered 'he shall not defraud her of her fellowship,' the Greek has 'homilian,' that is, 'converse,' by which name Scripture is understood more decorously to designate intercourse.
But what is 'he shall not defraud her of intercourse' but 'he shall give a recompense in place of intercourse'? For in Daniel, the elders bearing false witness against Susanna say: 'a young man came to her, who was hidden in concealment, and lay with her.' But Daniel, questioning about this very thing, says: 'under what tree did you see them conversing together?' whereas they had said, 'he lay with her.' Then, accusing and convicting the other, he said: 'O seed of Canaan and not of Judah, beauty hath deceived thee, and lust hath perverted thy heart; for thus ye did to the daughters of Israel, but they, fearing, complied with you.'
But the Greek has 'omiloun hymin,' which could be said in Latin word for word 'they conversed with you,' by which intercourse would be signified. Now where it says: 'under what tree didst thou apprehend them?' the Greek has: 'didst thou apprehend them conversing with one another?' and there too intercourse is signified. As to what, therefore, concerning this woman with whom we are dealing, Scripture adds and says: 'But if he do not these three things for her, she shall go out free,' this is understood: if he himself has not humbled her by intercourse, nor joined her to his son, nor, another having been married by his son, cast this one out, she shall go out free—that is, it shall suffice for her not to be held in servitude; for she shall go out receiving nothing, like a Hebrew slave.
For her master is not permitted to unite her to a non-Hebrew man, whom it is not permitted to hand over to a foreign nation. But if he has united her to a Hebrew slave, this assuredly is understood, that she shall go out free with him, in no way separated from her husband. 'If anyone shall strike someone and he die, let him die the death; but he who did it unwillingly, but God delivered him into his hands, I will give thee a place to which he may flee.' It is asked here how it was said: 'but he who unwillingly, but God delivered him into his hands,' as though even if he had killed willingly, he could not kill unless God delivered into his hands. It is understood, therefore, that God alone did it when someone is killed by one unwilling; and for this, that God alone did it, it was said: 'but God delivered him into his hands.'
But when one kills willingly, both he himself kills and God delivered into his hands. This, therefore, is the difference: that there God alone did it, but here both God and man, on account of the will of the doer—yet not as God, as man. For God does it only justly, but man worthy of punishment: not because he killed him whom God would not have killed, but because through iniquity. For he did not offer a ministry to God commanding, but served his own malignant desire. In one and the same deed, therefore, both God is praised for his hidden equity and man is punished for his own iniquity. For not because God spared not his own Son, but delivered him up for us all, is Judas therefore excused, who delivered the same Christ to death.
'But if two men shall strive, and shall strike a woman with child, and her infant shall come forth not yet formed, he shall suffer damage; as much as the woman's husband shall lay upon him, and he shall give with entreaty.' To me it seems that these things are said rather for the sake of some signification than that Scripture was occupied about deeds of this kind. For if it attended to this, that a pregnant woman being struck should not be forced into a miscarriage, it would not have set down two men striving, since this could be committed even by one, who quarreled with the woman herself, or even did not quarrel, but did it by wishing to harm another's posterity. But because it did not wish an unformed offspring to pertain to homicide, assuredly it did not reckon as a man what is carried in the womb in such a state.
Here the question about the soul is wont to be agitated, whether that which is not formed can be understood even as ensouled, and therefore it is not homicide because it cannot be said to be deprived of soul, if it did not yet have a soul. For it follows and says: 'But if it be formed, he shall give soul for soul.' Where what else is understood but 'he himself too shall die?' For this it also enjoins in the other cases from this occasion: 'eye for eye, tooth for tooth, hand for hand, foot for foot, burning for burning, wound for wound, bruise for bruise,' by the equity of retaliation of course. Which law was therefore established that it might demonstrate what vengeance is owed.
For unless it were known through the law what was owed of vengeance, whence would it be known what pardon should remit, so that it could be said: 'and forgive us our debts, as we also forgive our debtors?' Debtors, therefore, are shown by the law, so that when it is pardoned, it may appear what is remitted. For neither would we remit debts, unless we learned by the law's indication what was owed to us.
If therefore that unformed offspring had indeed already existed, but was as yet in some manner formlessly ensouled—since a great question about the soul is not to be precipitated by the rashness of an undiscussed opinion—the law therefore did not wish it to pertain to homicide, because a living soul cannot yet be said to be in that body which lacks sense, if it is of such a kind in flesh not yet formed and therefore not yet endowed with senses. But what it said, 'and he shall give with entreaty,' which it had appointed to be given to the husband of the woman upon the unformed offspring being cast out, is not readily to be understood. For 'axioma,' which the Greek has, is understood in several ways, and it was more tolerably said 'with entreaty' than if something else were said.
For perhaps he will demand that he give it, so as to satisfy God in that way, even if the husband or the wife does not require it. 'But if an ox gore a man or a woman so that he dies, the ox shall be stoned with stones and its flesh shall not be eaten; but the owner of the ox shall be innocent.' It pertains to justice that an animal harmful to men be put to death. And what is set down concerning the ox is to be understood, from a part, of the whole: whatever among the beasts subject to human use is dangerous to men. But if it is necessary that it be killed, why stoned? For what does it matter, in the case of an animal that must be removed, by what death it is removed?
Next, as to what he added, that its flesh must not be eaten — to what does this pertain, unless all these things signify something, which Scripture is especially wont to regard? 'But if someone's ox gore his neighbour's ox so that it dies, they shall sell the living ox and divide its price, and they shall likewise divide the ox that has died.' Is this rule of justice to be observed in the case of an ox alone, and not in a like case involving any beast? Accordingly this too is to be understood from a part as the whole: but this cannot be done in the case of the flesh of a slaughtered beast, which is not eaten. What rule of justice is it, that for one calf five be repaid, but for a sheep four, unless it be understood to signify something?
'But if a thief be found breaking in, and being struck he dies, it is no murder for the man; but if the sun be risen upon him, he is guilty; he shall die for the death.' It is understood, then, that it does not amount to murder if a nocturnal thief is killed, but if a daytime thief, it does; for this is what he says: 'if the sun be risen upon him.' For it could be discerned that he had come to steal, not to kill, and therefore ought not to be killed. This is found also in the ancient secular laws — though this law is more ancient than they — that a nocturnal thief may be killed with impunity in whatever manner, but a daytime thief only if he defends himself with a weapon; for then he is already more than a thief. What is: 'he who has been convicted through God shall restore double'?
— unless because God sometimes wills, by a sign given, to expose the perjurer. 'Thou shalt not curse the gods.' It is asked whom he called gods: whether the princes who judge the people — as it was said of Moses that he was given as a god to Pharaoh — so that what follows may be said by way of explanation, as if pointing out whom he called gods, where he says: 'and thou shalt not curse the prince of thy people,' which the Greek has as: 'thou shalt not speak evil.' Or is it to be taken according to what the Apostle says: 'for even if there are those who are called gods, whether in heaven or on earth, as there are many gods and many lords'? For by adding 'as there are' he wished those to be understood who are even worthily so called: just so, indeed.
So that what in Greek is called λατρεία, and in Latin is rendered 'servitude' — but that servitude which is understood to pertain to religion — is owed to none but the one true God, who is our God. But those who are called gods, even if there be any who are rightly so called, are forbidden to be cursed; they are not commanded to be honoured with sacrifices or with any observances of latria. 'Thou shalt not be with the many in wrongdoing.' Let no one thereby excuse himself, because he did it together with the many, nor for that reason think it no sin. 'And thou shalt not pity a poor man in judgement.' Unless he had added 'in judgement,' it would be a great problem; but it would have to be understood so, even had it not been written; for above he had said: 'thou shalt not join with the multitude to turn aside with the many, so as to pervert judgement.'
And by this, 'thou shalt not pity a poor man' could be understood as 'in judgement.' But since it has been added, there is no question that this is the precept: lest perchance, when we judge, we should see justice to be on the side of the rich against the poor, and think ourselves to act rightly if, against justice, we favour the poor for pity's sake. Mercy therefore is good, but it ought not to be against judgement. Now Scripture calls 'judgement' that which is just. But lest anyone, on account of this saying, should think that God forbids mercy, what follows most opportunely follows:
'But if thou meet the ox of thine enemy, or his beast of burden going astray, thou shalt bring it back and restore it to him' — so that thou mayest know thou art not forbidden to show mercy, do it even toward thine enemies, when the power is free of any judging. For when thou bringest back the straying ox of thine enemy and restorest it, thou dost not sit as judge between any parties. 'Six years thou shalt sow thy land and gather its fruit; but in the seventh year thou shalt make a remission and give it rest, and the poor of thy people shall eat, and what remains the wild beasts shall eat. So shalt thou do with thy vineyard and thy olive-grove.' It may be asked what the poor gather, if in the seventh year he so spares the land that it is not even sown — for what was said does not pertain to the vineyard and olive-grove:
'the poor of thy people shall eat' — because from unsown land they can take nothing, where crops cannot arise. But of the vineyard and olive-grove he afterward says the like must be done; and by this the former is understood of the fields which serve for grain. Or is it to be taken thus: 'six years thou shalt sow thy land and gather its fruit,' that is, 'six years thou shalt sow and gather'; but in the seventh thou shalt not gather — so that 'thou shalt sow' is understood, even though it is not said, so that sowing and gathering belong to the six years, but to the seventh belongs to leave alone whatever has been sown?
For what will the poor have from it, whose remainder he has given even to the wild beasts — namely to those which can feed on those crops, such as wild boars and stags and anything of that kind? Yet this would not be said except for the sake of some signification.
For if, as regards the precepts given to men, God has no care for oxen — which is not to be understood as though he himself did not feed those creatures which neither sow nor reap nor gather into barns, but because it is no concern of his to admonish man by precept how he should provide for his ox — how much less is it his concern to give precept about the wild beasts, how they are to be provided for by men, since he himself feeds them with the riches of nature everywhere fruitful, he who feeds them also throughout the other six years, when the sown crops are gathered! 'Thou shalt not boil a lamb in its mother's milk' — how this is to be understood according to the proper sense of the words, I know not whether it can be found.
For if we take the boiling of a lamb in milk to be forbidden for the sake of some signification, there is no such use of cooking; but if it refers to the days in which it is being suckled, what Jew ever held it as an observance not to cook a lamb until it had ceased to suck? And what is 'in its mother's milk'? As if, even were this the meaning, it could be cooked without transgression of this precept, if, upon its being born, its mother having died, it were suckled by another ewe — since no one doubts that the precept exists for the sake of signifying something. But even those things which can be practised as observances were thus commanded not without cause; for they signify something. But how this is to be observed according to the proper sense of the words, either there is no way, or it is not clear.
Nevertheless I approve the understanding concerning Christ: that by this prophecy it was foretold that the infant should not be killed by the Jews, when Herod, seeking him to kill him, did not find him — so that the 'thou shalt boil' which was said may pertain to the fire of the passion, that is, of tribulation. Whence it is said: 'the furnace tests the potter's vessels, and the trial of tribulation tests just men.' Because then, therefore, the infant did not suffer, when, with Herod seeking him, such a danger seemed to threaten, it was foretold in these words: 'thou shalt not boil a lamb in its mother's milk,' meaning 'thou shalt not slay Christ'; for the prophecy seems to give warning beforehand, lest the good Israelites associate themselves with the wicked Jews by whom Christ suffered. For the tribulation of the passion is as it were fire. Whence it is written:
'As gold in the furnace he proved them, and as a whole burnt sacrifice he received them.' To this saying the Lord also bears witness, saying: 'I have a baptism to be baptized with, which ye know not.' For he said this when he had said: 'I am come to send fire upon the earth.' For John says: 'he shall baptize you in the Holy Spirit and in fire,' which is understood both of the purgation of sanctification and of the proving of tribulation. He signified this same fire also when he was being led to the passion, where he said to those who were bewailing him, that they ought rather to bewail themselves. For thus he concluded, saying: 'if they do these things in the green wood, what shall be done in the dry?' The good, therefore, are admonished not to consent with the wicked to the crucifying of Christ.
For he was called the Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world. 'Thou shalt not, therefore, boil a lamb in its mother's milk': thou shalt not bring upon Christ the fire of the passion on that day on which he was conceived; for on that day too he is recorded to have suffered, namely the eighth of the Kalends of April, from which day to the eighth of the Kalends of January, on which his birth is commemorated, nine months are reckoned, the tenth being begun. Now the breasts of women are said to gather milk from the day of conception. But there is another, easier sense. 'Thou shalt not boil a lamb in its mother's milk': thou shalt not send into premature passion one still little and suckling — such as those to whom the Apostle says: 'I gave you milk to drink, not meat' — as if it were said to Christ, who spared such disciples as yet, offering himself for whom he says:
'If therefore ye seek me, let these go their way.' And that it might be understood that they were as yet weak and not fit for the passion, like lambs in their mother's milk, the evangelist adds: 'that the word might be fulfilled which he spoke, that of those whom thou gavest me I have lost none.' Whence it appears that those who then suffered would have perished; for they did not then suffer what they afterward suffered — no longer lambs in milk, but now rams in the flock. That too which others say is perhaps not absurd: that this was commanded through the prophet, lest the good Israelites associate themselves with the wicked Jews, by whom Christ suffered as a lamb in its mother's milk, that is, at the time in which he was conceived. For women are said,
from the time they conceive, gather milk; and that in that month Christ was <conceived and> suffered is shown both by the observance of the Pasch and by the day, most well known to the churches, of his nativity. For he who was born in the ninth month, about the eighth of the Kalends of January, was assuredly conceived in the first month, about the eighth of the Kalends of April. Which time was also that of his passion, in his mother's milk, that is, in the days of his mother's milk. 'Behold, I send my angel before thy face, to keep thee in the way, to bring thee into the land which I have prepared for thee. Give heed to thyself and hearken to him. Do not disbelieve him: for he shall take nothing from thee; for my name is upon him.' This is doubtless understood of him whose name was changed, that he might be called Jesus;
for he it was who led the people into the land of promise. 'And thou shalt serve the Lord thy God: and I will bless thy bread and thy wine and thy water, and I will turn away infirmity from you. There shall be none that fails to beget, nor barren, upon thy land. The number of thy days I will fulfil. And I will send fear which shall go before thee, and I will make maddened all the nations into which thou shalt enter,' and the rest. Although these promises can also be understood spiritually, yet when they are understood according to the temporal felicity of men, they pertain to the Old Testament: where, although the precepts — except those which signify something in a sacrament — are found to be the same, pertaining to good morals, yet the promises are carnal and earthly.
Whence in the seventy-second psalm the man <of God> says that his steps were almost slipped and poured out, when he was zealous against sinners, beholding the peace of sinners. For he saw those things abound to the ungodly which he himself, according to the Old Testament, expected from the Lord God, whom he served for this reward. And when from this an ungodly thought began to creep upon him — that he should suppose God did not care for human affairs — he says he was corrected, since he did not dare disapprove the authority of the saints, and he undertook to understand, and says: 'this is labour before me, until I go into the sanctuary of God and understand in the last things.' For there rewards will be given that pertain to the New Testament, which the ungodly will not receive;
and then there will be the punishments of the ungodly, which none of the godly shall feel. 'And I will send hornets before thee, and it shall cast out the Amorites and the Hivites and the Canaanites and the Hittites from before thee.' It is asked concerning these hornets what is to be understood. For God both promises this, and the book of Wisdom says it was fulfilled, where it says: 'and he sent hornets before the vanguard of his host.' But we do not read that it was done, neither in the times of Moses nor under Joshua son of Nun nor under the judges nor under the kings. And by this these hornets are perhaps to be understood as the stings of fear, by which the aforesaid nations were driven, so that they gave way to the children of Israel.
For it is God who speaks, in whose discourse, if something is said figuratively which is not fulfilled according to the proper sense, it does not impede the faith of the history, in which the truth of the narration is discerned. Just as neither is the narration of the evangelists, according to its proper sense, impeded, if something is said by Christ figuratively. 'If thou serve their gods, they shall be a stumbling-block to thee.' Here the Greek has δουλεύσῃς, not λατρεύσῃς; whence it is understood that δουλεία too is owed to God as to a lord, but λατρεία to none but God as to God. 'And to Moses he said: Come up to the Lord, thou and Aaron and Nadab and Abihu and seventy of the elders of Israel: and they shall worship the Lord from afar. And Moses alone shall draw near to the Lord, but they shall not draw near:
but the people shall not come up with them.' Then Moses went in and recounted to the people all the words of God and the ordinances of justice. And all the people answered with one voice, saying: 'all the words which the Lord has spoken we will do and hear.' Up to this place of Scripture are understood the ordinances of justice which were given to the people to observe. And they begin, so far as the very words of Scripture indicate — whence this name of 'ordinances of justice' took its beginning — from that Hebrew servant whose ear is bored through to the doorpost. In all these ordinances of justice it is to be considered what things among them can be applied to the leading of life and the preservation of good morals.
For there are among them many sacraments signifying something rather than instructing our life. The Latin translators indeed called those 'ordinances of justice' which the Greeks call δικαιώματα. It is to be noted that again the people so answers: 'all the words which the Lord has spoken we will do and hear,' when the order would seem to require that it be said: 'we will hear and do.' But it is strange if some meaning does not lie hidden here. For if 'we will hear' is put for that which is 'we will understand,' one must first render to the words of God the servitude of doing, so that unto the understanding of those things which are done at his own bidding — by the merit of that devotion whereby they were not despised but done — he himself may lead.
But it is to be seen whether this people be found like that son who said to his commanding father, 'I will go into the vineyard,' and went not. For the Gentiles, who utterly despised the Lord, being afterward justified through the obedience of the one, laid hold of justice — they who did not follow after justice. It is to be noted that Moses built an altar under the mountain and twelve stones for the twelve tribes of Israel. For it is understood that the altar built of twelve stones signified that the people itself is the altar of God, just as it is the temple of God. 'And they offered a victim of salvation to God.' He did not say 'a saving victim,' but 'a victim of salvation,' which the Greek has as σωτηρίου.
Whence also in the psalm, 'I will take,' he says, 'the cup of salvation,' he did not say 'the saving cup.' Where it is to be seen whether perhaps He is signified of whom Simeon said: 'for mine eyes have seen thy salvation.' For the psalm too commends this same one, where it is read: 'proclaim well from day to day his salvation.' For what else is it — if we attend more diligently to what he says, 'day from day' — but light from light, that is, God from God, which is the only-begotten Son? 'And Moses, taking half of the blood, poured it into a bowl; and the remaining part of the blood he sprinkled at the altar. And taking the book of the testament, he recited it in the ears of the people.'
It is to be noted that Scripture now clearly says Moses sacrificed for the first time, from the point when the people was led out of Egypt. For first it had been said of Jethro his father-in-law — though with some ambiguity — that he offered sacrifice to God. And it is to be observed that the book of the testament is recited together with the blood of the victim; in which book we ought to take those ordinances of justice to have been written. For that the decalogue of the law was written on tablets of stone was afterward made manifest. 'And they said: all things whatsoever the Lord has spoken we will do and hear.' They answer no otherwise — behold, now for the third time. 'And Moses went up, and Aaron and Nadab and Abihu and seventy of the elders of Israel, and they saw the place where the God of Israel had stood.'
It is agreed among those who understand rightly that God is contained in no place, nor places the members of a body in any sort of bodily posture, as is the case with our body — to sit, to lie, to stand, and anything of that kind. For these are only of bodies, but God is spirit. What, therefore, shows itself in a bodily appearance or in signs bodily expressed, is not his substance appearing, whereby he is that which he is, but the assumption of visible forms lies subject to his omnipotence. 'And of the chosen of Israel not one dissented: and they appeared in the place of God, and ate and drank.' Who would doubt that those whom he named individually, and the seventy elders, are now called the 'chosen of Israel'?
who without doubt bore the person of those who are chosen among the people of God. For not all men have faith, and the Lord knows who are his; but in a great house there are some vessels unto honour, others unto dishonour. Since therefore 'whom he foreknew, them he also predestined; and whom he predestined, them he also called; and whom he called, them he also justified; and whom he justified, them he also glorified' — assuredly of the chosen of Israel not one dissented. And they are signified by the quaternary number in Moses and Aaron and Nadab and Abihu, on account of the four Gospels and the promise of the whole world, which is divided into four parts;
and the seventy of the elders of Israel — namely by the number seven multiplied tenfold, which pertains to signifying the Holy Spirit. By the sapphire, moreover, the heavenly life is signified, especially because it was said: 'like the appearance of the firmament.' And who does not know that the firmament is called heaven? And the form of the brick in that same sapphire figures the very squareness, or the stability, or the sacrament of that same quaternary number. But that they eat and drink in the place of God signifies sweetness and satiety in that kingdom of eternity. For 'blessed are they that hunger and thirst after justice, for they shall be satisfied.' Whence also the Lord says that many shall come — whom, indeed? None but the chosen, the foreknown, the predestined, the called, the justified,
the glorified — and shall recline with Abraham and Isaac and Jacob in the kingdom of heaven. For in another place too he himself promises this to his faithful: that he will make them recline, and passing by, will minister to them. What does it mean that Joshua son of Nun, not commemorated among those four, suddenly appears with Moses and goes up with him into the mountain to receive the tablets of the law; and suddenly again Joshua is hidden, that is, is passed over in silence; and Moses received the law on two tablets and appears again with him? Or does it perhaps signify that the New Testament, under the name of Jesus, is both hidden in the law and at times appears to those who understand?
But as to the fact that he is already called Jesus (Joshua), whereas Scripture testifies that he received that name in the book of Numbers — when it was already near that they should enter the land of promise — by prolepsis, that is, by anticipation, Scripture anticipates what was afterward done. For all these things were written after they were done; and by this, when that was done which is here commemorated, he was not yet called Jesus, but when it was written he was already so called. 'And thou shalt make on it wave-mouldings of gold, wreathed, round about.' He said 'wave-mouldings,' which stand out in the squaring, on the four sides, as square tables are wont to be made.
Nor ought we to take 'wreathed' as meaning movable — for they are fixed, as I said the tables are wont to have them — but by 'wreathed' he meant 'twisted,' which in Greek are called στρεπτά, either by fluting, as twisted columns are, or by two little rods interwoven in the manner of a cord, as necklaces too are wont to be made. But as to what he says: 'and thou shalt make for it four rings of gold and set them upon the four sides: two rings on one side and two rings on the second side,' the four rings, one at each of the four corners, meet, and by the number of the corners it comes about that what is set on two sides is set on all four. For one corner is common to two sides;
otherwise it does not work out that two rings be set on the four sides, since there are four rings; for there ought to have been eight, if it is understood otherwise than as I said — being done by the number of the corners. For to this end are the rings set at the corners, that the supports or carrying-poles may be inserted, by which the ark is carried by four men, on this side and on that. What the 'propitiatory' (mercy-seat) may mean, which is to be set over the ark, is commonly asked about.
But since he commands it to be made of gold, and states its length and breadth to be as great as that of the ark itself, without doubt he directs that a kind of golden plate of such a form be made, by which the ark should be covered, in such a way that upon the propitiatory itself there should be two cherubim, on this side and on that, attending each to the other, so that their faces should be toward the propitiatory and with their wings they should overshadow the propitiatory: which is a great sacrament. For the gold signifies wisdom, the ark signifies the secret of God. In the ark were commanded to be placed the law and the manna and the rod of Aaron: in the law are the precepts, by the rod is signified power, by the manna grace — because there is no power of doing the precepts except with grace.
Nevertheless, because the law is not fulfilled in every part by anyone who makes progress, the propitiatory is above: for to this end there is need that God be propitious, and therefore it is placed above, because mercy exalts itself above judgement. And the two cherubim with their wings overshadow the propitiatory, that is, they honour by veiling, since these mysteries are there; and they attend to each other, because they agree — for the two testaments are figured there — and their faces are toward the propitiatory, because they greatly commend the mercy of God, in which alone is hope. Finally, from thence God promised he would speak to Moses, from the midst of the cherubim, from above the propitiatory.
Further, if the rational creature — in a multitude of knowledge, since this is the interpretation which the cherubim bear — is signified by those two very animals, they are two for this reason, that they may commend the fellowship of charity; they overshadow the propitiatory with their wings for this reason, because they ascribe their wings to God, not to themselves — that is, they honour God with the virtues in which they excel; and their faces are toward none but the propitiatory, because for whatever advancement toward a multitude of knowledge there is no hope save in the mercy of God. As to what he says: 'the rings shall be in the sheaths for the supports, for carrying the table,' this is to be understood, that the rings should be as it were the sheaths of the supports; that is, that the supports are inserted as into sheaths.
For 'they shall be in the sheaths' is so said as if it were said: they shall be for sheaths. He commands the tabernacle to be made of ten curtains, since the decalogue is of the law. And the curtains signify breadth on account of ease. For charity is the fullness of the law, and only the precepts of charity are easy. Whence this very enlargement is commended, when it is said: 'thou hast enlarged my steps beneath me, and my footsteps have not been weakened.' But since this enlargement is made through the grace of God — for the charity of God is poured forth in our hearts, not through ourselves, but through the Holy Spirit who has been given to us — therefore here this very number is mystically commended, which pertains also to the Holy Spirit, through whom the law can be fulfilled.
For the curtain is said to have to be twenty-eight cubits in length. Now this number, because it is to be divided by seven, is signified when he says the breadth of the curtain is four cubits. For four times seven make twenty-eight. And this number too is perfect, because, like six, it consists of its own parts. But as to what he so often says: 'thou shalt make cherubim upon it by the work of a weaver,' what else does he commend in all these than a multitude of knowledge, which is what 'cherubim' is interpreted to mean? 'And thou shalt make veils of hair to cover over the tabernacle; eleven veils shalt thou make them.' The veils of hair — that is, of goat's hair — are said to be eleven. For in sins there is transgression.
Now transgression is signified by the number eleven, since it transgresses (goes beyond) the ten, that is, the law. Therefore these same eleven, multiplied by seven, make seventy-seven. Whereby the Lord signified the universal remission of sins, saying: 'not only seven times, but even seventy times seven,' as many generations as are found when Luke, reckoning upward from the baptism of the Lord, ascends and arrives through Adam even unto God. For to this end is there a signification of sins in these veils: that through confession they may be expressed, and through the grace which has been given to the Church they may be abolished, that is, covered — whence it is said: 'blessed are they whose iniquities are forgiven and whose sins are covered.'
Then he commands those veils to be covered with rams' skins dyed red. And to whom would the ram dyed red not suggest Christ made bloody by his passion? By these are also signified the holy martyrs, by whose prayers God is made propitious to the sins of his people. Finally, over these are laid hyacinth-coloured skins, that the eternal life may be signified by the greenness, as it were by a perpetual vigour. 'Thou shalt make two little brackets for one column, standing over against each other,' that is: one on this side and one on that, from the sides of the column. He says 'little brackets' (anconisci), which we commonly call 'ancones,' such as are on the columns of wine-cellars, on which rest the timbers that bear the casks. And the likeness of the word is drawn from the elbows (cubita), where the arms are bent.
On which those reclining rest, who in Greek are called ἀγκῶνες. 'Two bases for one column.' Scripture seems to call 'bases' not only those by which the columns are supported from below, but also the upper ones, which we call capitals. Therefore he says: 'two bases for one column on both its parts.' For what are its 'both parts' but the upper and the lower? As to the fact that Scripture speaks of eight columns and their sixteen bases at the rear of the tabernacle, according to the aforesaid reckoning, whereas above it had said six, it is understood that, the two corner ones being counted in, they come to eight. 'And the veil shall divide for you between the midst of the holy and the midst of the holy of holies': that is, that between the holy and the holy of holies there be this veil, of which he now speaks.
...stretched out upon four columns. Concerning this distinction between the holy and the holy of holies the Epistle to the Hebrews speaks. For where the ark of the testimony is, there is the holy of holies, that is, within, beyond the veil. But outside are the table and the lampstand and the other things which a little before he said were to be made; these are called holy, and not the holy of holies. And by the outer part the Old Testament is signified, and by the inner part the New, since both are contained in the reading of the Old Testament, the one set forth openly in its works, the other prefigured in its symbolism. And on this account in the holy places there is a figure of a figure, because it is the figure of the Old Testament; but in the holy of holies there is the figure of the very truth, because it is the figure of the New Testament.
For indeed the whole Old Testament, in these things and in the observances which are thus commanded to be kept, is a figure. Concerning the altar it is asked how he willed it to be three cubits high, since this is about the height of a man's stature. How then was the altar ministered at, when in another place he forbids the altar to have steps? 'Lest,' he says, 'you uncover your shame upon it.' But there he was speaking of the altar that was to be constructed of earth or of stones, where the very steps, being built together with it, would indeed belong to the body of the altar; but now he commands the altar to be made of boards, so that if anything were set beside it for the hour of ministry, where the minister of the altar might stand, and when the ministry was completed it were taken away, it would certainly not belong to the body of the altar.
Likewise it is asked how the sacrifice that was offered could be burned upon a wooden altar, especially since he orders it to be made hollow and a grating to be set down as far as the middle of it, that is, the middle of its hollow made with lattice-work. Or is it because he said, 'And you shall make horns at the four corners; the horns shall be of one piece with it, and you shall overlay it with brass'—that the words 'you shall overlay it with brass' are not to be referred to the horns alone, but to all the things concerning the making of the altar of which he was speaking as he gave command? 'And you shall speak to all the wise of heart, whom I have filled with the spirit of understanding.' The Greek indeed has aisthēsis, which in Latin we are accustomed to call 'sense,' not 'understanding';
But Scripture is accustomed to speak thus of the inner sense, which we call understanding, as it does in the Epistle to the Hebrews: 'But solid food belongs to the perfect, to those who by practice have their senses exercised to discern good and evil.' For there where it set down 'senses,' the Greek has aisthēseōs. Whom then ought we to understand this spirit to be, except the Holy Spirit? 'And the robes which they shall make: the breastplate, the ephod, the ankle-length tunic, and the tunic with clusters.' It is to be noted that these are called 'robes' and the rest, although above he had proposed that a single robe be made. But 'the tunic with clusters' the Latin translators thought more fittingly said than if they had said 'with tassels,' which, when well arranged, are wont to be an ornament to garments.
As for the aspidiscae in the priestly garment, one may ask what he means by them. Are they little shields (scutulae), which in Latin are named from scutum ('shield'), since the Greeks too call a shield aspis? Or does he say aspidiscae, from the aspis serpent, on account of their being carefully bound together, just as the muraenae (lampreys) too are so named? 'A span in length and a span in breadth.' Certain Latin translators have interpreted this as 'the measure of an extended palm from the tip of the thumb to the tip of the little finger.' 'And let the stones be according to the names of the sons of Israel, according to their births,' that is, according to the order in which they were born. 'And you shall make upon the rationale fringes intertwined, chain-work of pure gold.' What the Latins translated 'rationale,' the poverty of the language brought about. For the Greek has logion, not logikon.
Now that which the Greeks call logikon, we are accustomed to call 'rational' (rationale). But since logos in the Greek language is ambiguous—whether it signifies 'word' or 'reason,' for it is the name of both things—where it was thought that logion was derived from 'word,' our translators rendered it 'utterance' (eloquium); for where we have 'The utterances of the Lord are pure utterances,' the Greeks have logia. But here, in the priestly garment, that which was commanded to be made of gold and blue and purple and doubled twisted scarlet and doubled twisted fine linen, a double square, which was to be upon the priest's breast and was to be called logion—it is uncertain whether it was derived from 'reason' or from 'word': our translators, thinking it rather said from 'reason,' called it 'rationale.'
'And you shall put upon the rationale of judgment the manifestation and the truth.' What this may mean, or in what thing or metal the manifestation and truth were to be placed upon the rationale, since he says such things were made in the priest's garment as are made bodily, it is difficult to discover. Yet certain persons relate that there was a stone whose color would change, either toward adversity or toward prosperity, when the priest entered into the holy places; and that this is what he says: 'And Aaron shall bear the judgments of the sons of Israel upon his breast,' showing evidently in that manifestation and truth what the Lord had judged concerning them. Although the manifestation and truth may be understood as placed in letters upon the logion.
'And you shall make an ankle-length tunic of blue,' that is, hanging down to the ankles. 'And there shall be an opening in the middle of it'—that is, through which the head may be put out; for this is what the Greeks call peristomion—'having a border round about the opening, the work of a weaver, a woven joining,' that is, so that the border itself may not be sewn on from without; this he seems to say by 'a woven joining.' Whence also he added: 'from itself, that it be not torn,' that is, so that the border itself may be woven from the garment itself together with it. 'And Aaron shall wear it when he begins to exercise the priesthood; his voice shall be heard as he enters into the holy place in the sight of the Lord, and as he goes out, that he die not.' He said that the voice of the one entering and going out was heard from the little bells, and he laid so great a weight of observance upon it that he said:
'that he die not.' He willed therefore that certain testimonies be signified in the priestly garment—by which surely the Church is signified—through these little bells, so that the priest's manner of life might be known, as the Apostle says: 'showing yourself in all things a pattern of good works,' or that other saying: 'the things which you have heard from me through many witnesses, these same commit to faithful men who are competent to teach others also.' Or what else? Yet whatever it is, it is a great thing. Now 'to the one entering and to the one going out' stands for 'of the one entering and of the one going out.' And 'voice' stands for 'sound'; for the little bells give a sound rather than a voice. 'And you shall make a plate of pure gold, and you shall form on it the engraving of a seal: The Holiness of the Lord.'
'And you shall place it upon the doubled twisted blue, and it shall be upon the mitre; it shall be at the front of the mitre. And it shall be upon Aaron's forehead, and Aaron shall take away the sins of the holy things which the sons of Israel shall sanctify, of every gift of their holy things.' How 'the Holiness of the Lord' is to be formed on the plate I do not see, except by certain letters, which some say are four Hebrew letters—which, as the Greeks call it, they believe to have been, or even still to be, the ineffable Tetragrammaton name of God. But whatever those letters may be, or however they stand, as I have said, I would believe that the Holiness of the Lord, or the Sanctification—if this rather ought to be said, which the Greek has as hagiasma—could be formed in the gold only by letters.
But there he says that the priest takes away the sins of the holy things. 'Whatever,' he says, 'the sons of Israel shall sanctify, of every gift of their holy things': which I think is said of those sacrifices which they offer for their sins, so that we understand not holy men, but things holy in this respect, that they are holy things which are offered for sins. When therefore he had spoken of the plate, he added and said: 'And Aaron shall take away the sins of the holy things which the sons of Israel shall sanctify, of every gift of their holy things,' that is: the priest shall take away whatever they offer for their sins, which are called both holy, because they are sanctified, and sins, because they are offered for sins; as in many places Scripture plainly mentions this very thing.
But that which he adds and says, 'And it shall be upon Aaron's forehead, always accepted for them in the sight of the Lord,' returns to that plate, in which is understood the ornament of the forehead, the confidence of a good life; which the priest who has it truly and perfectly, not in symbol but in truth, he alone can take away sins and has no necessity to offer for his own. Concerning Aaron and Aaron's sons, when he was giving command, speaking to Moses, how they should be clothed and anointed, what does he mean by saying, 'And you shall fill their hands, that they may exercise the priesthood for me'? Or is it perhaps with the gifts which are to be offered to God? 'And you shall make them linen breeches to cover the shame of their flesh; from the loins to the thighs they shall be.'
Since the garment covers so much of the whole body, what does he mean by saying, 'You shall make linen breeches to cover the shame of their flesh,' as though so much could appear beneath a garment thrown over above? Unless because he willed there to be in this a sign of chastity or continence: which is signified through the covering, so that it may be understood as not held from oneself, but given. When he was speaking of Aaron's sons, 'And you shall clothe them,' he says, 'with tunics and gird them with girdles and put upon them the cidares.' What he calls a cidaris or cidares, since it has not been translated and is not now in use, is unknown; yet I think it is not a covering for the head, as some have thought. For he would not say 'you shall put around them' unless it were something of such a kind as would be of use not to the head, but to the body.
'And the priesthood shall be theirs for me forever.' How he says 'forever' concerning these significative things we have often said above. For assuredly this priesthood was changed, so that it might be to them forever according to the order of Melchizedek, not according to the order of Aaron. For there is both an oath and no repentance of God, whereby a change is signified. 'For the Lord swore and will not repent, You are,' he says, 'a priest forever according to the order of Melchizedek.' But concerning the order of Aaron, 'forever' was indeed said, either on account of a time not appointed for how long it should be observed, or because the thing signified eternal realities; yet it was nowhere said concerning the priesthood of Aaron that 'the Lord swore and will not repent.'
And therefore it was said concerning that priesthood according to the order of Melchizedek, 'he will not repent,' in order that it might be signified that concerning the priesthood of Aaron he did repent, that is, he changed it. What does 'And you shall consecrate the hands of Aaron and the hands of his sons' mean? Or did he signify power through the hands, so that they too might be able to consecrate something, but that power itself was completed through the sanctification by which they were commanded to be sanctified by Moses? 'And you shall bring the bull-calf to the door of the tabernacle of the testimony, and Aaron and his sons shall lay their hands upon the head of the calf in the sight of the Lord.'
Behold, from this it was said above that their hands were to be consecrated, that is, their power was to be perfected, so that they too might sanctify—which is now done when they lay their hands upon the calf to be immolated. As to the fact that in the holy Scriptures the sacrifice of the cattle-victims is often called 'an odor of sweetness to the Lord,' God is certainly not delighted by the odor of that smoke; but only that which is signified by these things spiritually delights God when it is spiritually presented, since the very odor of God is understood spiritually. For he does not draw in the odor with bodily nostrils as we do. As therefore he smells, so these things signify. 'And you shall take the little breast of the ram of consecration, which is Aaron's,' that is, of this Aaron.
For this he willed to pertain to the high priest. 'And it shall belong to Aaron and his sons as a perpetual due from the sons of Israel,' when he was speaking of the breast and the arm of the victims. In that customary manner, then, he said 'perpetual,' which we have often recalled above. 'And the holy robe, which is Aaron's, shall belong to his sons after him, to anoint them in them and to consecrate their hands. Seven days shall the priest who succeeds him from among his sons clothe himself in it, who shall enter the tabernacle of the testimony to minister in the holy places.' These words hold many questions. For first it is to be noted here how, though he said the 'robe' of the 'holy man,' afterward he says in the plural: 'to anoint them in them,' as if in robes.
For above too he had called them many robes, of which one was composed. Although it is ambiguous whether 'in them' comes from the fact that they are 'those things' (in the neuter gender)—whatever they are of which that robe is completed, that is, the priestly garment: which is rather to be thought, from the fact that in what follows he says, 'Seven days shall the priest who succeeds him clothe himself in them,' namely in all those things which he mentioned when he was describing the priestly garment. He indeed repeated what he had said above, 'to consecrate their hands': whence I have expounded what seemed to me. But as to what he says, 'Seven days shall the priest clothe himself in them,' will he not clothe himself on other days?
But he willed those seven consecutive days to be understood, in which his priesthood is in a certain manner dedicated, and there is a festivity of a week at its inauguration. But he calls the successor of Aaron the one who enters the tabernacle of the testimony to minister in the holy places, signifying namely him who could not be but one—not such as Aaron's sons also were while their father was living, but such as the successor of Aaron himself. How then does he say it proper to this one alone 'to enter the tabernacle of the testimony to minister in the holy places,' when even those things which are outside the veil, by which the holy of holies are veiled, are called holy, and that too is called the tabernacle of the testimony where the holy things are, that is, the table and the lampstand?
Since the succeeding priests also minister at the table and the lampstand and the altar itself, how does he say that Aaron is one, who enters the tabernacle of the testimony to minister in the holy places? For if he had said 'to minister in the holy of holies,' there would be no question. For to these places, where the ark of the testimony is, one alone, the high priest, entered: which is also most carefully commended in the Epistle to the Hebrews. Unless perhaps by the very fact that he says that one enters the tabernacle of the testimony to minister in the holy places, he does not wish it to be understood except as in the holy of holies, since these too are indeed called holy. For not all things which are holy can also be called the holy of holies;
but those things which are the holy of holies, without doubt are surely holy. But this one man who once a year entered into the holy of holies, since he signified the Lord Christ, is most plainly commended in the aforesaid Epistle to the Hebrews. But that which was prefigured in the holy of holies—that above the ark, which held the law, there should be the mercy-seat, where God's mercy is to be understood as signified, whereby he becomes propitious to the sins of those who do not fulfill the law—this seems to me to be signified also in the very garment of the priest; for what else does it too signify but the sacraments of the Church?
For in the logion, that is, the rationale placed upon the priest's breast, he established judgments, but in the plate, sanctification and the offering for sins; as though the rationale upon the breast were like the ark in which the law was, and that plate on the forehead were like the mercy-seat which was above the ark; and so that in both places might be preserved what is written: 'Mercy exults above judgment.' What does it mean that he says the altar, purified and sanctified for seven days, shall be the holy of the holy? He does not indeed call the altar the holy of holies, as is that which is separated by the veil, where the ark of the testimony is; but nevertheless he says that this altar too, placed outside the veil, becomes the holy of the holy rather through the sanctification of seven days than through the anointing. And he adds:
'Everyone who touches the altar shall be sanctified.' When he was speaking of the rings of the altar of incense—which altar he ordered to be not brazen but golden—'And you shall make two rings of pure gold,' he says, 'beneath its twisted crown, on two sides; you shall make them on the two sides,' since the Greek has: eis ta dyo klitē poiēseōs en tois dysi pleurois. Both klitē are 'sides' and pleura are 'sides.' Whence certain Latins interpreted thus: 'you shall make them on two parts, on two sides.' But the Greek does not say merē, which means 'parts,' but klitē, which means 'sides.' For this word occurs in that psalm where it is written: 'Your wife shall be like a fruitful vine on the sides of your house.'
And on this account there is only a difference of case, since first he put the accusative, but afterward the ablative: 'you shall make on two sides, on two sides.' But what the meaning is, is difficult to attain. Unless perhaps, as Scripture is wont to love ellipsis, so that something is lacking and understood, here too 'shall be' is to be supplied, so that this be the meaning: 'you shall make on two sides, on two sides they shall be,' that is: 'toward two sides you shall make the rings, since they shall be on the two sides.' 'And there shall be bows for the poles, so that it may be lifted by them.' Those which he had called rings, he calls bows; for he put rings for round handles. And what else is a ring or a circle but a bow on every side?
Therefore certain persons, unwilling to say 'bows,' interpreted them as 'sheaths' (thecae), into which the poles might be inserted, saying: 'And there shall be sheaths for the poles.' As if the Greek could not have said this, since theca too is a Greek word; but he said psalides, which are interpreted 'bows.' 'He shall burn upon it the incense of continuation in the sight of the Lord throughout their generations.' He says 'the incense of continuation' because it was to be done continually, that is, on no day was it to be omitted. When he was giving command concerning the altar of incense—that is, on which incense only was to be placed, not a whole burnt offering, not a sacrifice, not a libation—he had foretold that this same incense ought to be placed daily. But now he says:
'And Aaron shall make propitiation—or shall entreat—upon its horns once a year, with the blood of the purification of transgressions of the propitiation.' 'Of the propitiation' from that which is depropitiatio, which in Greek is called exilasmos. Whence it is to be understood that this, which he commands to be done once a year for propitiating God upon the horns of the altar of incense—that is, that with the blood of the purification of transgressions, namely of the victims which are offered for transgressions, once a year the horns of the altar of incense be touched—does not pertain to that placing of incense which he had commanded to be done daily. For that was done with aromatic spices, not with blood, and daily, not once a year.
We are not therefore to understand that the priest was accustomed to enter into the holy of holies once a year, but once a year with blood, and indeed daily to enter without blood for the sake of placing the incense, but with blood once a year; especially because he goes on and says: 'once a year he shall purify it; it is the holy of holies to the Lord.' He shall not therefore once a year place there the incense, which was commanded to be done daily; but once a year he shall purify it, which was commanded to be done with blood. And after this he adds: 'it is the holy of holies to the Lord'; and on this account, if the holy of holies was not outside but within the veil, then that altar too of which we now treat, which he ordered to be placed opposite the veil, he ordered to be within.
What does it mean that he says, 'If you take the reckoning of the sons of Israel in their visitation,' except that he commands them to be at some time visited and reckoned, that is, numbered? Which is to be understood as having been on this account punished in David, because God had not commanded it. It is to be observed and noted how with the ointment of the chrism he ordered all things to be anointed, namely the tabernacle and the things that were in it, and thereafter they shall be the holy of holies. Namely, all things, when they have been anointed, shall be the holy of holies. What difference then will there now be between those inner things which are covered by the veil and the rest, if all things, when they have been anointed, shall be the holy of holies, is to be more diligently inquired; yet these things we believed were to be noted. Where let us also remember:
just as concerning that altar of sacrifices, which after the anointing he willed to be called the holy of the holy, it was immediately said, 'Everyone who touches it shall be sanctified,' so concerning all the things afterward which, having been anointed with that ointment, were called the holy of holies, the same sentence followed, that it might be said: 'Everyone who touches them shall be sanctified.' This can be understood in two ways: either he shall be sanctified by touching, or he shall be sanctified so that it may be permitted him to touch—if indeed it was not permitted to the people to touch the tabernacle, when they brought their sacrificial victims or whatever things offered by them were presented to God. For consequently he warns that it is to be said not to the priests alone nor to the Levites alone, in that he says to Moses:
'And you shall speak to the sons of Israel, saying'—assuredly the sons of Israel were that whole people; and he commands it to be said to them—'This oil of the anointing shall be holy to you throughout your generations. Upon the flesh of man it shall not be poured, and according to this composition you shall not make for yourselves in like manner; it is holy, and it shall be a sanctification to you. Whoever makes the like, and whoever gives of it to a foreign nation, shall perish from his people.' He therefore commands not the priests alone, but the whole people of Israel, that they make no such ointment for human uses. For this is what he means by saying: 'Upon the flesh of man it shall not be poured.'
He therefore forbids the like to be made for one's own uses, and threatens destruction if anyone should make the like, that is, should compound an ointment like it for his own uses, or should give of it hence to anyone of a foreign nation. And on this account, in that he says, 'It shall be a sanctification to you,' since he commands this to be said to the whole people of Israel, I do not see what I should understand, except that it was permitted to them, when each came with his own gifts, to touch the tabernacle; and by touching they were sanctified on account of that oil with which all things were thoroughly anointed. And hence it was said: 'Everyone who touches shall be sanctified'—yet not in the same way as the priests, who were also anointed from it that they might exercise the priesthood.
As to his prescribing of what aromatic spices the thymiama, that is, the incense, is to be made, and saying that it is 'a work of the perfumer, compounded after the manner of a perfumer,' we ought not on this account to think that an ointment is made, that is, something with which anything may be anointed, but, as has been said, a thymiama or incense which is to be placed upon that altar of incense, where it was not permitted to sacrifice, and which was within, in the holy of holies. 'And you shall grind some of it small and place it opposite the testimonies, from which I will be made known to you thence. The holy of holies shall this incense be to you.' Behold again this incense, because it was placed within upon the altar of incense which was within, is called the holy of holies; and the tabernacle of the testimony is properly called that very inner place where the ark was, though a distinction is indeed made when he says: 'from which I will be made known to you thence.'
For thus he had first said concerning the mercy-seat, which is certainly within, that is, within the veil above the ark. What does it mean that, when he commanded Bezalel to be employed for making the works of the tabernacle, he said that he had filled him with a divine spirit of wisdom and understanding and knowledge, to devise in every work and to work as an architect, and so forth? Are these works too, which seem to pertain to craftsmanship, to be attributed to the gift of the Holy Spirit? Or was this too said significatively, so that these things pertain to the divine spirit of wisdom and understanding and knowledge which are signified by these things? Yet even here, though he is said to be filled with this divine spirit of wisdom and understanding and knowledge, the Holy Spirit is not yet read of.
What does it mean that, when he was commanding concerning the keeping of the sabbath, he said, 'an eternal covenant in me, and to the sons of Israel'? He did not say, 'between me and the sons of Israel.' Is it because the sabbath signifies rest, and there is no rest for us except in him? For assuredly by 'the sons of Israel' he means his whole people, that is, the seed of Abraham. And there is an Israel according to the flesh and according to the spirit; for if Israel were to be spoken of only from the descent of the flesh, the Apostle would not say, 'Behold Israel according to the flesh.' Wherein he assuredly signifies that there is an Israel according to the spirit, who is a Jew in secret and by the circumcision of the heart. So then it is perhaps better distinguished thus:
'an eternal covenant in me,' so that then there is another sense: 'and to the sons of Israel it is an eternal sign,' that is, a sign of an eternal thing, as the rock was Christ, because the rock signified Christ. It is therefore not to be joined thus: 'an eternal covenant in me and to the sons of Israel,' as though this covenant were in God and in the sons of Israel; but: 'an eternal covenant in me'—because in him eternal rest was promised—'and to the sons of Israel it is an eternal sign,' because the sons of Israel received a sign to be observed, by which eternal rest is signified to the true Israelites, that is, to the sons of the promise, who shall see God face to face as he is.
'And he gave to Moses, as soon as he ceased speaking to him on Mount Sinai, two tablets of the testimony, tablets of stone written by the finger of God.' Although God spoke so many things, yet only two stone tablets are given to Moses, which are called the tablets of the testimony that were to be in the ark. No doubt all the other things which God commanded are understood to depend on those ten commandments which were written on the two tablets, if they are diligently sought and well understood; just as these same ten commandments in turn depend on those two, namely the love of God and of neighbor, on which the whole law hangs, and the prophets.
As to his commanding that earrings be taken from the ears of the wives and daughters of Aaron, from which he might make them gods, it is not absurdly understood that he willed to command difficult things, so that in this way he might recall them from that intention; yet that thing itself was done with difficulty, so that there was gold for making the idol. This I thought was to be noted on account of those who are grieved if any such thing is by divine command to be done, or with an even mind to be borne, for the sake of eternal life. The Lord, indicating to Moses what the people had made of the calf—that is, of the idol which they had made from their own gold—says that they said: 'These are your gods, O Israel, who brought you up out of the land of Egypt.' That they said this is not read, but God shows that this was their mind.
For they bore in their heart the sentence of these words, which could not be hidden from God. 'And the Lord was appeased concerning the evil (malitia) which he said he would do to his people.' By 'evil' here he willed 'punishment' to be understood, as it is: 'and their departure was reckoned an evil.' According to this, both good and evil are said to be from God—not according to the malice by which men are evil. For God is not evil; but on the evil he brings evils, because he is just. Moses indeed seems, in anger, to have dashed to pieces and broken the tablets of the testimony written by the finger of God; yet by a great mystery the repetition of the covenant was figured, since the old was to be abolished and a new one established.
It is indeed to be noted with how great a supplication to God he labored on behalf of the people, he who had shown himself so severe in punishing them. But as to his having ground to pieces the molten calf cast into the fire and scattered it into the water, which he gave the people to drink, what this seems to us to signify, we have already written elsewhere in the work Against Faustus the Manichaean. 'And they gave it to me; and I cast it into the fire, and this calf came out.' He spoke by way of abridgment, not saying that he himself had formed it so that the molten calf came out. Or did he, out of fear, lie by way of excuse, as though he himself had cast into the fire the gold that was to perish, and, without his doing it, the form of the calf came out?
But we ought not to believe that he said this with such a mind, because neither could it be hidden from Moses what was in the man with whom God spoke, nor did he reprove his brother for a lie. 'And when Moses had seen that the people were scattered—for Aaron had scattered them, so that they came into rejoicing for their adversaries.' It is to be noted how all that evil which the people did is attributed to Aaron himself, in that he consented to them in doing what they had wickedly asked. For it was rather said, 'Aaron scattered them,' because he yielded to them, than that they scattered themselves, who demanded so great an evil. When Moses says to the Lord: 'I pray, Lord, this people has sinned a great sin, and they have made for themselves gods of gold.'
'And now, if indeed thou forgivest them their sin, forgive it; but if not, blot me out of thy book which thou hast written.' He said this in confidence, that the conclusion might be drawn from what follows: that is, since God would not blot Moses out of his book, He would forgive the people that sin. Yet we must observe how great an evil Moses perceived in that sin, since he believed it had to be expiated by so great a slaughter—he who so loved them that he poured out those words to God on their behalf.
It is rightly asked why, when Aaron was said above to have let the people run loose, no punishment fell upon him—neither when Moses commanded to be slain everyone whom the armed Levites, going to the gate and returning, should encounter, nor afterward when there came to pass what Scripture says: 'And the Lord smote the people because of the making of the calf which Aaron made'—especially since here too this very point is driven home by repetition. For it was not said, 'And the Lord smote the people because of the making of the calf which they made,' but 'which Aaron made.' And yet Aaron was not smitten; nay more, that which God had commanded concerning his priesthood before his sin was fulfilled. But He commanded that both he and his sons should be washed;
and so they were ordained to the priesthood. Thus He knows whom He spares unto a change for the better, and whom He spares for a season, though He foreknows that such a one will not be changed for the better; and whom He does not spare, so that he may be changed for the better; and whom He does not spare, so as not even to await his change. And all this comes back to what the Apostle exclaims: 'How unsearchable are His judgments and His ways past finding out.' 'Go, get thee up hence, thou and thy people whom thou hast brought up out of the land of Egypt.' God, being angry, seems to say, 'thou and thy people whom thou hast brought up'; otherwise He would have said, 'thou and my people whom I brought up out of the land of Egypt.' But they, when they demanded the idol, spoke thus:
'As for this Moses, the man who brought us up out of the land of Egypt, we know not what has become of him.' They had failed in their deliverance by setting it upon a man. This is thrown back at them in the same manner when it is said, 'thou and thy people whom thou hast brought up out of the land of Egypt'—which is a charge against them, not against Moses. For Moses wanted nothing else than that they should place their hope not in him but in the Lord, and should believe, in thanksgiving, that they had been freed from that servitude by the Lord's mercy. Yet his merit before God, as of a most faithful servant, was so great through God's grace that God said to him: 'Let me alone, and in the heat of my wrath I will consume them.' Whether this belongs to one commanding, when He says 'Let me alone,' or to one, as it were, entreating, either seems absurd.
For if God was commanding, then the servant, in not obeying, was disobedient; and it was not fitting that God should ask this of a servant as though for a favor, especially since He could crush them even against his will. Therefore the sense there is plain, namely, that by these words God signified that this people had very great advantage with Him, because they were so loved by that man whom the Lord so loved—so that we might be admonished that, when our own demerits weigh us down lest we be loved by God, we can be relieved before Him by the merits of those whom He loves. For when it is said by the Almighty to a man, 'Let me alone, and I will consume them,' what else is being said than: 'I would consume them, were they not loved by thee'? Thus, then, 'Let me alone' was said as if it were said:
'Cease to love them, and I will consume them, because thy love for them intervenes so that I do not do it.' But one would have had to obey the Lord if He said, 'Cease to love them'—had He said this by way of commanding and not rather by way of admonishing and expressing what it was that held Him back from their punishment. Nor yet, even with this intervention, did He leave the people without the scourge of discipline. For in some way, so that Moses himself might love them thus, God loved them more secretly, while He openly terrified them with His voice. When God says to Moses: 'Go, get thee up hence, thou and thy people whom thou hast brought up out of the land of Egypt, into the land which I swore to Abraham and Isaac and Jacob, saying:
I will give it to your seed,' then straightway, as though still speaking to Moses himself, by a hidden turn (which in Greek is called 'apostrophe'), He now speaks to the people themselves, saying: 'And at the same time I will send my angel before thee, and he shall cast out the Canaanite and the Amorite and the Hittite and the Perizzite and the Girgashite and the Hivite and the Jebusite, and he shall bring thee into a land flowing with milk and honey. For I will not go up with thee, because thou art a stiff-necked people, lest I destroy thee in the way.' Great and wondrous is the depth of the mystery, as though an angel could have greater mercy than the Lord—the angel who would spare a stiff-necked people, whom God, if He were with them, would Himself not spare.
And yet, even through His angel—being in a certain way absent from them, though He can nowhere be absent—He says that He will fulfill what He swore to their fathers, as if here too showing that He does this for the reason that He promised it to those righteous fathers, not because these were worthy. What then did He signify, unless perhaps that He is not with them because they are stiff-necked, since only humility and piety can receive Him as gracious and salutary? But for God to be with stiff-necked men is nothing else than to be present by taking vengeance and by punishing; whence, when He is not present to the wicked in that manner, He does it by sparing. To this belongs what is said: 'Turn away thy face from my sins'—for if He turns it away, He overturns;
'for as wax melts before the fire, so let sinners perish before the face of God.' And Moses said to the Lord: 'Behold, thou sayest to me, Lead up this people; but thou hast not shown me whom thou wilt send with me. Yet thou hast said to me, I know thee above all, and thou hast grace with me. If then I have found grace in thy sight, show me thyself, that I may plainly see thee, that I may be one finding grace before thee, and that I may know that this nation is thy people.' What the Greek has as 'gnōstōs' certain Latin translators have rendered 'manifestly,' whereas Scripture did not say 'phanerōs.' It could therefore perhaps more aptly be said: 'If I have found grace in thy sight, show me thyself, that I may knowingly see thee.'
By which words Moses sufficiently shows that he did not, even in that great intimacy of converse, see God as he desired to see Him, since all those visions of God which were presented to the sight of mortals, and from which there came a sound whereby the hearing of mortals was reached, were displayed in such a form as God willed, an assumed appearance which He willed, so that in them the divine nature itself was in no way perceived by any bodily sense—that nature which is invisible, wholly everywhere, and contained in no place. And because on two commandments—that is, the love of God and of neighbor—the whole law hangs, therefore Moses was showing his desire in both: namely in the love of God, where he says:
'If I have found grace in thy sight, show me thyself, that I may plainly see thee, that I may be one finding grace in thy sight'; and in the love of neighbor, where he says: 'and that I may know that this nation is thy people.' What is it that God says to Moses: 'Because I know thee above all'? Does God know some things more and some things less? Or is it according to what is said to certain ones in the Gospel: 'I know you not'? For according to that knowledge, whereby God is said to know the things that please Him, and not to know the things that displease Him—not because He is ignorant of them, but because He does not approve of them (just as an art is rightly said not to know faults, though it perceives faults)—God knew Moses above all, because Moses pleased God above all.
Is it to be noted that Moses himself had earlier said to God, 'Thou hast said to me, I know thee above all,' whereas God is read to have said this to him only after he himself said it to God, and is not read to have said it before—so that we may understand that not all the things which God spoke with him are written? But it must be inquired more diligently in the earlier parts of Scripture whether it is truly so. When Moses had said to the Lord, 'Show me thy glory,' the Lord answered him: 'I will pass before thee in my glory, and I will call upon the name of the Lord in thy sight; and I will have mercy on whom I have had mercy, and I will show mercy to whom I have shown mercy'—though a little before He had said: 'I myself will go before, and I will give thee rest.'
Moses seems to have taken 'I will go before thee' as though He would not be present with him and the people on the journey, and therefore he says: 'If thou thyself dost not come with us, bring us not up hence,' and so forth. But God did not deny him even this, saying: 'This word also which thou hast spoken I will do.' How is it, then, that when Moses had said to Him, 'Show me thy glory,' He again seems to say, as one about to go before and not to be present together with them, 'I will pass before thee'—unless because this is something different? For He is understood to speak and say 'I will pass before thee' concerning Him of whom the Gospel says: 'When the hour was come that Jesus should pass out of this world to the Father'; which passing-over is also said to be interpreted as Pascha. This, therefore, is altogether a great prophecy.
For He Himself, before all the saints, passed over to the Father out of this world, to prepare for them the mansions of the kingdom of heaven, which He will give them in the resurrection of the dead, since, being about to pass over before all, He became the firstborn from the dead. But He commends His grace exceedingly in this very thing when He says: 'And I will call upon the name of the Lord in thy sight'—as it were in the sight of the people of Israel, whose type Moses bore when he heard these things. For in the sight of that very nation, everywhere dispersed, the Lord Christ is called upon among all the nations. But He said 'I will call,' not 'I shall be called,' putting the active verb for the passive by an unusual manner of speech, in which no doubt a great meaning lies hidden.
For perhaps He wished thus to signify that He Himself does this, that is, that it comes to pass by His grace, that the Lord is called upon among all the nations. But as to what He added: 'And I will have mercy on whom I have had mercy, and I will show mercy to whom I have shown mercy,' there He shows more expressly the calling by which He has called us into His kingdom and glory, not according to our merits, but according to His mercy. For since He was promising that He would bring in the nations, saying, 'I will call upon the name of the Lord in thy sight,' He commended that He does this mercifully, as the Apostle says: 'For I say that Christ was a minister of the circumcision for the truth of God, to confirm the promises made to the fathers; and that the Gentiles should glorify God for His mercy.'
This, then, was foretold: 'And I will have mercy on whom I have had mercy, and I will show mercy to whom I have shown mercy.' By which words He forbade man to glory as it were on the merits of his own virtues, so that he who glories may glory in the Lord. For He did not say, 'I will have mercy on such and such,' but 'on whom I have had mercy,' so that He might show that no one, by his own preceding good works, has merited the mercy of so great a calling. For indeed 'Christ died for the ungodly.' But whether He wished to repeat this same thing when He added, 'I will show mercy to whom I have shown mercy'—or, as others have translated, 'on whom I have had compassion'—or whether there is some difference, I do not know.
For what in the Greek tongue was said by two words, 'eleēsō' and 'oikteirēsō'—which seem to signify one and the same thing—the Latin could not express by different words, and so repeated the same mercy in different modes. But if it were said, 'I will have mercy on whom I have mercy, and I will have mercy on whom I have mercy,' or 'I will have mercy on whom I have had mercy,' it would not seem to be said with sufficient elegance. And yet the very sense there is stronger, namely that God showed by this repetition either the firmness of His own mercy—as 'Amen, amen,' as 'Let it be, let it be,' as the repetition of Pharaoh's dream, and many like things—or that He foretold in this manner that He would show mercy upon both peoples, that is, the Gentiles and the Hebrews.
This the Apostle states thus: 'For as ye in times past did not believe God, yet have now obtained mercy through their unbelief, even so have these also now not believed in your mercy, that they also may obtain mercy. For God hath concluded them all in unbelief, that He might have mercy upon all.' Then, after this commendation of His mercy, He answered to that which had been said to Him: 'Show me thy glory'—or to what Moses had asked above, saying, 'Show me thyself, that I may plainly see thee': 'Thou canst not,' He said, 'see my face.'
'For man shall not see my face and live,' showing that to this life, which is passed in the mortal senses of corruptible flesh, God cannot appear as He is; that is, He can be seen as He is in that life where, in order that one may live, one must die to this life. Again, with the article of Scripture interposed saying 'And the Lord said,' it follows and He speaks: 'Behold, a place with me.' For what place is not with God, who is nowhere absent? But He signifies the Church by saying, 'Behold, a place with me,' commending as it were His temple; 'and thou shalt stand,' He says, 'upon the rock'—because 'upon this rock,' said the Lord, 'I will build my Church'—'as soon as my glory shall pass over,' that is:
as soon as my glory shall pass over, thou shalt stand upon the rock; because after the passing-over of Christ, that is, after the passion and resurrection of Christ, the faithful people stood upon the rock. 'And I will set thee,' He says, 'in a cleft of the rock': He signifies a most firm defense. But others have translated 'in a watchtower of the rock'; yet the Greek has 'opēn.' This we more rightly interpret as an opening or cleft. 'And I will cover thee with my hand over thee, until I pass by; and I will take away my hand, and then thou shalt see my back parts, but my face shall not be seen by thee.' When He had already said, 'Thou shalt stand upon the rock, as soon as my glory shall pass over'—where it is understood that He promised stability upon the rock after His passing-over—how is it to be taken what He says:
'I will set thee in a cleft of the rock and I will cover thee with my hand over thee, until I pass by; and I will take away my hand, and then thou shalt see my back parts'? As though, He being now placed in the rock, He covers him with His hand and then passes by, whereas he cannot be in the rock except after His passing-over. But a recapitulation of a matter passed over is to be understood, such as Scripture is wont to use in many places. For afterward He said what in the order of time is prior. That order is as follows: 'I will cover thee with my hand over thee, until I pass by; and then thou shalt see my back parts, for my face shall not be seen by thee; and thou shalt stand upon the rock as soon as my glory shall pass over, and I will set thee in a cleft of the rock.'
For this came to pass in those whom the person of Moses then signified, that is, the Israelites, who afterward believed in the Lord Jesus, as the Acts of the Apostles indicate—that is, as soon as His glory passed over. For after He rose from the dead and ascended into heaven, when the Holy Spirit had been sent from above and the apostles spoke with the tongues of all nations, many of those who had crucified Christ were pricked in heart. Because they had not known Him and had crucified the Lord of glory, blindness in part came upon Israel, as had been said: 'I will cover thee with my hand, until I pass by.' Whence the psalm says:
'For day and night thy hand was heavy upon me'—calling it 'day' when Christ was working divine miracles, and 'night' when He was dying as a man, when even those wavered who had believed in the day. This, then, is 'when I have passed over, then thou shalt see my back parts': I shall pass over from this world to the Father; afterward they shall believe in me whose type thou bearest. For then, pricked in heart, they said: 'What shall we do?' And they were commanded by the apostles to do penance and to be baptized in the name of Jesus Christ, that their sins might be forgiven them. This follows in that psalm, when it had been said, 'Day and night thy hand was heavy upon me'—that is, so that I did not recognize;
for if they had recognized, they would never have crucified the Lord of glory—there follows and is joined: 'I was turned into anguish while the thorn was fixed,' that is, while I was pricked in heart. Then he added: 'I acknowledged my sin, and my iniquity I did not cover up': after they saw with how great a crime they had crucified Christ. And because they received counsel to do penance and to receive remission of sins in baptism, 'I said,' he says, 'I will pronounce against myself my transgression to the Lord, and thou didst forgive the ungodliness of my heart.'
That this was rather a prophecy than something the Lord spoke to Moses, the very matter sufficiently indicates, since concerning the rock or its cleft, and the placing of His hand upon him, and the vision of His back parts, nothing afterward is read to have followed in visible deed. For presently Scripture adds, with the article interposed: 'And the Lord said to Moses,' although the same Lord was certainly speaking those things also which are above. And from there it weaves in what the Lord next says: 'Hew thee two tablets of stone like the first,' and so forth. What is it that was said of the Lord: 'And He will not purify the guilty,' except 'He will not call him innocent'? God, when Moses was again about to inscribe two stone tablets on the mountain, says among other things:
'In the sight of all thy people I will do glorious things.' He does not yet deign to say, 'in the sight of all my people.' Or did He say 'thy people' in the way it would be said to any man of that same people—that is, 'of which people thou art'—just as we say 'thy city,' not the city over which thou rulest or which thou hast founded, but that of which thou art a citizen? For so also a little later He says: 'all the people among whom thou art.' In what other way was it said than 'thy people'? But that He did not say 'in whom thou art' is the custom of speech. What is it that is said to Moses: 'Take heed to thyself, lest ever thou make a covenant with those who dwell upon the earth'? For the Greek does not have 'lest thou make,' but 'lest he make.' Or perhaps He wished to say it to him concerning the people of which he himself was the leader?
But he himself did not lead the people into that land where He forbids a covenant to be made with those who dwelt in it. It is therefore a wondrous manner of speech, and hitherto untried or unnoticed—if indeed it is a manner of speech and not some other sense. When God, speaking to Moses, was commanding that, the land being given into their power, all idolatry should be overthrown and strange gods not be worshiped, He says: 'For the Lord God, jealous in name, is a jealous God'—that is: the very name whereby He is called Lord God is jealous, because He is a jealous God. This God does not do by any fault of human disturbance, being always and in every way unchangeable and tranquil; but by this word He indicates that His own people will not with impunity commit fornication through strange gods.
For the word is drawn by the trope of metaphor from marital jealousy, whereby a man guards the chastity of his wife—which is of profit to us, not to God. For who by such a kind of fornication could harm God? But he harms himself most of all, so that he perishes. This God forbids with the gravest terror, calling Himself jealous; to whom it is said in the psalm: 'Thou hast destroyed everyone who commits fornication away from thee; but for me it is good to cleave to God.' Then it follows: 'Lest perchance thou make a covenant with those who dwell upon the earth, and they commit fornication after their gods.' What is it He says: 'Thou shalt not be seen empty in my sight'? As the surrounding matters of which He speaks indicate, God said 'in my sight' in His tabernacle. But this is 'thou shalt not be seen by Him empty': thou shalt never enter without some gift.
Which, understood spiritually, is a great mystery. But these things were said concerning the shadows of the significations. When He had given a command concerning the Sabbath, what is it that He added: 'In sowing and in harvest thou shalt rest'? For He seems to say, 'in the time of sowing and of harvest.' Or perhaps He commanded the rest of the Sabbath to be so observed that not even those seasons should have excuse, which are very necessary to farmers for the sake of food and livelihood? It was therefore commanded that even in the time of sowing and harvest, when work presses hard, one should rest on the Sabbath. And thus, through these seasons which demand the most work, it was signified that at all times one ought to cease unto the Sabbath. As to what He says:
'No one shall covet from thy land when thou goest up to appear in the sight of the Lord thy God three seasons in the year'—this He wishes to be understood thus: that each one might go up secure, and not be anxious about his land, since God promises protection, that no one should covet anything from it, on account of Him who goes up, so that he should not fear being absent from it. And here He sufficiently shows what He said above, 'Thou shalt not appear in the sight of the Lord thy God empty,' because He said it in that place where God was to have His tabernacle or temple. What is it He says: 'Thou shalt not slay upon leaven the blood of my sacrifices'?
Does He here call 'His sacrifices' those which are slain at the Passover, and does He command that there be then no leaven in the house, since they are the days of unleavened bread? What is it He says: 'And the sacrifice of the solemnity of the Passover shall not sleep until morning,' except what He above openly commanded, that nothing of the flesh of the beast which is sacrificed should be left until morning? But the manner of speech made the obscurity; for He said 'shall sleep' for 'shall remain.' 'Thou shalt not boil a lamb in its mother's milk.' Behold, He has said again a thing which I know not how it can be understood. Yet it is a great prophecy concerning Christ, even if it could be done literally—how much more if it cannot!
For in the discourses of God, not all things are to be recalled to the literalness of deeds, just as neither that concerning the rock and its cleft and the placing of the hand upon it. But clearly this is to be demanded of the fidelity of the narrator: that the things he says were done were truly done, and the things he says were said were truly said. This is demanded also of the narrators of the Gospel; for when they relate that Christ said certain things which He said in parables, nevertheless the fact that He said these is not a parable but a historical narration. 'And Moses was there in the sight of the Lord forty days and forty nights; he ate no bread and drank no water.'
This He had also said before, when he received the tablets which he broke; and He repeats it in this manner also, not by recapitulating what was done, but by commending that it was done again. For we have already said what the repetition of the law signifies. But as to what He says, 'he ate no bread and drank no water,' it is understood 'he fasted'—the whole from a part, that is, Scripture signifying by the name of bread all food, and by the name of water all drink. 'And he wrote on the tablets the words of the covenant, the ten words.' It was said of Moses that he himself wrote, to whom also God had said a little before, 'Write thou these words.' But when he first received the law, whose tablets he cast away and broke, neither was he himself said to have hewn the stone tablets, and now it is said:
'Hew thee two tablets of stone'; nor was he told to write, as he is now told; nor is he narrated to have written them himself, as Scripture now narrates. And it says: 'He wrote on the tablets the words of the covenant, the ten words.' But then it was said: 'And He gave to Moses, as soon as He had ceased speaking to him on Mount Sinai, two tablets of the testimony, tablets of stone written by the finger of God'; then a little after: 'And Moses,' it says, 'turned and went down from the mountain, and the two tablets of the testimony were in his hands, tablets of stone written on both sides of them, on this side and on that they were written; and the tablets were the work of God, and the writing was the writing of God engraved on the tablets.'
Accordingly a great question arises: how those tablets, which Moses—God of course foreknowing it—was going to break, are said to be not the work of man but of God, and not written by man but the writing of God, by the finger of God; whereas the later tablets, destined to remain so long and to be in the tabernacle and temple of God, though indeed at God's command, were nevertheless hewn by man, written by man. Or was it perhaps that in those first tablets was signified the grace of God, not the work of man—that grace of which they were made unworthy by returning in heart into Egypt and by making an idol (whence they were deprived of that benefit, and therefore Moses broke the tablets)—while by these later tablets were signified those who glory in their own works, whence the Apostle says:
'being ignorant of the righteousness of God, and wishing to establish their own, they were not subject to the righteousness of God'—and therefore the tablets, hewn by human work and inscribed by human work, were given, which should remain with those very people, to signify those who would glory in their own works, not in the finger of God, that is, in the Spirit of God? Certainly, then, the repetition of the law signifies the New Testament—but that first one signified the Old, whence it was broken and abolished—especially since, when the law is given the second time, it is given with no terror such as that first one amid so great a din of fires, clouds, and trumpets, whereby the people, made to tremble, said: 'Let not God speak to us, lest we die.' Whence it is signified that in the Old Testament there is fear, in the New love.
How, then, is this question resolved: why those were the work of God, these the work of man, and those inscribed by the finger of God, these written by man? Or was it perhaps rather that in those first the Old Testament was signified, because God there commanded, but man did not do it? For the law was set down in the Old Testament, which would convict transgressors, which entered in that the offense might abound. For it was not fulfilled by fear, which is not fulfilled except by charity. And therefore it is called the work of God, because God established the law, God inscribed it—no work of man, because man did not obey God, and the law rather made him guilty.
But in the second tablets man, through the help of God, makes and inscribes the tablets, because the charity of the New Testament fulfills the law. Whence the Lord says: 'I came not to destroy the law, but to fulfill it'; and the Apostle says: 'The fullness of the law is charity,' and: 'faith which works through love.' It became easy, therefore, for man in the New Testament, what in the Old was difficult, when he has faith which works through love, and that finger of God, that is, the Spirit of God, writing it within in the heart, not without on stone. Whence the Apostle says:
'not on tablets of stone, but on the fleshly tablets of the heart,' since the charity of God, whereby the precept is truly fulfilled, 'is shed abroad in our hearts by the Holy Spirit, who is given to us.' This, then, is the meaning: first the law was given—where the Old Testament is signified, which is the work of God alone and the inscription of the finger of God—of which the Apostle says: 'And so the law indeed is holy, and the commandment holy and just and good.' The law, therefore, holy and good, is the work of God, where man does nothing, because he does not obey, but is rather pressed down by guilt under the law that threatens and condemns; 'for sin,' he says, 'that it might appear sin, wrought death in me through that which is good.'
But blessed is the man when this commandment, holy and just and good, is also his work—yet through the grace of God. Moses, when he had come down from the mountain to the children of Israel, having the other tablets of the law, with a veil placed around him because of the glory of his countenance, which the children of Israel could not gaze upon, said: 'These are the words which the Lord said, to do them.' It is ambiguously put whether 'to do them' refers to the Lord Himself or to them; but it is certainly manifest that it refers to them: for He commanded the things that should be done. But perhaps it was so put that it may be taken from both, because the Lord also does them, when He helps those who do them, according to that saying of the Apostle: 'With fear and trembling work out your own salvation';
For it is God who works in you both to will and to work according to good will. 'Everyone bringing an offering brought silver and bronze, offerings to the Lord' — as though he were saying, among the other things he was saying, 'everyone who brought, brought this thing and that thing, mentioning both the silver and the bronze.' The Latins have rendered as 'offering' (demtio) what the Greek calls aphairema. Now it was called demtio ('a taking-away') for this reason, that whoever brought something to the Lord took it away from himself. When Moses relates it, mention is made of what God had said to him concerning Bezalel, in these very same words and just as many, namely that he had filled him with the divine spirit of wisdom and understanding and knowledge for carrying out the works of the tabernacle which pertain to the arts of craftsmen; whence we have already stated what our view is.
But I have thought it fit to recall this same thing now, precisely because it is not without purpose that it is repeated in exactly the same words with which it had earlier been made known to Moses by the Lord. Indeed, here in a novel manner the art of the craftsmen who work in gold and silver and every kind of metal is called 'architectonic,' whereas that art is customarily called architectonic which pertains to the constructing of buildings. 'And all who were willing of their own accord to go to the works, that they might complete them; and they received from Moses all the offerings.' Moses brought only to their notice what works the Lord had commanded to be made, namely the tabernacle with all that was to be in it and the priestly vestments. He also mentioned certain men to whom, he said, a spirit had been given from God whereby they could accomplish those things.
And yet it is understood that many came of their own accord to those same works, to whom nothing was commanded, nor were their names mentioned as spoken by the Lord to Moses. Therefore not only those who are named by name possessed this gift from God, but perhaps these had it in a special and more excellent degree. Yet in all these men it is not a spirit dragged to the work in servile fashion that is to be praised, but one freely and of its own accord devoted. It is to be noted that those who are called wise, the makers of the sacred works, were also such in their character that, although they themselves received everything the people offered, thinking it necessary for the completing of all those works, when they saw that more was being offered than was needed, they spoke to Moses.
And he, through a herald, forbade the people to offer any more. Now they could, had they wished, have taken away much; but modesty forbade it, or religious awe deterred them. After Moses had come down from the mountain, the works of constructing the tabernacle and of the priestly vestment are commended; and before he commanded anything about the making of these, he spoke to the people concerning the observance of the sabbath. And here it is not without cause that one is moved to ask: since he had received the ten words of the law on tablets of stone a second time — which he himself hewed out and himself inscribed — why, after he came down, did he admonish the people about the sabbath alone.
For if the ten precepts of the law were superfluous for the people to hear again on that account, why was it not superfluous for them to hear about the sabbath, since this too is read among those same ten precepts? Or is this too like the veil with which he covered his face, because the children of Israel could not gaze upon the splendor of his countenance? For out of the ten precepts he enjoined upon the people this one alone, which was there spoken figuratively; whereas we by no means doubt that the other nine there, being precepts, are to be observed in the New Testament as well.
But that one precept about the sabbath was so far veiled among the Israelites by the figurative observance of the seventh day, and was enjoined as a mystery and figured under a certain sacrament, that today it is not observed by us literally, but we contemplate only what it signified. Now in that rest, wherein servile works are commanded to cease, there is a great depth of the grace of God. For good works are then done together with rest, when faith works through love; but fear has torment, and in torment what rest is there? Wherefore fear is not in charity; and charity is poured forth in our hearts through the Holy Spirit who is given to us. Therefore the sabbath is a holy rest unto the Lord, to be attributed, that is, to the grace of God, not to ourselves as though from ourselves.
Otherwise our works will be such as to be either merely human, or sins; or else done with fear, not with love, and therefore servile, without rest. But the fullness of the sabbath will be in the everlasting rest. For not without purpose was there instituted also a sabbath of sabbaths. Above, when God had earlier spoken about anointing the tabernacle, he said that by the same anointing all those things were sanctified and became a holy of holies. But the altar of burnt offerings he had said became, by the same anointing, a holy of the holy (sanctum sancti). And this difference seemed to exist, that he had called none of them a holy of holies except that alone which was separated from the holy place only by a veil, that is, where the ark of the covenant and the altar of incense were.
But now, when he repeated the same things, he said concerning the anointed tabernacle and the things that were in it, that by the same anointing they were sanctified and became holy; yet that altar of burnt offerings, of which he had earlier said that it became a holy of the holy (sanctum sancti), he now said, by the same anointing, became a holy of holies (sanctum sanctorum).
Whence we are given to understand that what had been called 'a holy of the holy' (sanctum sancti) is worth just as much as what is called 'a holy of holies' (sanctum sanctorum); and through this, that all those anointed things also — that is, the whole tabernacle and whatever was in it, which he had earlier called 'holy of holies' — are worth just as much as what he now calls 'holy'; and that none of them is called, after that anointing, merely 'a holy of the holy,' but even 'a holy of holies,' just like the altar of burnt offerings.
So that now there is no difference, as far as this appellation is concerned, between those things which had been inside within the veil — that is, where the ark of the testimony was — and the rest outside, except that those inner things were called 'holy of holies' or 'holy of the holy' in such a way that even before the anointing they were so called, whereas the rest were sanctified by the anointing so as to receive this name. What these things signify must be examined at leisure. When Scripture was recounting how Moses set up the tabernacle, 'and he stretched out,' it says, 'the curtains over the tabernacle' — not indeed over it from above as a roof, but girding the columns, since it had said concerning the columns that he had set up the tabernacle. When he said:
'and around the court about the tabernacle and the altar,' he makes it clear that the altar of burnt offerings was outside at the door of the tabernacle, so that it was entirely surrounded by the court, and the altar was within the court, between the gate of the court and the door of the tabernacle. A very marvelous thing is to be noted: that when the cloud descended and filled the tabernacle — which cloud is nevertheless called the glory of the Lord — Moses could not enter the tabernacle, though on Mount Sinai, when he first received the law, he entered into the cloud where God was. Without doubt, then, he figured one person at that time, another now:
and then he figured those who are made partakers of the inmost truth of God, but now he figures the Jews, to whom the glory of the Lord which is in the tabernacle — which is the grace of Christ — is set as it were like a cloud, since they do not understand it. And therefore he does not enter into the tabernacle of testimony. And this is to be believed to have happened once, as soon as the tabernacle was set up, for the sake of this signification or of some other. For the cloud was not always so upon the tabernacle that Moses could not enter there, since indeed the cloud was not removed except when this sign of decamping was given to them — that is, of moving the camp from the place where they were, and of advancing whither the cloud led by day, and the flame by night.
These two things by turns remained also upon the tabernacle, wherever they pitched their camp: the cloud by day, the flame by night. QUESTION 177. An exposition of the tabernacle. Since the book called Exodus takes its conclusion in the construction of the tabernacle — concerning which tabernacle many things are also said throughout the earlier parts of the same book, things that create difficulty of understanding, as every topographia (that is, the description of some place) tends to do in every narrative — it has seemed good to me to speak separately about the whole tabernacle itself, in order that it may be understood, if it can be done, of what sort it was and what it was, taking the figurative signification for the moment according to the propriety of the narration and deferring it to another time;
for it must not be thought that anything was there which was set up at God's command without the sacrament of some great thing, the knowledge of which builds up faith and the form of piety. God therefore commands Moses to make a tabernacle of ten curtains of twisted fine linen and hyacinth and purple and twisted scarlet, with cherubim by the weaver's work. What the Greeks call aulaias, the Latins call aulaea, which are commonly called cortinae (curtains). He did not, then, order ten courts to be made, as some have carelessly interpreted; for he did not say aulas, but aulaias. He therefore ordered cherubim to be made in the curtains by weaving work; and he enjoined that the length of these curtains be twenty-eight cubits and the breadth four cubits;
and that the curtains should cohere with one another and be joined together, five on this side and five on that, so that the space which was enclosed by them should be the space of the tabernacle. And in what manner these five and five curtains should be connected together, he thus commanded: 'and you shall make for them,' he says, 'hyacinthine loops upon the edge of one curtain on the one side at the joining; and so you shall make upon the edge at the second joining' — that is, where curtain is joined to curtain, namely the third to the second, which second has already been joined to the first, that is, connected and linked together, the single ones standing face to face over against each other, since he ordered five to be joined among themselves so that they might be set opposite one another.
But whether the space enclosed by these was square or round does not yet appear; but it will appear when he begins to speak of the columns by which the curtains are extended. He therefore wished to say no more than concerning the connection of three, which is made at two joinings, of the second to the first and of the third to the second, so that from this as it were a rule the rest might be joined. He ordered, then, fifty loops to be made for the first curtain, on the one side by which the second was to be joined to it, and fifty loops for the third curtain on that side by which it was joined to the second; and the second one itself — that is, the middle one between both sets of fifty loops — he wished to have fifty rings, of gold to be sure, on the one side, through which it might be joined to the fifty loops of the first curtain.
And through this it followed that on the other side too it should have just as many rings, through which it might be joined to the loops of the third curtain. This Scripture briefly stated thus: 'and you shall make fifty golden rings, and you shall join curtain to curtain by the rings; and there shall be one tabernacle.' The fifty golden rings, then, of the second curtain were inserted into the fifty hyacinthine loops of the first curtain; fifty rings were inserted also into the fifty loops of the third curtain; and thereafter the rest were connected in this way, so that five were completed, and on the opposite side likewise another five. Then he says: 'and you shall make hair curtains to cover over the tabernacle' — that is, ones which should come over it not from the side of the roof, but by over-girding.
For we say that something is placed over in this way too, not as the roof of a house, but as the plastering of a wall, like a band over a course. 'Eleven,' he says, 'you shall make these veils. The length of one veil shall be thirty cubits, and four cubits the breadth of one veil; the same measure shall be for the eleven veils. And you shall join five veils together and six veils together.' Just as he wished those curtains to be joined five by five, so he wished these veils to be five and six, because they were eleven, not ten. 'And you shall double,' he says, 'the sixth veil at the front of the tabernacle,' lest it should shift, because the six and the five met each other unequally. Then he says also how these hair veils should be joined to one another. And he says the same, but perhaps more plainly.
'And you shall make,' he says, 'fifty loops on the edge of one veil which is over against the middle' — that is, over against the second, because it will be the middle between the first and the third — 'according to the joining,' that is, the juncture. 'And fifty loops you shall make upon the edge of the veil which is joined to the second veil' — that is, upon the edge of the third veil, because it is joined to the second. 'And you shall make fifty bronze rings, and you shall join the rings from the loops; and you shall join the veils, and it shall be one.' He wished the rings, then, to be added to the middle veil, that is, the second, by whose fifty loops it might be joined to the first and the third. There is nothing else here except that he now ordered the rings to be made not of gold, but of bronze. But he had said that the loops in the curtains were hyacinthine.
But in the hair veils, since he was silent as to what kind the loops should be, what more credibly are we to take them to be than hair loops? What follows next is so difficult to understand that I fear lest by expounding it should become more obscure. For he says: 'and you shall place under what is over in the veils of the tabernacle; the half of the veil that is over you shall spread beneath; what abounds of the veils of the tabernacle you shall spread beneath, behind the tabernacle. A cubit on this side and a cubit on that side, of that which is over in the veils, of the length of the veils of the tabernacle, shall be covering over the sides of the tabernacle, on this side and on that, that it may cover it.' Since he had ordered the sixth veil to be doubled at the front of the tabernacle, what does he mean by saying that half a veil is over in the veils, and what does he mean by saying:
'a cubit on this side and a cubit on that side' — since half a veil is fifteen cubits, seeing that he ordered one veil to be thirty cubits — who could easily understand? Or if for this reason something is over of the length of the veils, because he ordered the first curtains of fine linen and scarlet and purple and hyacinth to be twenty-eight cubits long, but these hair veils he wished to be thirty cubits, then each single curtain is exceeded by each single hair veil by two cubits; which, brought into a sum, excepting the eleventh — which he ordered to be doubled — amount to twenty cubits by which the circuit of the curtains is exceeded by the circuit of the hair veils. For twice ten cubits, by which the ten veils were longer, make twenty:
of which, from either side, ten on this side and ten on that could be over — not a cubit on this side and a cubit on that side, as Scripture says. Wherefore the exposition of this passage seems to me to be deferred, until the tabernacle stands complete on every side with all its columns together with the court which is placed around it. For perhaps by anticipation he says something about these hair veils which pertains to those things of which he has not yet spoken. For what he says, 'and you shall make hair veils to cover over the tabernacle,' whether he wishes the whole tabernacle to be covered by these veils, together with the court, that is, of which he speaks later as to be placed around, or this inner tabernacle which he ordered to be made of ten curtains, is uncertain. He continues, then, and says:
'and you shall make a covering for the tabernacle of rams' skins dyed red.' This covering too, whether he ordered it to be made for the whole tabernacle round about, or for the inner one only, is likewise held to be uncertain. But what he adds, 'and coverings of hyacinthine skins above,' this is to be taken not as round about, but from the roof as a vault. 'And you shall make,' he says, 'columns for the tabernacle of incorruptible woods: one column ten cubits, and the breadth of one column one cubit and a half; two little props for one column, standing over against each other. So shall you make for all the columns of the tabernacle.' Why he ordered these little props to be made — concerning which I earlier said what they were — is not sufficiently clear to me.
For if they were made for carrying the columns, at least four would be made; but if for where the bars should rest, even more would be made — for he distributed five bars to each single column. Unless perhaps in these little props there is no practical use, but a signification alone, as in the eleventh hair veil. For a column, extending two little props like arms on this side and that, presents the figure of a cross. Now let us consider the number of the columns, in which the form of the tabernacle also can be discerned — whether it is square or round, or has an oblong quadrangle with longer sides and shorter fronts, as most basilicas are constructed; for this rather is here evidently expressed. For he thus says:
'and you shall make columns for the tabernacle, twenty columns on that side which looks toward the north. And forty silver bases you shall make for the twenty columns, two bases for one column on both its parts. And the second side toward the south, twenty columns and forty silver bases for them: two bases for one column on both its parts, and two bases for one column on both its parts.' Let the repetition not disturb you, for it is a manner of speech, so that all may be understood in the same way, even those of which he does not speak. Concerning the bases we have already said before why one column has two, because in this passage he calls the capitals also 'bases.' We see, therefore, two sides of the tabernacle, the north and the south, extended by twenty columns each.
Two remain, the eastern and the western, which, if they had had just as many columns, would without doubt be square. But how many they have — concerning the western it is not passed over in silence, concerning the eastern it is passed over: whether because it had none, and there alone the curtains were stretched without columns from the outermost column of one side to the other outermost of the other, or whether for some reason they are passed over in silence, so that even when unmentioned they might be understood, I do not know. For afterwards indeed ten columns are mentioned on that same eastern part, but of the court, of which he speaks later, which he orders to be placed around this tabernacle. Having mentioned, then, the northern and southern sides of the tabernacle, each with twenty columns, he then continues and adds, saying:
'and behind the tabernacle, on the part which is toward the sea, you shall make six columns. And two columns you shall make at the corners of the tabernacle at the rear. And they shall be equal downward and coming together into themselves, equal at the heads into one joining. So shall you make for both the two corners; let them be equal. And there shall be eight columns and their silver bases sixteen: two bases for one column and two bases for one column on both its parts.' Concerning the bases the reasoning is similar and the manner of speech is similar. The western side, then — for this is toward the sea — is extended by eight columns: six in the middle and two at the corners, which he says ought to be equal, up to one joining;
I believe, because the corner joins two sides to itself, and the corner column is common to both sides — this one to the western and northern, that one to the western and southern. But what he says, 'equal also downward,' this he certainly says so that they should be leveled to the plumb-line, lest they be stouter below than above, as most columns are. Then he says: 'and you shall make bars of incorruptible woods, five for one column on the one side of the tabernacle, and five bars for the column on the second side of the tabernacle, and five bars for the column on the rear side of the tabernacle which is toward the sea.' It would be strange if it could be doubted that the eastern side had no columns in this inner tabernacle, around which the court is afterwards placed.
He orders, then, each and every single column of all three sides to have five bars each. 'And the bar,' he says, 'in the middle between the middle columns shall pass through from one side to the other side.' This he seems to say so that the bar should reach from column to column and be extended through the interval of the columns from the side of one to the side of another. And through this, one column out of all these was not going to have its own five bars; to which as the outermost the five came, coming from the column nearest to it. 'And the columns,' he says, 'you shall overlay with gold, and you shall make bronze rings into which you shall insert the bars, and you shall overlay the bars with gold.'
Lest the columns should be hollowed out with holes into which the bars might enter, he ordered rings to be made by which the ends of the bars might be held on either side. Accordingly these rings are understood to have hung from little handles fixed in the wood, so that they could take and hold the outermost parts of the bars. 'And you shall erect,' he says, 'the tabernacle according to the pattern which was shown to you on the mountain. And you shall make a veil of hyacinth and purple and twisted scarlet and spun fine linen; a woven work you shall make it, of cherubim. And you shall place it over four incorruptible columns overlaid with gold; and their capitals of gold, and their four bases of silver. And you shall set the veil over the columns, and you shall bring in thither, more inward than the veil is, the ark of the testimony:
and the veil shall divide for you between the midst of the holy place and the midst of the holy of holies. And you shall cover with the veil the ark of the testimony in the holy of holies.' All these things make it manifest that within, inside this veil placed upon the four columns, was the ark of the testimony; which he did not order to be so covered with the veil that the veil should lie over the covering of the ark, but that it should be set over against it. Then he says: 'and you shall place the table outside, beyond the veil, and the lampstand over against the table on the part of the tabernacle which looks toward the south; and you shall place the table on the part of the tabernacle which looks toward the north.' This too is plain. But what follows: 'and you shall make a screen of hyacinth and purple and twisted scarlet and twisted fine linen, the work of an embroiderer.'
'And you shall make for the screen five columns and shall overlay them with gold; and their capitals of gold. And you shall cast for them five bronze bases.' For what use this screen is made, extended on five columns, will appear afterwards; for here it does not appear. For he wishes it to be the screen of the door of the tabernacle — of this inner one, that is, around which the court is placed. Then he orders the altar of sacrifices and burnt offerings to be made, and says in what manner it is to be made, but does not yet say where it is to be placed; but this too will appear afterwards. Hence now he speaks of the court right up to the end, which is to be placed around that tabernacle of which he earlier spoke as to be constructed. 'And you shall make,' he says, 'a court' — which in Greek he calls chorton, not aulaian:
which some of our translators, not distinguishing both this and those curtains — which the Greeks call aulaias, not chortos — interpreted as 'courts,' saying: 'and you shall make a tabernacle of ten courts,' where they ought to have said 'of ten curtains.' And some, much more unskilled, interpreted both aulaea and aulaia as 'doors.' But just as in the Latin tongue we find aulaea, which the Greeks call aulaias, so what they call aulen, our people called aula. But now it is not a court that is signified by this name in the Latin tongue, but a royal house; among the Greeks, however, a court. Therefore: 'and you shall make,' he says, 'a court for the tabernacle on the side which looks toward the south, and hangings of the court of twisted fine linen:
let the length be a hundred cubits for one side. Their columns twenty, and their bronze bases twenty, and their rings and their arches of silver. So also for the side which is toward the north, hangings of a hundred cubits in length; and their columns twenty and their bronze bases twenty, and their rings and the arches of the columns and the bases overlaid with silver. But the breadth of the court which is toward the sea, its hangings of fifty cubits; their columns ten and their bases ten. And the breadth of the court which is toward the east, fifty cubits; its columns ten and their bases ten.'
Here now we see columns mentioned on the east, when he speaks of the court, and those ten and ten with bronze bases, just as he also said concerning the western ones. Whereupon a most difficult question arises. For it is indeed easy for us to take on the east one row of columns pertaining to the court, by which the inner tabernacle is girded on all four sides, because on that part the inner tabernacle had no columns; but on the west, where there were already the eight columns of the inner tabernacle, how are we to take also these ten which he mentions as belonging to the outer court — as though on the west there were two rows of columns, eight of the inner and ten of the outer?
But if this is so, the sides of the outer court will also be longer than those of the inner tabernacle, so that there may be room whence, from end to end, another row of columns may be run and not run into the earlier row pertaining to the inner tabernacle. And if this is so, it will follow that those twenty columns of the two sides of the inner tabernacle, the south and the north, are separated by shorter intervals than those twenty which the outer court has on the same sides. And because those outer rows of twenty columns,
as Scripture says, take up a hundred cubits, these inner rows of just as many columns take up however many cubits less — since Scripture did not express this — it will follow that those eight columns of the inner tabernacle on the western side are more sparsely set than those twenty of the same tabernacle on the south and north, so that there may be comprehended a space sufficient for stretching around those ten curtains, of which he first said this tabernacle was to be made. For they have twenty-eight cubits each, which together make two hundred and eighty:
of which, if a hundred each were on the two sides of the south and north, where the rows of twenty columns are, then forty cubits each would be stretched along the other two sides of the east and west, and in proportion forty cubits would fall on eight columns, just as a hundred cubits on twenty columns; but then the sides of the outer court would not be longer, since they are defined by a hundred cubits each, and therefore there would be no way in which that row of ten columns could enclose, from the southern corner to the northern corner, the row of the inner eight columns. Accordingly, in order that the inner tabernacle may be surrounded on every side by the court, it is necessary that it be also of a shorter length. And thus it must needs be that its twenty columns on the two sides,
along which it is extended lengthwise, be set more densely than even those twenty columns of the outer court themselves, and the eight columns of the inner tabernacle on the western part more sparsely than the ten of the outer court on the same part; since whatever fewer cubits of those curtains are stretched out on the twenty columns of the two sides toward the south and north must be compensated for by the breadth of the eastern and western sides, so that the two hundred and eighty cubits of the curtains may be completed. For it is not, as with the hair veils, where there is one more, that he thus ordered anything to be doubled of these curtains. Wherefore, if the length of the inner tabernacle is only so far shortened as could be enclosed by the outer court,
so that on its twenty columns not a hundred cubits of curtains are stretched, but, for example, at least ninety-six, so that they are shorter by four cubits, these very four cubits — that is, eight cubits on the two other sides — must certainly be stretched on the eastern and western sides; and so on those eight western columns of the inner tabernacle not forty cubits are extended, but forty-four, and another forty-four on the east.
When, therefore, along the ten columns of the outer court fifty cubits are stretched, but along the eight columns of the inner tabernacle forty-four cubits are stretched, the intervals of the eight inner columns are found to be more sparse than those of the ten outer ones; for if they were equal, then along the eight columns forty cubits would be stretched, just as fifty were stretched along the ten, since what eight is in proportion to ten, that same is forty to fifty. For the number forty contains the number five eight times, while fifty contains it ten times. Nor need the unequal intervals of the columns trouble us, in that they were set more densely along the sides of the length, where there are twenty apiece, but more sparsely along the side of the breadth.
where there are eight columns—unless some other consideration arose which compelled a change of view. For when Scripture had recorded that the length of the court toward the sea has hangings of fifty cubits, and ten columns, and their ten bases; and likewise the breadth of the court toward the east of fifty cubits, and ten columns, and ten bases; and after these words the form of the tabernacle with its court surrounding it on every side seemed complete, it introduced something else, where and in what manner it is to be understood is most difficult to discover. 'And of fifteen cubits,' it says, 'is the height of the hangings for the one side; their columns three and their bases three. And the second side of fifteen cubits, the height of the hangings; their columns three and their bases three.'
'And the covering of the court gate, twenty cubits in height, of blue and purple and spun scarlet and twined linen, embroidered with the needle in varied work: their columns four and their bases four.' Where these are to be set up, with that form of the tabernacle already complete, I do not see; but I do clearly see that the number of columns is the same, namely ten, made up of three and three and four—three, that is, on each side and four in the middle. And by this those hangings of fifty cubits will not be continuous, lest there be no entrance into the court, but two spaces of fifteen cubits each will leave a middle space of twenty cubits separate, so that they may form the covering of the tabernacle gates, that is, the veil.
which hangs down as adornment and covering, and occupies the space of the four columns which are assigned and set apart for the court gate. Therefore he willed that this very veiling, divided and set apart from the sides of fifteen cubits each, should also be distinguished in appearance, so that by needlework it might be varied with those four colors. But if those sides of fifteen cubits each, having three columns on either hand, be joined in the same straight line with the court gate, there will be no space between the ten columns of the outer court and the eight of the inner tabernacle where the altar might stand—a square of five cubits occupying its space—and in front of the altar itself where service might be done to the altar, and between it and the door of the inner tabernacle where the bronze laver might stand.
For thus it was commanded to be placed, that from it the priests might wash their hands and feet when they enter the tabernacle or when they draw near to serve the altar. But unless we understand this to be outside the tabernacle, in the court, how can they first wash their hands and feet and thus enter the tabernacle? Yet outside the court we cannot set the altar, since he commanded that both the tabernacle and the altar be surrounded by the court. It remains, therefore, that we take those sides of fifteen cubits each on either hand, with their three columns each, in such a way from the sides that they themselves make an interval of the same number of cubits between the court gate and the door of the inner tabernacle:
the gate indeed lying open twenty cubits wide upon four columns and having a veil varied with needlework of twenty cubits, but the door of the inner tabernacle where that veiling should be placed, stretched upon five columns—which we ought certainly to understand as set not within that row of eight columns, but outside, toward the court. For then it will be the veil of the tabernacle door, which door was opened as if by folding-leaves, where the curtains were not joined to one another by rings and loops; or else, if perchance within that row of the eight columns of the inner tabernacle, this veiling upon five columns was set opposite the tabernacle door, so that when it was opened the inner parts might not be laid bare, lest they be seen by those looking in.
This veiling, however—whether it was placed within that row of columns or without, which is not sufficiently clear—was without doubt distant by a moderate interval from that same row of columns, lest the five columns, being too densely crowded against the four columns, should rather block the entrance than veil it. According to this manner, therefore, and according to this form of the tabernacle, there is now no need to set up those twenty columns of the sides of the inner tabernacle toward the south and the north more densely, and to make those eight, which had been on the west, more sparse.
For those ten columns of the outer court on the same western side do not make a long row of columns by which the eight inner ones might be enclosed, but with three set on either side and four in the gate they close off a space where both the altar of burnt offerings may be within the court gate before the tabernacle door, and the laver between the tabernacle door and the altar, and the interval necessary for the ministry between the altar and the court gate. And thus that whole space of the court is enclosed by ten columns—three on the north and three on the south and four on the west—as if you were to make the Greek letter N.
因為外院西邊那十根柱子,並不構成一長排柱子把內側八根圍住,而是每邊各設三根、門上四根,圍出一塊空間,好使燔祭的祭壇得在院子門內、帳幕門前,又使銅盆在帳幕門與祭壇之間,並使祭壇與院子門之間有事奉所必需的間隔。如此,院子的整塊空間便由十根柱子圍住——北邊三根、南邊三根、西邊四根——彷彿你畫出希臘字母 N 一般。
And thus that same space was joined to the longer row of columns of the inner tabernacle, as if to the aforementioned letter, on the side where it does not have one, you were to add that prolongation of the letter which is called iota, so that by its middle part it might be closed off from that side, and the remaining parts of the iota itself should be left on either hand. Ten columns, therefore, could be counted in that long row of the western part of the inner tabernacle, since to those eight were added two, which had been the last in the rows of the court's sides toward the north and the south.
For those ten also which properly belonged to the court on the west, whence entrance was made to the tabernacle, had three columns on the sides and four in front where the gate was, and thus embraced within the court, before the tabernacle, the space necessary for the use of the sacrifices. On the three columns which were on the sides there were hangings of linen of fifteen cubits each; but on the four, where the gate was, there was a veil of twenty cubits varied with needlework. Nor let it disturb us that Scripture says: 'Of fifteen cubits is the height of the hangings for the one side; their columns three and their bases three. And the second side of fifteen cubits, the height of the hangings; their columns three and their bases three.'
'And the covering of the court gate, twenty cubits in height.' For it calls 'height' that same measure which had been the 'length' of the hangings. For the same measure is the height when they are woven that is the length when they are stretched out. And lest we should seem merely to suspect this, Scripture, recording this very thing in another place, says: 'And they made the court which is toward the south; the hangings of the court of twined linen, a hundred by a hundred'—that is, a hundred cubits of hangings by a hundred cubits of space which the twenty columns occupied. Then it follows: 'And their columns twenty and their bases twenty of bronze. And the side which is toward the north, a hundred by a hundred; and their columns twenty and their bases twenty of bronze. And the side which is toward the sea, curtains of fifty cubits;'
'their columns ten and their bases ten': it calls 'curtains' the same things it calls 'hangings.' 'The side which is toward the east, hangings of fifty cubits.' After these things it returns to the rear parts of the tabernacle, to show in what manner those ten columns embraced the space of the court of which it was speaking. 'Of fifteen cubits,' it says, 'which is at the back.' It calls it 'back' because these were the rear parts of the tabernacle, that is, on the west side. 'And their columns,' it says, 'three, and their bases three. And at the second back, on this side and on that, alongside the court gate, curtains of fifteen cubits: their columns three and their bases three.' It is certainly manifest that two backs are here spoken of.
For when it is recorded in what manner all things were made which had been called 'sides' when it was commanded that they be made—'sides,' namely, because being joined on this side and on that they closed off the space of the western gate of the court, but 'backs' because this part of the court was at the rear of the tabernacle, that is, on the western side. Then it follows and says: 'All the hangings of the court of twined linen. And the bases of the columns of bronze, and their loops of silver, and their capitals overlaid with silver, and the columns overlaid with silver, all the columns of the court.' Then it adds what it had not yet recorded in that place: 'And the covering of the court gate, the work of the embroiderer, of blue and purple and spun scarlet and twined linen, twenty cubits in length and in height.'
Behold where it appears that the 'height' mentioned above was the length of the stretched curtains. Finally it adds: 'And the breadth of five cubits.' For the hangings of the outer court were raised up to so many cubits of breadth, just as those of the inner one to four cubits. And thus too it had said above: 'The length of the court a hundred by a hundred, and the breadth fifty by fifty, and the height five cubits, of twined linen'—calling that 'height' which afterward it called 'breadth,' since the breadth of things lying flat is the same as the height of things set upright, just as (which I mentioned a little before) the height when they are woven is the same as the length when they are stretched. Now let us look at what I had deferred.
How, from this form of the whole tabernacle, which I have set before your eyes as best I could, that difficulty concerning the goats'-hair veils may be resolved. This difficulty was perhaps the more obscure because by anticipation something was said which would be of use for the work of which he was to speak afterward, when he was describing the court to be set around the tabernacle. Now therefore let us look at the very words. 'And you shall place underneath,' it says, 'that which shall be over in the veils of the tabernacle: the half of the veil which shall be over you shall spread beneath, that which abounds in the veils of the tabernacle you shall spread beneath, behind the tabernacle.' All this that is said has one meaning, since 'the half of the veil which shall be over'—that is, that which shall abound of the veils of the tabernacle—
'is to be spread beneath, behind the tabernacle.' In what way, then, it may be over—that is, abound—and there remain a half of the veil, we must inquire from that series of connected veils, since he willed five to be connected together among themselves and six among themselves, as he had said above when speaking, that the sixth veil should be doubled from the face of the tabernacle, that is, from the east. For so often he signified that the rear parts of the tabernacle are on the west side, that is, toward the sea. What, then, is the 'face' of the tabernacle, unless that part is to be understood which is toward the east?
That part, therefore, in which five veils are connected, has a hundred and fifty cubits, that is, five times thirty—for each was of thirty cubits, as God had commanded them to be made—but that part in which there were not five but six veils likewise linked to one another had a hundred and eighty cubits, that is, six times thirty; and by this, one veil of them being doubled, as was commanded, according to the face of the tabernacle, fifteen cubits were diminished in that doubling; and these being subtracted, a hundred and sixty-five remained. And therefore, after the hundred and fifty cubits by which this part of six veils was made equal to that part of five veils, fifteen cubits were over and did abound.
For on the side of the five veils there were a hundred and fifty cubits; but on the side of the six veils, one veil being doubled according to the face of the tabernacle, there were a hundred and sixty-five cubits. This part, therefore, had fifteen cubits more. This is what he calls the 'half of the veil' which he commands to be spread beneath, behind the tabernacle.
so that, since that veil was doubled at the face, this half which is redundant at the rear part of the tabernacle might not be doubled, but be spread beneath—that is, all those fifteen cubits might be let down beneath and covered—and thus these too might be subtracted from that length, just as those fifteen at the face of the tabernacle were subtracted by the doubling of one veil, and in that way the hundred and fifty cubits of the six veels from the other part might meet the hundred and fifty cubits of the five veils: thirty cubits, namely, being subtracted from the hundred and eighty—by the veil doubled at the face of the tabernacle, and by the half-veil spread beneath at the rear of the tabernacle.
Now that which follows is something else, and introduces another question, on account of which especially I thought the exposition of this passage should be deferred, so that first we might see both the form of setting up the tabernacle and what is written concerning the court to be placed around it. It follows, then: 'A cubit on this side and a cubit on that, of that which is over in the veils, of the length of the veils of the tabernacle, shall be covering over the sides of the tabernacle, on this side and on that, that it may cover.' It is one thing that the one part of six veils shall exceed the other part of five veils on account of the greater number of veils, of which we have already spoken; it is another that it shall exceed in the length of the veils, of which now it is said. For thus it is not part compared with part, and the one found to exceed the other:
that part, namely, which has six veils exceeding that which has five veils. For that both these might be made equal to each other, at the face of the tabernacle the doubling of one veil was made, at the back the spreading-beneath of a half; but the goats'-hair veils themselves, compared with the curtains, of which he commanded ten to be made for the inner tabernacle woven of four colors, are found to be longer by two cubits each. For those curtains were each of twenty-eight cubits, these of thirty. Therefore here he does not say 'of that which is over of the veils,' but 'of that which is over in the veils, of the length of the veils.' What, then, is:
'a cubit on this side and a cubit on that shall be covering over the sides of the tabernacle,' except that that length by which the goats'-hair veils are longer than the curtains by two cubits each, each of them, is not all to be gathered onto one part—that is, so that whatever is over should be collected toward the rear of the tabernacle—but should be distributed equally, and as much of it be assigned toward the front of the tabernacle as toward the rear; that is, since two cubits in each of the veils make that length which is over, this part should take a cubit from thence and that part a cubit;
so from each of its own cubits this part will have ten cubits and that part ten from its own single cubits, since ten veils, longer by two cubits each, make a length of twenty cubits, by which they are seen to exceed with their own series the series of the curtains. Next it must be considered to what space, to be encircled, these twenty cubits which are over of the length of the veils may be of use. For if the inner tabernacle is covered round about with the goats'-hair veils, they are over in such a way that there is nothing at all of them to be covered by them. Whence it remains that these too be spread beneath, and by being spread beneath be subtracted—which Scripture does not say.
For the ten curtains, which have twenty-eight cubits each, by which the inner tabernacle is stretched, encircle as great a space as they can encircle—two hundred and eighty cubits; whence those longer sides, the southern and the northern, having twenty columns each, take away from these a hundred cubits; there remain eighty, which are to be distributed forty apiece to the two remaining shorter sides, the eastern (which has no row of columns) and the western (where there were eight columns). Accordingly, in the goats'-hair veils, since thirty cubits being subtracted three hundred remained, if with three hundred cubits of the goats'-hair veils I cover the two hundred and eighty of the curtains, twenty will be over in such a way that there is nothing of them to be covered.
Accordingly those two cubits which each goats'-hair veil has in excess, from which the total of twenty cubits was collected, are to be distributed thus: 'a cubit on this side and a cubit on that'; that is, lest they all be gathered onto one part, that they may be of use for covering the sides—not of the tabernacle, but of the outer court; that is, that all those three hundred cubits of goats'-hair veils may gird the tabernacle on the outside. For when the sides of the outer court of a hundred cubits each are added, that is, the south and the north, fifty cubits each of the east and west are over, all of which make three hundred, for the covering of which the three hundred of the goats'-hair veils suffice. This is what he says, 'a cubit on this side and a cubit on that,' that is:
the distribution of the two cubits by which each goats'-hair veil is longer. This is 'of that which is over in the veils, of the length of the veils, shall be covering over the sides of the tabernacle'—those outer sides, namely, which pertain to the court—'on this side and on that, that it may cover'; and not those of the court itself, which are stretched with a hundred cubits each and twenty columns; for these were not made longer than those of the inner tabernacle which are stretched with ten curtains and themselves also have twenty columns. For just as the two sides of the inner tabernacle on the north and south are extended a hundred cubits each, so also are those of the outer court.
The length of the goats'-hair veils, therefore—by which they exceed the length of the curtains—is not of use for covering those outer sides of the same number of columns. For they give to the outer sides only as much as they would give to the inner, that is, a hundred cubits each, which make two hundred.
But because for the eastern and western sides forty cubits each would suffice if only the inner tabernacle were girded with goats'-hair veils, yet when the sides of the court were added the breadth of the tabernacle grew, so that for covering the eastern and western sides now not forty but fifty cubits each are necessary, the length of the goats'-hair veils—greater than that of the curtains—could be of use for covering these, so that not both cubits by which they are longer by two each should be expended on one part, but 'a cubit on this side and a cubit on that,' and thus from that very superabundance the eastern side might have ten cubits and the western another ten.
For twenty are twice ten—since the thirty cubits of the eleventh veil are subtracted from this compass by doubling and spreading-beneath. But since that which in Latin is rendered 'a cubit on this side and a cubit on that, of that which is over in the veils, of the length of the veils of the tabernacle, shall be covering over the sides of the tabernacle,' the Greek has 'plagia,' which some Latin writers have interpreted not as 'sides' (latera) but as 'obliques' (obliqua), it rightly gives us pause; for although nothing here seems oblique, where all the angles of the four sides are right angles, yet those cannot be called 'plagia' of which one is at the face and the other at the rear, that is, the eastern and western; but those on the right and the left, that is, the northern and southern, can be called 'plagia':
Since, then, those which have fifty cubits each are not 'plagia'—for the covering of which sides we have said the excess length of the goats'-hair veils could be of use—how will it be true that 'a cubit on this side and a cubit on that, of that which is over in the veils of the length of the veils of the tabernacle, shall be covering over the sides of the tabernacle'? But doubtless he speaks of covering those sides which he also calls 'backs,' of fifteen cubits and three columns each, which together with the court gate, having twenty cubits and four columns, complete fifty cubits and ten columns. These sides, from their own boundaries, set the court gate in the middle on the one hand, and the tabernacle door on the other;
between the court gate and the tabernacle door a space lies, as much as those cubits enclose—twenty at the gate, and fifteen on the right and left. In that space is the altar of burnt offerings, within the court gate, before the tabernacle door; and between the altar and the tabernacle door the bronze laver, where the priests washed their hands and feet. But when the measurements are carefully examined, perhaps in these sides of three columns, which are called 'plagia' in Greek, some obliquity also is found, so that not without reason certain of our interpreters rendered 'obliqua' what they found in the Greek as 'plagia.'
For the goats'-hair veils cannot with their fifteen cubits cover the fifteen cubits of the hangings on those sides, unless at the rear parts of the tabernacle, before they are turned aside toward those sides, they have expended not more than ten cubits. And thus, from the straight line of the rear of the tabernacle—that is, on the west side, which line, when it had had eight columns pertaining to the inner tabernacle, began to have ten with the sides of the outer court added; and when it had had forty cubits pertaining to the eight columns,
began to have fifty on the ten columns—from this line, therefore, when ten cubits coming from each angle have been covered by the goats'-hair veils, there will remain in the middle thirty not covered by the goats'-hair veils, but only by those curtains, in the middle of whose thirty cubits, through however many cubits they were stretched, was the tabernacle door.
Accordingly those sides of three columns and fifteen cubits, if from those boundaries of theirs by which they were joined to the court gate they lay open between themselves by twenty cubits—since so much had the gate which separated those sides—but from their other boundaries, by which they clung to that rear line of the tabernacle of which we have spoken, had thirty cubits between themselves, without doubt were oblique, since they lay more open between themselves on this side, where they had thirty cubits in the middle, than on that side, where they had twenty cubits in the middle.
Thus those ten cubits of goats'-hair veils, which were the half of the abounding length, which were of use for the rear part of the tabernacle, that is the western, just as the other ten were of use for the front part, that is the eastern, completed with five cubits each the covering of those sides which in Greek are called 'plagia,' five on this side and five on that. And if these had been lacking, ten cubits would be covered on those same sides and five would be bare. And so, as far as it seems to me, it is better understood that it was said from this:
'a cubit on this side and a cubit on that, of that which is over in the veils of the length of the veils of the tabernacle'—not because they were, when there were five on this side and five on that, but because they abounded from that length in which the goats'-hair veils were longer than the curtains by two cubits each; from which two cubits of each veil a cubit had gone to the eastern part, and there remained certainly the other cubit for the western part, so that 'a cubit on this side and a cubit on that' should be covering over the 'plagia' of the tabernacle. Whence it was said, 'on this side and on that, that it may cover,' because it would not cover the whole if those same five cubits had been lacking. Now, since enough has been argued how all those things are to be understood which in the setting up of the tabernacle seemed obscure,
let us strive, if we can, to show briefly what has been accomplished by this same discussion. From the west, therefore, one entered, and the first thing on entering was the court gate, which lay open twenty cubits and had four columns, from which hung a veil stretched twenty cubits, but raised up five cubits, varied with needlework in those four colors so often mentioned. Entering by this gate, one was received into the court, whose sides on the right and left were extended inward fifteen cubits each with three columns each, so that at the point they reached they set in the middle the door of the inner tabernacle, just as at the point where they began they set in the middle the court gate. This court, then, was broader than it was long.
For its length was from its own gate as far as the door of the inner tabernacle, in about fifteen cubits; but its breadth around the gate was in twenty cubits, and around the door in thirty cubits. Whence those sides are understood to have been oblique, which were on the right and left in three columns and fifteen cubits. In this court was the square altar of sacrifices, five cubits long, namely, and as many broad. Between the gate and the altar was a space, where those moved about who laid the sacrifices upon the altar;
but further within, between the altar and the tabernacle door, was the place of ashes before the altar, and then the bronze laver, where the priests washed their hands and feet, whether about to serve the altar in the court or about to enter the inner tabernacle. Moreover the hangings of this court, on the sides of three columns, were of linen, stretched fifteen cubits, raised five cubits. From this court, therefore, one entered the tabernacle door, when one had passed the altar and the bronze laver. And one entered by opening the curtains, of which ten—five on this side and five on that, set opposite one another—girded that whole inner tabernacle.
To one who had entered this door there met the veil which had been set opposite the door, stretched upon five columns, stretched with those four colors; which veil, when he commanded it to be made, he called 'the drawing-veil,' I believe because it would run by being drawn and drawn back, when it covered and opened the entrance. Having passed this veil, there received one the middle part of the tabernacle, between this veil and that other inner one, which had been placed upon four columns, made of those four colors; and it separated between the holy things which were on the outside and the holy of holies placed within.
In this middle space, therefore, between those two veils stood a golden table, which held the loaves of the presentation on the north side, and opposite it a golden lampstand with seven lamps on the south side. Thus far it was permitted for the priests of the second order to enter. But further within, that is, in the Holy of Holies beyond the veil of the four columns, was the gilded ark of the testimony, in which were the stone tablets of the law, the rod of Aaron, and the golden urn with the manna; and above it the golden mercy-seat, where stood two cherubim overshadowing the mercy-seat with their wings, looking upon one another and upon it.
Before the ark, however, that is, between the ark and the veil, was placed the altar of incense, which Scripture sometimes calls golden, sometimes gilded — calling it golden precisely because it was overlaid with gold. It was not permitted to enter this Holy of Holies except for the high priest alone, and that daily for the offering of incense; but once a year with blood to purify the altar, and, if ever necessity happened to require it, for the sin of the priest or of the whole congregation, as is written in Leviticus. Thus one entered the tabernacle from the west, that is, from the gate of the court up to the eastern side within, where the ark of the testimony was.
Now this inner tabernacle, which began not from the gate of the court but from the doorway called the door of the tabernacle, and ended lengthwise at the eastern side where the ark of the testimony was, was enclosed by ten curtains, each of which was twenty-eight cubits, five on this side and five on that, joined to one another by loops and rings and set opposite one another, and by twenty columns on each of the longer sides, north and south, and by eight columns on the western side; but on the eastern side there were no columns, only curtains. These ten curtains were raised to a height of four cubits and were stretched around the whole circuit to two hundred and eighty cubits;
Of these, a hundred cubits were on the longer sides of the south and north, along the twenty columns each; but forty cubits were on the remaining two shorter sides — one on the west along the eight columns, the other on the east, where there were no columns, but the curtains alone were stretched from the two corner columns only, with none in the middle; and these ten curtains were woven of four colors. This inner tabernacle, then, was surrounded by a court, on the south by twenty columns and on the north by twenty. These two sides of the court had the same length as the sides of the inner tabernacle, since they too were extended by twenty columns each over the same number of cubits, that is, a hundred.
On the eastern side, however, the court was enclosed by ten columns, fifty cubits: this row of columns was straight and ran into those two corner columns of the inner tabernacle, which the eastern part alone possessed; and so with these it was completed to ten. On the western side the court had indeed ten columns, yet not in a straight row, but, as we have already shown, in the manner of a triple-porch, four at the gate and three on the sides. But the whole court around the tabernacle was girded with hangings of fine linen, which were raised to five cubits. Above these came eleven curtains of hair, on the one part five joined together, on the other six. In the joining, then, of the five curtains there were a hundred and fifty cubits;
but on the other part, in the joining of the six curtains there were a hundred and eighty cubits, since each single curtain was thirty cubits. But so that the one part might be made equal to the other, one curtain was doubled at the front of the tabernacle, that is, on the east, and half a curtain was folded under at the rear part, that is, on the west. And thus thirty cubits were subtracted, as much as was the length of one curtain, and a hundred and fifty remained, as many as there were on the other part also. The circuit, therefore, of the hair curtains, by which the court of the tabernacle was girded, was stretched to three hundred cubits, just as the circuit of the ten curtains of the inner tabernacle was two hundred and eighty cubits.
For each single curtain had twenty-eight cubits in length, but the hair curtains were thirty cubits long. Wherefore, from the compass of the curtains of the inner tabernacle, which was two hundred and eighty cubits, a hundred cubits were on the longer sides of south and north, and forty on the two shorter sides of east and west; but from the compass of the hair curtains, by which the outer court was covered, since the compass was three hundred cubits, a hundred were on the longer sides of south and north, because they were equal to the sides of the inner tabernacle, but fifty on the two remaining parts of east and west.
And by this, those two cubits by which the hair curtain was longer than the tabernacle-curtain contributed not to the sides of south and north, which were equal for the outer court and the inner tabernacle, but to the sides of east and west. For on those sides the breadth of the tabernacle had grown, since the court was placed around it on the outside. But fifty cubits of the hair curtains on the eastern part were stretched along the straight row of ten columns, and to these one cubit of those two — by which the length of these same curtains had been greater — contributed; but the other fifty cubits, which were due to the western side, to which the other of those two cubits contributed, were not stretched along a straight row of columns.
For there was that triple-porch, so to speak, which enclosed the space of the court, where the altar of sacrifices was, with four columns at the gate and three on the sides. And by this, those fifty cubits could not even gird the gate, but were stretched only up to the covering of those oblique sides, which were on the three columns and fifteen cubits. But the hair curtains were raised to four cubits, and by them were covered the fine-linen hangings of the court, whose raising was five cubits. But the reddened skins came over the hair curtains. Above, however, that is, on the part of the roof serving as a vault, the tabernacle was covered with skins of hyacinth-blue: whether together with the court and that inner space does not appear;
but it is more credible that the spaces of the court which were between the outer and inner columns had open sky, especially that of the west, where the altar of sacrifices was. BOOK THREE. QUESTIONS ON LEVITICUS. QUESTION I. 'But if a soul shall sin, and shall hear the voice of one swearing, and himself be a witness, or shall have seen, or have been privy to it, if he shall not report it, then he shall bear the sin.' This is: if he shall not report it, he shall bear the sin. For the 'and' that is added is of a usage customary in the Scriptures. But since this sense is obscure, it seems it must be expounded. For it seems to say this: that a man sins, in whose hearing someone swears falsely, and he knows him to swear falsely, and keeps silent.
But then he knows, if he was a witness to the matter about which the oath is sworn, or saw it, or was privy to it — that is, in some way came to know it, or beheld it with his own eyes, or the very one who swears disclosed it to him; for so he could be privy to it. But between the fear of this sin and the fear of betraying men there very often arises no small temptation. For we can, by admonishing or forbidding, call back from so grave a sin one who is ready to perjure himself; but if he will not listen and in our presence swears falsely concerning a matter we know, whether he ought to be exposed — if, once exposed, he even runs into peril of death — is a most difficult question.
But since here it did not express to whom this ought to be disclosed — whether to him to whom the oath is sworn, or to a priest or to someone who not only cannot persecute him by inflicting punishment but can even pray for him — it seems to me that a man frees himself even from the bond of sin if he discloses it to such persons as can profit the perjurer more than harm him, whether toward correcting him or toward appeasing God on his behalf, provided he too apply the medicine of confession. But after this kind of sin, which he mentioned concerning the unreported perjury of someone, he commanded no sacrifice to be offered for it; but then he added:
'Whatever soul shall touch any unclean thing, whether the carcass of an unclean thing captured by a beast, or of those which are the carcasses of unclean abominations, the carcass of unclean cattle, or shall touch any uncleanness of a man, any of his uncleanness by which he shall be defiled if he touch it, and it be hidden from him, but afterward he come to know it and shall trespass.' Neither here did he mention a sacrifice that should be offered for that kind of sin, but he further added and said: 'Whatever soul shall swear, distinguishing with his lips to do evil or to do good according to all things whatsoever a man shall distinguish with an oath, and it be hidden from him, and he come to know it, and he sin in one of these, and he confess the sin for which he sinned against it.'
When all these things had been connected and set out without any intervening mention of sacrifice, he adds and says: 'And he shall offer for the things in which he has trespassed to the Lord, for the sin by which he sinned, a female from the flock, a lamb or a she-goat of the goats for the sin; and the priest shall make entreaty for him for the sin, and the sin shall be remitted to him.' What is it, then, that for the unspoken perjury of anyone, and for the fact that a carcass or something unclean is touched, he mentioned no sacrifice, but for that sin where someone unknowingly swears falsely, he said a lamb or a she-goat is offered? Or ought this sacrifice to be understood for all the aforesaid? For he wished first to enumerate all things, and thus to bring in by what sacrifice they can be expiated.
But in all those aforesaid kinds of sins there are certain things somewhat obscurely placed on account of the modes of expression, such as what he says: 'the carcass of iumenta [beasts of burden].' For those things which are called 'ktene' by the Greeks, most of our people have interpreted as 'iumenta' — a name which in Latin usage belongs to those animals by whose labors we are chiefly assisted in carrying burdens, such as horses, asses, mules, camels, and any of this kind; but what the Greeks call 'ktene' are understood so broadly that all or nearly all cattle are comprehended under that name.
And therefore, by a new kind of expression, as it were pleonastically, 'of the unclean' was added in the Greek when 'of the beasts' was said, since there are also clean cattle which are called 'ktene.' But those which Latin usage calls 'iumenta' are, according to the distinction of the law, none but unclean. Likewise, as to what he says: 'Whatever soul shall swear, distinguishing to do evil or to do good,' it is asked what he meant by 'distinguishing.' For Scripture constantly uses this word. Whence is also that: 'I will render my vows which my lips have distinguished'; likewise it is said to Ezekiel: 'When I say to the wicked, You shall surely die; and you have not distinguished nor spoken'; likewise it is written:
'If any woman established in her father's house shall vow a vow, distinguishing with her lips against her own soul.' It seems, therefore, that this 'distinguishing' is as it were a definition, by which something is set apart from the rest which are not bound merely by a word. So then let them be taken as though it were said: 'The soul that shall swear, defining with his lips to do evil or to do good, according to all things which a man shall define with an oath, and it be hidden from him' — that is, not knowing that it must be done or not done, he swore to do it — 'and he come to know it.'
'And he sin in one of these' — either because he swore before he knew, or because he did what he swore and afterward came to know that it ought not to have been done nor sworn — 'and he confess the sin for which he sinned,' that is, the sin which he sinned: for it is an idiom. But as to what he added: 'against it,' what is understood except: he confessed against the sin itself, that is, by confessing he accused the sin? 'And he shall offer for the things in which he trespassed to the Lord, for the sin by which he sinned, a female from the flock, a lamb' — by customary idiom he says 'a female lamb,' as though a lamb could be not female — 'or a she-goat of the goats,' just as 'a lamb of the sheep,' as though there could be either a lamb except of sheep or a she-goat except of goats.
But there is some question, indeed no small one, as to what it means that he constantly says: 'but afterward he shall come to know it and shall trespass,' as though the trespass then comes about when it has been known. Or is it rather because satisfaction cannot be made except for what is known? But he does not say: 'but afterward he shall come to know it and shall repent of it.' What, then, is: 'afterward he shall come to know it and shall trespass'? Is it: if after knowledge he shall trespass? So that, if knowingly he did what ought not to be done, then a purgation would be owed for the trespass. But he did not speak beforehand thus. For he seems to be treating those sins which are committed by the ignorant and hence by the unwilling. Perhaps, then, by some kind of expression, 'he shall trespass' is said for 'he shall have learned that it is a trespass.'
Or is it rather said in inverted order — for Scripture has such kinds of expression too — what in other similar passages was said in the right order? For whereas elsewhere it is so often written: 'and he shall trespass and it shall become known to him,' here only, in inverted order, as I said, 'he shall come to know it' is said first, then 'and he shall trespass.' But in its proper order it could be said thus: 'Whatever soul shall touch any unclean thing, whether the carcass of an unclean thing captured by a beast, or of those which are carcasses of unclean abominations, the carcass of unclean beasts, or shall touch any uncleanness of a man, any of his uncleanness by which he shall be defiled if he touch it, and it be hidden from him, and he shall trespass, but afterward he shall come to know it.'
'But if his hand is not able to afford what suffices for a sheep, he shall offer for his sin which he sinned two turtledoves or two young pigeons to the Lord, one for the sin and one for a whole burnt offering.' Certainly here he opens the question about which, when he spoke above, we were in doubt. For he seems to say this: one for the sin, the other for a whole burnt offering, because the sacrifice for sin was not offered except with a whole burnt offering. Finally, when earlier he spoke separately of whole burnt offerings, he mentioned a turtledove and did not say two; but now he says two, precisely because the sacrifice for sin was not offered without a whole burnt offering. What, therefore, he said above:
'And he shall place it upon the whole burnt offering' — there is no doubt that the whole burnt offering came first, and then that was placed upon it; but now concerning the birds he speaks otherwise, so that first one bird is offered for the sin, then the other for a whole burnt offering. But as to what he says: 'if a soul be hidden from it by forgetfulness,' that is: if it be done by forgetfulness, so that it be hidden from him or her — if you refer it to the soul, since by saying 'him' he referred it to the man. For here he calls men 'souls.' 'And he sin unwillingly in the holy things of the Lord.' This kind of sin seems obscurely placed, but in what follows it is opened up, where he says, after the sacrifice offered from the ram: 'he shall restore it and shall add a fifth part.'
For there it is understood that this is to sin against the holy things through forgetfulness — 'to usurp something through forgetfulness' which is due to the holy things, whether to priests or to offerings or to first-fruits, or whatever is of this kind. 'And whatever soul shall sin and shall do one of all the commandments of the Lord which ought not to be done, and shall not have known it and shall trespass and shall take upon himself his sin, then he shall offer a ram without blemish from the flock, at a price of silver, for the trespass, to the priest; and the priest shall make entreaty for him on account of his ignorance which he was ignorant of and himself did not know, and it shall be remitted to him. For he trespassed a trespass before the Lord.'
Apart from the unusual density of expressions — which by now, on account of the constant repetition, ought to be very familiar — this whole sense is obscure, since it is asked how this kind of trespass is to be distinguished from those which he embraced above under a certain generality. For reason seems to demand this: that to certain kinds of sins certain kinds of sacrifices by which they are expiated should be applied. But what I have just mentioned does not specially express a sin, but seems to move within that generality of which he spoke before, when he appointed a sacrifice — for the priest a calf, and for the whole congregation likewise a calf, for the ruler a he-goat, and for any soul, that is, for any man, a she-goat, or if he wished, a sheep, yet a female animal.
Then he began to make exceptions of certain kinds of sins and to express by name for which of them what ought to be offered; as concerning the heard-and-kept-silent perjury of anyone, and concerning a touched carcass and an unclean thing, and false swearing through ignorance — a lamb from the sheep or a she-goat of the goats, or a pair of turtledoves or two young pigeons, or a tenth part of an ephah of fine flour; but for the one sinning who through forgetfulness usurped something of the holy things, a ram and the restitution of the same thing with a fifth part added. But now, without the species of sin being expressed, adding generally: 'Whatever soul shall trespass and shall do one of all the commandments of the Lord which ought not to be done' — thus he was saying in that generality:
'one of the commandments of the Lord which shall not be done' — 'and he shall not have known it and shall trespass,' that is, unwillingly he sinned through ignorance, he commands a ram to be offered, not a she-goat or a female from the sheep, as above he had appointed in such a generality of sins. What, then, does this mixture mean? Unless perhaps because here he says: 'For he trespassed a trespass before the Lord,' by this that he says 'before the Lord' he wished the trespass to be understood in those things which are done before the Lord, that is, by which the Lord is served in the tabernacle: whence he had said something a little before, when he said: 'he sinned in the holy things,' and we understood 'he usurped something of the holy things,' since he had also commanded it to be restored.
And by this, one can sin in these matters not only if something be usurped from them through forgetfulness, but also in many other ways can anyone through ignorance trespass in those things which are rendered to the service of the Lord. This kind of trespasses he afterward wished to mention generally, and therefore both there and here he commanded a ram to be offered. But the Scriptures are full when it is said 'before the Lord' and nothing is understood except that which is rendered to the Lord, such as a sacrifice or first-fruits or some service in sacred things. It is also asked whether that which is said is everywhere to be taken:
'If his hand is not able to afford what suffices for a sheep, he ought to offer a pair of turtledoves or two young pigeons, and if he is not able for this either, a certain quantity of fine flour.' For if it is understood to be permitted everywhere thus, it cannot indeed be said that a priest does not have a calf, or the whole congregation, or that a ruler does not have a he-goat or a sheep. And if it is so, what need was there afterward to say that the unspoken perjury of anyone, or a touched unclean thing, and perjury committed through ignorance, is purged by the sacrifice of a lamb and a she-goat, when the same sacrifices were commanded also in that generality of sin, to which generality these too could have pertained? But if by this these are distinguished,
that for these it was permitted that turtledoves and pigeons or even, if this were not available, fine flour be offered, but there, where it was not said, it was not permitted — it does not seem that provision was made for the poor, since there could be many trespasses not specially expressed which would be referred to that generality, where the needy would be burdened, if only a female she-goat and a lamb from the sheep and those little birds and fine flour were permitted to be offered. Unless perhaps someone should say that these excepted and specifically expressed sins are distinguished from those which are generally mentioned by this, that here he said 'a lamb,' there 'a sheep,' so that the age of the cattle makes some difference, provided nevertheless it be understood that provision was equally made for the poor, so that, if they had no quadruped animals,
they might offer either the mentioned birds or fine flour for the sins of their ignorance. But if it troubles anyone why, when he had generally concluded all sins of ignorance, and had distinguished the sacrifices not according to the difference of the sins — which he had not made — but according to the difference of persons, he afterward wished also to distinguish sins and to prescribe different sacrifices for their diversity, as though not all things pertained to that generality: the exception made afterward must be understood in this way, that whatever remained beyond these exceptions, which he mentioned by name and specifically, we understand to be spoken of in that generality. This mode of expression is not to be found elsewhere; but in the holy Scriptures there is such a case as that where the Apostle says:
'Every sin whatsoever a man commits is outside the body.' For here he seems to have omitted no sin, since he says: 'every sin whatsoever a man commits'; yet afterward he excepted fornication, when he brought in: 'but he who fornicates sins against his own body.' Which, according to the custom of our manner of speaking, would be said thus: 'Every sin whatsoever a man commits, except fornication, is outside the body; but he who fornicates sins against his own body.'
So also here, when first he said generally that all sins of ignorance were to be expiated by those sacrifices which he mentioned, yet afterward he excepted those for which, being expressly and distinctly set forth, he applied a definite purgation of sacrifices, so that, these being excepted, whatever remaining ones there were might pertain to that generality. 'He shall offer a ram from the sheep without blemish, at a price for that in which he trespassed.' It is not to be distinguished as though it were 'at a price for that in which he trespassed,' meaning for which price he trespassed, but: 'if he offer a ram, he shall offer it at a price,' that is, bought. For this too seems to have been meant to pertain to the sacrament of some signification, since he did not define the price itself.
For if he had defined it, it might have seemed that he prescribed this lest a cheap beast be offered, so that, even if he who offered did not buy it, he might nevertheless offer such a one as would be worth so much. But with the addition not only of a price, so that a bought ram be offered, but also of shekels — 'a holy shekel' — for so he says: 'at a price of silver of shekels, by the holy shekel' — he wished the ram to be bought for several shekels, not for one shekel. But what he means by 'holy shekel,' we have already discussed where it seemed fitting. But as to the fact that, when he had said: 'and for his trespass he shall offer to the Lord a ram from the sheep without blemish at a price,' he then added: 'for that in which he trespassed,' it is to be understood: 'he shall offer for that in which he trespassed,' that is, for that matter, on account of that matter.
'And the priest shall take away the whole burnt offering which the fire has consumed, that whole burnt sacrifice, from the altar.' What shall he take away, if it has been consumed? For he commanded the priest to take away, after the fire of the whole night, the whole burnt offering, that is, the holocaust which the fire had consumed. Or what does he mean by that too which he added: 'that whole burnt sacrifice,' when this is understood as the whole burnt offering that is the holocaust? Unless perhaps that is true which we found in a certain Greek copy; for it does not say: 'he shall take away the holocarposis,' but: 'he shall take away the katacarposis,' that is, the remains of the whole burnt offering which the fire has consumed. But these remains, such as ash and coal, he called 'that whole burnt sacrifice' by the name of the thing which was consumed, calling the remains by the name of the consumption itself.
But as to what he said above: 'this is the law of the whole burnt offering,' and then, expounding what that same law is, he says: 'this holocaust upon its burning upon the altar the whole night until morning, and the fire of the altar shall burn upon it; it shall not be extinguished' — it would be plainer, according to the manner of speaking of our custom, if it did not have the 'and'; for with this conjunction removed, the sense is thus connected: 'this holocaust upon its burning upon the altar the whole night until morning, the fire of the altar shall burn upon it,' that is, upon the altar. Then, to the heaping up of the expressed thought, he brought in: 'it shall not be extinguished'; for this had already been said by 'the whole night.' 'And he shall put on another robe and shall cast the whole burnt offering outside the camp into a clean place.'
He calls this 'holocarpoma' that which has already been burnt up; but this in that Greek is read as 'katakarposis.' But certain Latins added: 'that which is burnt up,' and so interpreted it: 'and he shall cast away the whole burnt offering, that which is burnt up, outside the camp into a clean place.' 'And the fire upon the altar shall burn from it and shall not be extinguished'; that is, from that fire in which the holocaust burned until morning. For he does not wish the fire to be entirely extinguished, but, when the holocaust has burned until morning, the remains of the consumption having been taken away from there, that not even so should the fire be extinguished, but from it should be renewed again the fire by which the other things which are placed on it may burn. But as to what follows and he says:
'And the priest shall burn wood upon it morning by morning, and shall pile the whole burnt offering upon it, and shall place upon it the fat of the peace offering; and the fire shall always burn upon the altar, it shall not be extinguished' — it must be seen whether by 'morning by morning' he wished it understood daily, so that no day be passed over on which a holocaust and the fat of the peace offering were not found, or 'morning by morning' meaning that on whatever day it were placed, it be placed only in the morning. For if we understand it daily, what if no one should bring anything?
But if the priests, as it were from public funds or from their own, provided the daily holocausts, upon these very ones were placed those things which he commanded to be placed upon the holocausts, offered by the people for sins, and it was not necessary for one offering sacrifices for sin also to offer a holocaust upon which that should be placed, except when a pair of turtledoves was offered or two young pigeons; for there he altogether determines that one be offered for the sin, the other for a holocaust, and first for the sin, then for the holocaust.
Then it can be asked whether the holocaust which he commanded to be placed morning by morning also itself burned through the whole night until the next morning, or whether that which he says ought to burn the whole night was the evening holocaust, and thence he began to speak of the law of the whole burnt offering, so that he might begin from the evening holocaust: which is strange, if he kept silence and did not admonish that such things ought to be offered in the evening. 'And the Lord spoke to Moses, saying: This is the gift of Aaron and of his sons which they offer to the Lord on whatever day you shall anoint him.'
There are other sacrifices which he mentioned in Exodus, by which the priests are sanctified over seven days, that they may begin to exercise their priesthood, and it is another thing which he now mentions, what the high priest is to offer when he is appointed, that is, when he is anointed. For this follows, and he says: 'on whatever day you shall anoint him.' He did not say: 'you shall anoint them,' although he commands the second-order priests also to be anointed. Then he states the sacrifice itself: 'a tenth part of an ephah of fine flour for a perpetual sacrifice.' It is asked how it is perpetual, if it is offered on that day on which the high priest is anointed, by him who has been anointed — unless in the sense that this be always offered on the day on which a high priest is anointed, that is, through the successions of priests.
Although even in that manner it can be understood as everlasting — not this thing itself, but what it signifies. 'The half of it,' he says, 'in the morning, and the half of it after midday,' which the Greek has as δειλινόν (in the afternoon). 'In a frying-pan,' he says, 'it shall be made with oil'; 'kneaded, he shall offer it, fresa' — that is, that fine flour. Then he says 'fresa,' if indeed this has been correctly translated from what the Greek has as ἐφθά (boiled/prepared), and he set it in the plural in the neuter gender. For he does not say 'fresam' as though it were the same fine flour which he had called 'kneaded.' But he says that this 'fresa' is a sacrifice made from fragments. Whether therefore he calls the fragments themselves 'fresa,' that is, things ground small, or whether he called the very tiny grinding of the fine flour 'fresa,' is not evident. But there follows, and he says:
'A sacrifice unto the Lord for an odour of sweetness. The anointed priest who out of his sons shall do it in his stead.' Perhaps it was on this account that he had said 'everlasting,' namely that every high priest should do this, when he succeeds to one who has died, on the day when he shall have been anointed; for he added and said: 'an eternal law,' though 'eternal' can also be understood according to that which it signifies. And there follows: 'the whole shall be consumed,' which the Greek has as ἐπιτελεσθήσεται, and some translators have rendered: 'the whole shall be laid on.' Here he wishes it to be understood that it is a holocaust, because nothing remains thereafter. Finally he adds: 'and every sacrifice of the priest shall be a holocaust, and it shall not be eaten.' This therefore is what he had said: 'the whole shall be consumed.'
When he was speaking of the sacrifice for sin, he says: 'the priest who shall offer it up, shall eat it.' Not that which he offers up shall he eat — for that shall be consumed by fire — but what shall have remained of it; for it is not a holocaust, that it should be wholly burned upon the altar. But he says afterwards: 'all things which are for sin, of whose blood something has been brought into the tabernacle of testimony to make expiation in the sanctuary, shall not be eaten, but shall be burned up with fire.' How then do the things that remain of the sacrifices for sins pertain to the priests to be eaten? This is to be understood, that those are excepted from whose blood that altar of incense in the tabernacle of testimony is touched.
For he commanded this to be done above concerning the bullock which the priest should offer for his own sin, and concerning the bullock which he should offer for the sin of the whole congregation, that the flesh which remained should be burned outside the camp; and now too he has briefly recalled this. 'And this is the law of the ram which is for a trespass: they are most holy' — that is, they pertain to the priests to be eaten. What is the meaning of this, that when he had spoken of the ram for a trespass and had set forth the law of the sacrifice, he says: 'as that which is for sin, so also that which is for a trespass; there is one law for them'? It is asked what difference there is between sin (peccatum) and trespass (delictum), since, if there were none, it would in no way be said: 'as that which is for sin, so also that which is for a trespass.'
For although the law and its sacrifice differ in nothing — since there is one law for them — yet the two are nevertheless distinct. Of these, one is the sacrifice, that is, sin and trespass; if they differed in nothing among themselves and if there were two names for one thing, Scripture would not take such careful pains to commend that the sacrifice of both is one. Perhaps therefore sin is the committing of evil, and trespass the forsaking of good; so that, just as in a praiseworthy life it is one thing to turn away from evil, another to do good — as we are admonished by Scripture saying: 'Turn away from evil and do good' — so in a blameworthy life it is one thing to turn away from good, another to do evil, and the former is trespass, the latter sin. For if the very word be examined, what else does 'delictum' (trespass) sound but 'derelictum' (something forsaken)?
And what does he who trespasses (delinquit) forsake, but the good? The Greeks also imposed two customary names upon this pest. For among them trespass is called both παράπτωμα and πλημμέλεια. Indeed in this very place of Leviticus it is πλημμέλεια. But the Apostle, where he says: 'if a man be overtaken in any trespass,' the Greek has παραπτώματι. If the origin of these names be examined: in 'paraptoma' he who trespasses is understood as it were to fall down (decidere) — whence a corpse (cadaver), which the Latins named from falling (a cadendo), is in Greek called πτῶμα, from πίπτειν, that is, from that which is 'to fall.' He therefore who by sinning does evil, first by trespassing falls from the good. And πλημμέλεια is a name akin to negligence;
for in Greek negligence is called ἀμέλεια, because there is no care (cura) for that which is neglected. For thus the Greek says 'I do not care': οὐ μέλει μοι. The particle therefore which is added, πλήν, so that it be said πλημμέλεια, signifies 'beyond' (praeter); so that ἀμέλεια, which is called negligence, seems to sound 'without care,' while πλημμέλεια sounds 'beyond care,' which is nearly the same thing. Hence also certain of our own preferred to translate πλημμέλεια not as 'trespass' but as 'negligence.' But in the Latin tongue, what else is neglected (neglegitur) but what is not read (non legitur), that is, not chosen (non eligitur)? Whence also Latin authors have said that law (lex) is named from reading (a legendo), that is, from choosing (ab eligendo).
By these traces, as it were, it is gathered that he trespasses who forsakes the good and by forsaking falls from the good, because he neglects it, that is, does not choose it. But whence 'sin' (peccatum) was so called, which in Greek is called ἁμαρτία, does not for the moment occur to me in either tongue. It can also seem that trespass is that which is committed imprudently, that is, ignorantly, and sin that which is committed by one who knows. To this distinction these divine testimonies seem to accord: 'Who understands his trespasses (delicta)?' And that other: 'For thou hast known my imprudence (imprudentiam)'; for immediately following he added: 'and my sins (delicta) are not hidden from thee' — as though repeating the same sentence in another way. Nor does that saying of the Apostle which I mentioned a little before disagree with the same reasoning:
'if a man be overtaken in any trespass'; for from this, that he says 'overtaken' (praeoccupatum), he signifies that the man has slipped imprudently. But that sin pertains to one who knows, the Apostle James, as it were defining it, says: 'To him therefore who knows to do good and does it not, to him it is sin.' But whether it be that or this or some other difference of sin and trespass, unless there were some, Scripture would not so speak as to say: 'as that which is for sin, so also that which is for a trespass; there is one law for them.' But for the most part they are used indifferently, so that both sin is called by the name of trespass and trespass by the name of sin. For neither, when it is said that in baptism remission of sins takes place, does remission not also take place of trespasses;
nor yet are both named, because in that one name both are understood. So also the Lord says that his blood is shed for many unto the remission of sins. Surely, because he does not also say 'and of trespasses,' will anyone therefore dare to say that in his blood there is no remission of trespasses? Likewise, what is written in the Apostle: 'for the judgment indeed was from one unto condemnation, but grace from many trespasses (delictis) unto justification' — what else is this but that under the name of trespasses sins too are comprehended? In this very Scripture of Leviticus also, by which we are compelled either to find or to believe some distinction between trespass and sin, thus it is read, when God was speaking concerning these very sacrifices which were commanded to be offered for sins:
'But if,' he says, 'the whole congregation of the children of Israel shall be ignorant, and the matter be hidden from the eyes of the congregation, and they shall do one of all the commandments of the Lord which ought not to be done, and shall trespass (deliquerint), and the sin which they have sinned therein shall become known to them.' Behold where he said 'and shall trespass,' there he immediately added 'the sin which they have sinned' — this very thing, namely, that they have trespassed. And a little after: 'But if,' he says, 'a ruler shall sin, and shall do one of all the precepts of the Lord his God which ought not to be done, unwillingly, and shall trespass.' Likewise in what follows:
'But if,' he says, 'one soul among the people of the land shall sin unwillingly, in doing something of all the precepts of the Lord which ought not to be done, and shall trespass, and the sin which he has sinned therein shall become known to him.' Likewise elsewhere: 'Whatever soul shall swear, distinguishing with his lips to do evil or to do good, according to all that a man shall distinguish with an oath, and it shall be hidden from him, and he shall afterwards come to know it, and shall have sinned one of these things, and shall have confessed the sin for which he sinned against it, and shall offer for the things wherein he has trespassed to the Lord, for that sin which he sinned.' And a little after: 'And the Lord spoke to Moses, saying:'
'If a soul shall be hidden from itself by forgetfulness and shall sin unwillingly against the holy things of the Lord, then he shall offer for his trespass to the Lord a ram without blemish from the flock, at a price of silver shekels, by the shekel of the sanctuary, for that wherein he trespassed; and for that wherein he sinned against the holy things he shall make restitution, and shall add the fifth part upon it, and shall give it to the priest; and the priest shall make expiation for him in the ram of the trespass, and it shall be remitted to him.' It follows further, and he says: 'And whatever soul shall sin and shall do one of all the precepts of the Lord which ought not to be done, and shall not have known it, and shall have trespassed, and shall have received his sin, then he shall offer a ram without blemish from the flock, at a price of silver, for a trespass, to the priest;'
'and the priest shall make expiation for him for his ignorance wherein he was ignorant, and himself did not know, and it shall be remitted to him. For he trespassed a trespass before the Lord.' And further he speaks thus: 'And the Lord spoke to Moses, saying:'
'Whatever soul shall sin and, despising, shall despise the precepts of the Lord, and shall have lied concerning things pertaining to his neighbour — about a thing entrusted, or about a partnership, or about a robbery — or shall have done his neighbour some wrong, or shall have found what was lost and lied about it, and shall have sworn unjustly concerning one of all the things that a man does, so as to sin therein: then it shall be, when he has sinned and trespassed, that he shall restore the robbery which he robbed, or the wrong wherewith he harmed, or the thing entrusted which was deposited with him, or the lost thing which he found, of any matter concerning which he swore unjustly; and he shall restore it in full, and shall add its fifth part to it — to whom it belongs, to him he shall restore it, on the day when he is convicted; and for his trespass he shall offer to the Lord a ram from the flock without blemish, at the price wherein he trespassed;'
'and the priest shall make expiation for him before the Lord, and it shall be remitted to him for one of all the things that he did and trespassed therein.' Thus in almost all the deeds which he says are sins, he calls the same also trespasses. Wherefore both that they are said indifferently is manifest from many places of the Scriptures, and that there is some difference Scripture attests, when it says: 'as that which is for sin, so also that which is for a trespass.' 'You shall not eat any fat of oxen and sheep and goats. And the fat of carcasses and of what has been taken by a wild beast shall be put to every use, but for food it shall not be eaten. Everyone who eats the fat of the cattle from which you offer a victim to the Lord — that soul shall perish from among its people.' He had said above concerning fat:
'All the fat is the Lord's,' and we had asked whether it meant absolutely all the fat of every clean animal only — for concerning the unclean there is no question — and what should be done with the fat which he forbade to come into food. But now he has said what should be done with the fat of a carcass and of what is taken by a wild beast, namely that it be put to every use; 'every use' certainly meaning that use for which some such thing is necessary. Whence the question remained, what is to be done with the fat of the other animals which are clean for eating. But when he says that every soul shall perish from its people who eats the fat of those cattle from which offering is made to the Lord, he seems to have determined that only that fat is forbidden to be eaten which is of the clean cattle from which sacrifice is made — although we have heard that the Jews take no fat at all into food.
But what Scripture willed, not what they supposed, is to be sought. In fact they cannot find what rightly to do with the fat from which they abstain, and how to cast it away, since it was said: 'All the fat is the Lord's,' if they will have understood here not only the fat of the sacrifices but also that of those animals from which no sacrifice is made, albeit unclean ones. What does it mean, that concerning the peace-offerings he again admonishes and says that he who offers the gift of his peace-offering ought to give the breast and the shoulder to the priests?
yet in such a way that the fat of the breast should be offered to the Lord with the caul of the liver, whereas above, when speaking of the peace-offerings, he had commanded the caul of the liver to be offered to the Lord together with the fat of the belly and the kidneys and the loins, but was silent about the fat of the breast? Or is it that what he passed over there, he here recalls? Why then does he speak of the caul of the liver both there and here? Or perhaps is there some difference in that above he prescribes concerning the 'peace-offering,' while here he adds 'his own,' as though a 'peace-offering' were one thing and a 'peace-offering of one's own' another? When he was earlier recalling the sacrifices for sins, he said a bullock was to be offered for the sin of a priest who had made the people to sin:
and afterwards too, when Scripture narrated how the things which the Lord commanded were carried out with respect to Aaron and his sons, a bullock is said to have been offered for sin. But above he commanded the horns of the altar of incense to be touched with the blood of the bullock, and that some also of that blood be sprinkled against the holy veil, but that the remaining blood be poured out at the base of the altar of holocausts. Afterwards, however, when Aaron is sanctified, nothing is said about the sprinkling of blood against the veil, but concerning the horns of the altar it is said — yet 'of incense' is not added; and it is added that the blood is to be poured out 'at the base of the altar' — he did not say 'at its base,' as though it had been necessary to take that altar whose horns he had touched with blood.
Accordingly, although it is ambiguously stated, one is nevertheless free to understand the deed thus, as it had earlier been commanded concerning the bullock for sin: that we understand not the horns of that altar to have been touched at whose base the blood was poured, but that the horns of the altar of incense were touched, while the blood was poured at the base of the altar of sacrifices. Above, because he was giving a general command — if a priest should sin — he commanded that priest, anointed and consecrated, whom he wishes to be understood as the high priest, to offer these sacrifices; but now, when Aaron is sanctified, Moses offers them, and he himself takes the breast of the laying-on, which he had earlier declared was to be given to the priest.
And I think that it is called the breast of the laying-on because the fat was laid on from it, as he recalled above concerning the peace-offering. Since therefore the high priesthood appears to have begun from Aaron, what do we suppose Moses to have been? For if he was not a priest, how were all those things carried out through him? But if he was, how do we determine that the high priesthood began from his brother? Yet even that psalm, where it is said: 'Moses and Aaron among his priests,' may take away doubt, since Moses too was a priest. That priestly vestment, however, which contains a great mystery (sacramentum), Aaron is commanded to receive, and his successors the high priests.
In Exodus, before anything at all is commanded concerning the sanctifying and, as it were, ordaining of priests, when, as Moses ascends the mountain, the priests are commanded not to ascend — whom we cannot understand to be any others than the sons of Aaron, not because they already were priests, but because they were to be — Scripture has already then called them by this name by anticipation, as are very many such expressions: for the son of Nun too was called Jesus (Joshua), although Scripture relates that this name was imposed on him long afterwards. Both therefore, Moses and Aaron, were then high priests. Or rather Moses, and Aaron under him? Or was he too a high priest on account of the pontifical vestment, but the other on account of a more excellent ministry? For at the beginning it is said to him:
'You yourself shall speak to the people the things pertaining to them, and you to him the things pertaining to God.' It can also be asked: after the death of Moses, who anointed the successor of the high priest, who could not succeed except to one deceased? Or was it that, because he had already been anointed among the second priests — for it was the same oil with which both the high priest and the second priests were anointed — that pontiff took only the vestment, by which his supremacy might appear? And if it is so, did he take it himself, or did another clothe him, as after his death Moses clothed his brother's son? If therefore he was clothed by another, could a supreme priest possibly be clothed by a second one? Especially since the vestment was such that it was necessary for him to be clothed by another. Or was he clothed thus beforehand as also afterwards? For once clothed, he did not put it off;
or when he had put it off, he did not take it up again. It could therefore perhaps be that the second priests clothed the first by way of service, not of pre-eminence. But whence did it appear which of the sons ought to succeed to the high priest? For Scripture did not determine that it should be the firstborn or the elder; unless we understand that it was wont to be done by some divine indication, whether through a prophet or by whatever other manner in which God is wont to give counsel. Although the matter seems to have arisen from contention, so that afterwards there were on that account several high priests, because, when the more excellent contended, for the sake of ending the strife the honour itself was bestowed on several. What is it that Moses says to Aaron and his sons, when they are sanctified for entering upon the priesthood:
'At the door of the tabernacle of testimony you shall sit seven days, day and night, lest you die'? Is it credible that they were commanded to sit in one place in a single posture of body for seven days, day and night, so that they moved not at all? Nor yet are we to be compelled to take this as though something were signified allegorically, which would not be done but only understood; but rather to recognize the manner of speech of the Scriptures, where it puts 'sitting' for 'dwelling' and 'abiding.' For not because it was said of Shimei that he sat in Jerusalem three years, is it therefore to be supposed that throughout all that time he sat on a chair and did not rise. Hence too they are called 'seats' (sedes) where they whose seats they are have their abode; for dwelling (habitatio) received this name.
'And it came to pass on the eighth day that Moses called Aaron and his sons and the senate (senatum) of Israel.' Which certain of our own translated as 'the sedate ones' (sedatum); the Greek has γερουσίαν; this therefore the translator followed, because 'senate' (senatus) too seems to be named from old age (a senio). But it would not aptly be said in Latin: 'he called the old age (senectutem) of Israel' for 'the old men' or 'the elders,' although it would be the same expression as if it were said: 'he called the youth (iuventutem) of Israel' for 'the young men.' But this is customary in the Latin tongue, whereas that is not. For this would be properly said, if it were said: 'he called the old age of Israel.' Whence certain, thinking unusually that 'senate' also is said, translated it as 'the order of elders.' Yet perhaps it would be better said more concisely: 'he called the elders of Israel.'
Moses says to Aaron: 'And speak to the senate of Israel, saying: Take one he-goat of the goats for sin, and a ram and a bullock and a lamb a year old, for a holocaust (holocarposin), without blemish; and a bullock of the herd and a ram for a peace-offering before the Lord; and fine flour kneaded in oil — because today the Lord will be seen among you.' Above he commended four kinds of sacrifices from animals: holocaust, for-sin, peace-offering, and of-consecration; but that of consecration pertains to the sanctification of a priest. Three kinds therefore, the rest, are here commanded to be offered, and this is said to the elders of Israel, so that it may pertain to the whole people. But in this place the sacrifice for sin has three cattle: a he-goat and a ram and a bullock;
but to the holocaust the lamb pertains, and to the peace-offering the bullock and the ram. Wherefore it is not to be so distinguished that by 'for sin' nothing be understood but the he-goat, and the remaining three for a holocaust, that is, the ram and the bullock and the lamb; but rather the first three are for sin — that is, so that what was said, 'Take one he-goat of the goats for sin, and a ram and a bullock,' the words 'for sin' be understood, and the remaining be the lamb for a holocaust (holocarposin), that is, for a holocaust. This we had to point out, because it could also be so distinguished that, when it had been said 'Take one he-goat of the goats for sin,' the rest would be said now to pertain to the holocaust. But as for what he adds, 'without blemish,' it can be referred to all.
Since therefore it is ambiguous how it is more aptly distinguished, this consideration leads us to understand the three former as for sin, since above he commanded a he-goat to be offered for the sin of a ruler, and for each one's own sin, when he sins before the Lord by doing one of the things that ought not to be, he prescribed a ram; but for the sin of the whole congregation, a bullock. It was fitting therefore that, when he spoke to the senate concerning what the whole people ought to offer, both a he-goat should be commanded on account of the rulers, and a ram on account of each one's own sin, and a bullock on account of the sin of the whole congregation. For it is one thing that within the people each one has his own sin, and all can have their own;
another when there is a common sin, which is done with one mind and one will, when something is committed by a united multitude. But as for his commanding a bullock and a ram for the peace-offerings, these he commands which are chief; for it is the cause of the whole people. Yet earlier, when prescribing about the peace-offerings, he commanded that it be offered from whatever source, whether male or female, provided only that offerings be made only of oxen and of sheep and goats. But if it be asked why he commanded two, a bullock and a ram, it is difficult to find out; unless perhaps he willed the bullock to be the peace-offering of the whole people, and the ram for each one as it were for individuals, since above too he seems as it were to have prescribed two kinds of peace-offering sacrifice:
one, which was as it were of all, he called 'the peace-offering'; the other, where he said: 'if anyone offer his own peace-offering.' Where too we found a difference, because in that which he called 'peace-offering' he did not mention that the fat of the breast was to be offered to the Lord, and the breast itself and the right shoulder given to the priest; but in the other he commanded this to be done, which he afterwards calls 'his own peace-offering' — which is perhaps understood as the private offering of individuals, not the public one of all. For Moses too offered peace-offerings, and it was not there said 'his own peace-offering'; I believe, because he offered for the whole people. But where all are, there are also the individuals; not, however, where the individuals are, are all necessarily there.
For individual things can exist without the whole; but the whole cannot subsist except from the several individuals. For the several individuals, gathered together or reckoned into a sum, make up the whole. It is indeed to be noted that, when sacrifices are offered for the people, both sacrifices for sin were commanded to be offered, and a holocaust, and peace-offerings; but for the priest there were offered a sacrifice for sin and a holocaust and one of consecration, but not a peace-offering. But the sacrifice of consecration was offered then, when the priests were sanctified that they might discharge the priesthood, and these Moses offered for Aaron and his sons.
But afterwards Aaron himself, now sanctified and discharging the priesthood, was commanded to offer for himself a bullock for sin and a ram for a holocaust; but he was not commanded to offer for himself a sacrifice of consecration, because it was offered then for this reason, that he might be consecrated and be able to discharge the priesthood, which, since he was now already discharging it, there was no need for him to be consecrated again. And Moses said to Aaron: 'Approach the altar and offer that which is for your sin and your holocaust, and make expiation for yourself and for your house.' It is remarkable how he says that what is for sin is to be done first, and then the holocaust, when above he commands the sacrifices for sins to be laid upon the holocausts — except for what he prescribed concerning birds.
Or is it perhaps that here he mentioned afterward what was done first, that is, the holocaust? For he did not say, as concerning the birds, 'do this first and that afterward,' but 'do this and that.' But what is to be done first, the instruction set forth above indicates, where he says the sacrifice for sins is to be laid upon the holocaust. Yet it greatly troubles us, that Scripture even thus narrates Aaron to have done what he heard, so as first to mention his doing that which is for sin, and then the holocaust. Whether he himself also did the former first, or whether Scripture narrated first that which was done afterward — as it is wont to do in many places — would be held uncertain, were it not that what I quoted above is read, when it treated of the sacrifice for sin. For thus it is read:
'and the priest shall lay it upon the altar, upon the holocaust of the Lord; and the priest shall make expiation for him for the sin which he sinned, and it shall be forgiven him.' How then could this be laid upon the holocaust, unless the holocaust were laid on first? But he commanded this also concerning the peace-offering, that it be laid upon the holocaust. Yet because he does not say this everywhere — not throughout all the peace-offerings nor throughout all the sacrifices for sin — it can perhaps be said that this was not commanded as a rule; but it was said to be done there only, that is, in the peace-offering when it is made of the herd — for there he prescribed it — and in the sacrifice for sin when it is made of a female from the sheep;
but the rest, whether they be peace-offerings or for sin, need not be laid upon the holocausts. It also troubles us that, when Aaron made the gifts of the people which he mentioned above, not all the things that had been foretold are recorded as immolated, but only the he-goat for sin and the holocaust — where, however, he did not expressly name that lamb; but the two others, which we said pertained rather to the sacrifice for sin than to the holocaust, he passed over in silence, that is, the ram and the bullock. Unless perhaps he wished the whole to be understood from a part, so that, the he-goat alone being mentioned, we should take those others also to have followed. When he was narrating concerning the peace-offering sacrifices of the people, how Aaron performed them, he says of the bullock and the ram:
'and he slew the bullock and the ram of the peace-offering sacrifice of the people; and the sons of Aaron brought the blood to him, and he poured it out at the altar round about; and the fat which was of the bullock and of the ram, the loin and the fat covering over the belly, and the two kidneys and the fat which is upon them, and the caul which is in the liver; and he put the fats upon the breasts and laid the fats at the altar; and the breast and the right shoulder Aaron took away as an oblation before the Lord, as the Lord commanded Moses.' Now he speaks in the singular, now in the plural, though he is speaking of two animals, the bullock and the ram. So when he says 'two kidneys,' it is to be understood as from each animal, and thus they become four; and so with the rest. But as for what he says:
'and he put the fats upon the breasts,' although he did not lay the breasts themselves upon the altar — for they were due to the priest together with the right shoulders — what does it mean? Or is it to be understood: 'and he put the fats which are upon the breasts'? For he laid those very fats, which he would place on the altar, taken from the breasts. For thus he had also prescribed above. Finally it follows: 'and he laid the fats upon the altar, and the breast and the right shoulder Aaron took away as an oblation before the Lord,' now introducing in the singular and saying 'the breast,' meaning of course both from each animal, which he had called 'the breasts.' What is it that he says:
'And when Aaron had lifted up his hands over the people, he blessed them and came down, when he had done that which is for sin and the holocausts and the things of the peace-offering'? But where did he do these things except upon the altar, that is, standing at the altar and ministering at it? Thence therefore he came down, where he stood. Doubtless the solution of that question seems to be aided by this testimony, where we had asked in Exodus how it could be possible to minister at an altar which was three cubits high. For we were forbidden to understand a step there, because God had forbidden it, lest upon the altar the private parts of the minister be uncovered — which certainly would happen if a part of the altar were a step, that is, if it adhered joined to it. Finally, there he forbade this, where he was speaking of the altar built of stones:
For the altar together with the step would be one thing, of which the step would be a part, and for that reason it was forbidden. But here, where the height of the altar had been so great that unless the priest stood upon something he could not minister fittingly, we must understand that whatever it was that was placed there at the hour of ministering and then taken away was not a part of the altar, and therefore was not contrary to the precept by which having a step was forbidden. But of what sort this thing was, whatever it may have been, Scripture kept silent, and for that reason the question has arisen. Yet now, when Scripture says that the priest, after he had performed the sacrifices, came down — that is, when he had laid the sacrificed offerings upon the altar — it clearly shows that he had stood somewhere from which he might come down; and because he had stood there.
therefore he could have devoted himself to ministering at an altar of three cubits. 'And all the people saw it, and were struck out of their minds': which other translators rendered 'was terrified,' attempting to carry over from the Greek what was there said; whence it is also called 'ekstasis,' which is often read in the Latin Scriptures as 'excess of mind' (a going out of the mind). 'And fire went out from the Lord, and devoured what was upon the altar, the burnt offerings and the fat.' What it means by 'from the Lord' may be asked: whether because it was done by the nod and will of the Lord, or because the fire went out from that place where the ark of the testimony was. For the Lord is not in some place in such a way that he should not be elsewhere. After the sons of Aaron were burnt and slain when fire went out from the Lord.
who had dared to put incense upon censers before the Lord with strange fire applied — which was for this reason not lawful, because from that fire which had divinely come upon the altar, and was thenceforth kept, all things were to be kindled that ought to be kindled in the tabernacle — when therefore they were dead, Moses said: 'This is what the Lord spoke, saying: In those who draw near to me I will be sanctified, and in all the congregation I will be glorified,' meaning by those who draw near to the Lord to be understood those who exercised the priesthood in the tabernacle; and that he is sanctified in them also by taking vengeance, as was done. Whether this was so that hence it might be known how much less he spares others, if he does not spare these — in which sense it is said:
'If the righteous will scarcely be saved, where will the sinner and the ungodly appear?' — or rather according to that saying: 'To whom more is given, more is required of him'; and that other: 'The servant who did not know his master's will and did things worthy of stripes shall be beaten with few stripes; but the servant who knew his master's will and did things worthy of stripes shall be beaten with many stripes'; and that other: 'For to the small mercy will be granted, but the mighty shall suffer mightier torments.' But where the Lord said this which Moses recorded him to have said is not found in the Scripture that comes before. This, then, is like the case in Exodus, where he says to the Lord: 'You said: I know you above all,' which is indeed found to have been said to him by the Lord, but afterward.
But since Moses would never say this falsely, it is understood that he had said it to him even before, although it was not written down; and so also in this case. Whence it appears that not all things were written down that God spoke to those through whom his holy Scripture was ministered to us. What is the meaning of this, that when he forbids Aaron and his remaining sons to mourn the death of those two, he says: 'You shall not uncover your head of the turban,' where he certainly shows that turbans were coverings of the head? Unless it be that mourners did those things which were contrary to the custom of adornment. For just as in our custom, because the head is more usually kept uncovered, it is covered in mourning, so, because they were adorned by a covering of the head, it had to be bared by mourners.
Which he therefore forbids, lest they should mourn those in whose punishment the Lord was sanctified — that is, whereby fear of him was commended. And not because they were not to be mourned — for he permits others to mourn them — but because they ought not then to mourn, while the days of their consecration were being kept, the seven not yet being completed, during which he commanded them not to depart from the tabernacle. Although it can seem that, because they had been consecrated with that oil, this was said to mean that they ought never to mourn anyone at all. For thus he says: 'But your brethren, all the house of Israel, shall bewail the burning wherewith they were burnt by the Lord. And you shall not go out from the door of the tabernacle of the testimony, lest you die; for the oil of anointing which is from the Lord is upon you.'
'And the Lord spoke to Aaron, saying: You and your sons with you shall not drink wine or strong drink, when you enter into the tabernacle of the testimony or when you approach the altar, and you shall not die.' When, then, was it lawful for them to drink, seeing that it was necessary for them daily to enter into the tabernacle and to approach the altar because of their continual service? But if anyone says that sacrifices were not wont to be laid on every day, what does he say of the entrance into the tabernacle, which was daily because of the candlestick and the loaves of the presence to be placed upon the table?
But if it is answered that by 'into the tabernacle of the testimony' — now, in what he says — is to be understood that place where the ark of the testimony was, the high priest also had need to enter even there because of the incense of the continual offering. For he did not enter only once a year: but with the blood of purification once a year, yet because of the incense daily. Or is it to be understood that God commanded them not to drink wine at all? Why then did he not rather so command, to say briefly: 'You shall not drink wine,' but added: 'when you enter into the tabernacle or when you approach the altar'? Or is it because the reason for not drinking was not to be passed over in silence, especially because God foreknew that afterward there would be so many even high priests at one time.
that is, not by succession, who would serve the tabernacle and the sacrifices and the incense and all that ministry by turns — since those certainly did not drink whose turn it was to serve, while others drank? Or what else is to be understood in this place? For since he forbade the priests to drink wine and strong drink, he went on to say: 'a perpetual statute throughout your generations.' It is ambiguous whether it is connected with the preceding sense, that is, whether it pertains to the not drinking of wine, or with the following, where there follows:
'to distinguish between the midst of the holy and the profaned, and between the midst of the clean and the unclean, and to instruct the children of Israel in all the statutes which the Lord spoke to them by the hand of Moses' — so that this may be a perpetual statute for the office of the priests throughout their generations. But in what manner he says 'perpetual,' we have already often said. This also is set down ambiguously, when he says: 'to distinguish between the midst of the holy and the profaned, and between the midst of the clean and the unclean,' whether from that which,
which are holy things and clean things, or defiled and unclean things; or from that which they are holy men and clean men, or defiled and unclean men — that is, whether he wished the priests to distinguish between those sacred things themselves, which were done rightly or not rightly, or between the men themselves who were to be approved or disapproved; or rather is it to be referred to both, whether men or sacred things. 'The little breast of separation and the arm of removal you shall eat in a holy place.' Although each was given for each, yet without doubt both could be called 'of separation,' because each is set apart for the priest, and both 'of removal' or of taking away — which in Greek is called 'aphairema' — because both are removed and taken away from those for whom the offering is made, that it may be given to the priest.
We read above 'the little breast of the placing' and 'the arm of removal,' because nothing from the arm was placed upon the altar. But the fat from the little breast was placed upon it. What is the meaning of his saying: 'of the sacrifices of the saving offerings' (salutarium), when he speaks of those things which elsewhere he called 'the sacrifices of the saving offering' (salutaris), and when he said it in the singular number: 'the sacrifice of the saving offering,' when the same thing was being spoken of? Or perhaps in this place, where he says 'from the sacrifices of the saving offerings' (salutarium), it ought to have been said 'of healings' (sanitatum)? For in that psalm, where it is said: 'Hear us, O God of our health' (sanitatum), the Greek has this word which it has also in this place, that is 'sotērion.'
This genitive plural in the Greek tongue is ambiguous, whether the noun is declined from 'salvation' (salus) or from 'saving' (salutare), since 'sōtēria' means salvation or health. Whence comes the genitive plural 'tōn sōtēriōn'; but 'sōtērion' means the saving thing, and thence the genitive plural is the very same. If, therefore, it can rightly be understood also as 'the sacrifice of salvation,' which is 'the sacrifice of the saving thing,' since salvation is given by the saving thing, and that is the saving thing from which salvation is received, it is not necessary that we here understand, as it were, sacrifices of many saving things where it is said 'from the sacrifices of the saving offerings' (salutarium), but perhaps of many healings, which nevertheless are received from the one saving thing. But what the saving thing (salutare) of God is, of which it is said:
'I will take the cup of salvation,' and of which Symeon says in the Gospel: 'For my eyes have seen your salvation' (salutare) — the Christian faith knows. Indeed, they may not absurdly be understood or called also 'saving sacrifices,' which belong to the saving thing. 'And it shall be for you and for your sons and for your daughters a perpetual statute.' Not in vain is 'daughters' added, since he forbids certain things pertaining to the priests' food to be received by women, but commands them to be received by males. When Moses had sought the goat offered for the sins of the people and had not found it, because it had been burnt, and was angry, because those things which were offered by the people for sin.
the Lord had appointed for the priests to be eaten from thence, the fat and the kidneys being offered — but he was angry not with his brother, but with his sons, I believe because the ministry of suggesting to them belonged to those — Aaron answered him and said: 'If today they have offered those things which are for their sin and their burnt offerings before the Lord, and such things have befallen me, and I eat that which is for sin today, will it be pleasing to the Lord?' And Moses heard, and it pleased him. Aaron seems to have said this: that on that very day, on which the children of Israel first offered for their sin, it ought not to be eaten by the priests, but wholly burnt — not making of this a rule for the rest: for thereafter they themselves ate the sacrifices for sins.
But because this was the first, offered first on that very first day, it is to be believed that Aaron the priest said this by divine inspiration, so that both that concerning the priests might thenceforth be observed which the Lord had commanded Moses, and that what Aaron said, as though divinely spoken, Moses should approve. What, then, of the other sacrifices of that same day, that is, of the ram and the calf, which we have said ought also themselves to be understood as offered for sin? Or is there no question about the calf, since it had to be done in such a way that from its blood, as had been commanded, it should be brought in, whereby also the horns of the altar of incense might be touched, and it was consequent that the whole should burn? What, then, of the ram?
Or since Moses first sought the goat, what was answered to him about the goat is also to be understood about the ram, which in order he would have sought, had not that answer of the priest pleased him? But what should he ask about the calf, since it could be done by that law which God had commanded concerning the calf for the sin of the whole congregation, just as concerning the calf for the sin of the priest, that is, that the whole should burn outside the camp? For these are the words of Moses being angry at the sons of his brother, when he had not found the goat sought for sin, because it had been wholly burnt: 'Why did you not eat that which was for sin in a holy place?'
'For since they are most holy, he has given this to you to eat, that you may take away the sin of the congregation and make intercession for it before the Lord. For its blood was not brought into the holy place within, before the face. You shall eat it in a holy place, as the Lord appointed me.' Assuredly, when he says: 'For its blood was not brought into the holy place within, before the face,' he without doubt distinguishes that which is thus done for the sin of the priest or for the sin of the whole congregation, not from the goat, of whose blood, since it had not been commanded to be brought in for touching the horns of the altar of incense within, it ought not to be wholly burnt, but to be eaten by the priests.
But why this was done, that is, that this one too should be wholly burnt, Aaron answered, and it pleased Moses. Assuredly, since six animals had been commanded to the elders of the people to be offered for the people, of which four he mentioned first,
a goat and a ram and a calf and a lamb of a year old — of which it is manifest that the goat was for sin, and manifest also that the lamb of a year old was for a burnt offering — but the two middle ones, the ram and the calf, we had seen were set down ambiguously, whether they pertained to the sacrifice for sin and were joined to the goat, or rather to the lamb, so as to be offered for a burnt offering — whence we set forth in its place what seemed to us — but afterward, that the six animals might be completed, he mentioned the calf and the ram as a sacrifice of the saving offering. And yet in what follows, when they were sacrificed and again mentioned, no mention is made of those very animals, the ram and the calf, which he had set between the goat and the lamb; but only that calf and that ram are mentioned which he had commanded to be offered as a sacrifice of the saving offering, so that now not six animals, but rather four, are to be believed to have been:
It can perhaps be understood that those two which he had first set between the goat and the lamb, he named again, and it is not another calf and another ram for the sacrifice of the saving offering; so that, when he had said the goat for sin and the ram and the calf without saying for what, that is, for what purpose, but the lamb of a year old for a burnt offering, afterward he wished to say what was to be done with the calf and the ram, that is, that neither for sin like the goat nor for a burnt offering like the lamb, but for a sacrifice of the saving offering they were commanded to be brought.
But if we understand this, a question will remain: why a goat was offered for the sin of the congregation, when concerning the sacrifices that were to be offered for sins the Lord, speaking from the beginning, commanded a calf to be offered for the sin of the congregation, just as for the sin of the priest, not a goat but a calf — of which calf he also commanded the blood likewise, as for the sin of the priest, to be brought in for touching the horns of the altar of incense — and what was the reason that for the sin of Aaron and Moses a calf should be offered, and Aaron himself another calf, just as for the sin of the priest it was fitting to be offered according to God's precept, but for the sin of the people not a calf, as had been commanded, but rather a goat should be offered.
When this moved us, it seemed to us, as we said above, that not the goat alone was commanded to be offered for the sin of the people, but also the ram and the calf, so that to these three 'for sin' is to be understood: because there were both leaders among the people, for whom the goat had to be offered, and individuals could have had their own particular sins, for whom the ram, and all had some one sin, for whom the calf; just as from the beginning it had been commanded that a calf should be offered for the sin of the whole congregation. And therefore, when they were sacrificed, the goat alone is named, so that the others also, though unmentioned, might be understood, by a manner of speech naming the whole from a part, because all were for sins.
When he was treating of the carcasses of unclean animals: 'And every earthen vessel,' he says, 'into which any of them shall have fallen — whatsoever things are within shall be unclean, and it shall be broken,' that is, the vessel itself. 'And every food that is eaten, upon which water shall have come, shall be unclean to you.' Not any water is to be understood, which if it comes upon the food makes it unclean, but from that vessel which was made unclean by the unclean carcasses, if perhaps that vessel had water. 'To instruct the children of Israel between the living-bearing things that are eaten and the living-bearing things that are not eaten.' What the Greek has as 'zōogonounta,' certain of our translators preferred to render as 'life-making things' (vivificantia), because our usage has somehow received this word,
rather than to make a new, unaccustomed word, if it could be said 'living-begetting things' (vivigignentia). For those things are called 'zōogonounta' not which vivify, that is, make to live, but which beget living offspring, that is, not eggs but chicks. What is the meaning of what he says about the woman who has given birth: 'She shall touch no holy thing, and shall not enter into the sanctuary'? What sanctuary does he wish to be understood, when we read that none but the priests were wont to enter into the tabernacle, and up to the inner second veil; but beyond that veil itself, where the ark was, none but the one high priest? Or could even before the tabernacle, where was the altar of sacrifices, be called the sanctuary? For often even the court itself is called a holy place, when it is said: 'In a holy place they shall eat them.'
Perhaps women were wont to enter there when they offered their gifts, which were to be placed upon the altar. What is the meaning of his saying: 'If a woman bear a male child, she shall be unclean seven days: according to the days of her separation she shall be unclean. And on the eighth day he shall circumcise the flesh of his foreskin: and thirty-three days she shall sit in her clean blood. She shall touch no holy thing, and shall not enter into the sanctuary'? What difference is there between those seven days, in which he calls her unclean, and the thirty-three, in which she shall sit in her clean blood? For if she is now not unclean during the thirty-three days, why does she not touch what is holy? Or is there still this difference, because she is in blood, though clean?
So that this may be the difference: because when she is unclean, wherever she also sits, she makes it unclean; but when she now sits in clean blood, only that she may not touch what is holy nor enter into the sanctuary? For this is what he says: 'according to the days of the separation of her purification,' since he says in another place that the uncleanness of a woman who is purged by her menses is of seven days, when everything upon which she sits shall be unclean. But he says 'of separation,' because she withdrew somewhat, that she might not defile everything, while she was passing through those days. These days of her uncleanness, if she bore a female, the law doubled and made fourteen:
and the remaining days, in which she sat in her clean blood, he had commanded these also to be observed as double, that is, sixty-six, so that all might be forty in the birth of a male, eighty in that of a female. But some Greek codices do not have 'in her clean blood,' but 'in her unclean blood.' 'And when the days of her purification are fulfilled, for a son or for a daughter she shall offer a lamb of a year old without blemish for a burnt offering, and a young pigeon or a turtledove for sin, at the door of the tabernacle of the testimony, to the priest. And he shall offer it before the Lord; and the priest shall make intercession for her, and shall purge her from the fountain of her blood. This is the law of her that has borne a male or a female.'
'But if her hand cannot find what is enough for a lamb, she shall take two turtledoves or two young pigeons, one for a burnt offering and one for sin. And the priest shall make intercession for her, and she shall be purged.' Rightly, then, it is not to be read above: 'she shall offer a lamb of a year old without blemish for a burnt offering *and* a young pigeon or a turtledove for sin,' as some codices have. But as it was said: 'and a young pigeon or a turtledove for sin,' seeing that afterward he says: 'if her hand cannot find what is enough for a lamb, she shall also take two turtledoves.' Here the 'and' seems to have more than is needed; for with that conjunction removed, it follows entire:
'She shall take two turtledoves or two young pigeons,' namely one bird for a burnt offering, the other for sin. But for what sin? Is giving birth a sin? Or is here shown that propagation from Adam, whence the Apostle says: 'from one unto condemnation,' and because 'through one man sin entered into the world, and through sin death, and so it passed unto all men'? And here it appears sufficiently in what manner it was said: 'For I was conceived in iniquities, and in sins did my mother nourish me in the womb.' Why, then, does Scripture not say that what was born is purged by this sacrifice, but she herself who gave birth? Or is the purgation referred to her indeed, from whom that origin was drawn, because of the fountain of blood?
Yet it could not be done without the purgation of that very offspring, which arose from that same blood? For to what does that pertain which he said above: 'for a son or for a daughter she shall offer a lamb of a year old without blemish for a burnt offering, and a young pigeon or a turtledove for sin,' if nothing was done by this sacrifice for those who were being born? But if anyone shall try so to distinguish as to say that it is not to be joined: 'for a son or for a daughter she shall offer a lamb of a year old without blemish for a burnt offering and a young pigeon for sin,' but should rather be read thus:
'And when the days of her purification are fulfilled for a son or for a daughter,' that is, when the days of purification are fulfilled over him or over her, namely the son or the daughter, so that then from another sense it may follow: 'she shall offer a lamb of a year old without blemish for a burnt offering and a young pigeon for sin,' that is, for her own sin, when the days of her purification for a son or for a daughter are completed: whoever, then, shall think it is thus to be distinguished, will be refuted from the Gospel, where, when they did some such thing for the Lord born of a virgin, more on account of the custom of the law than on account of the necessity of anything to be expiated or purged in him, it is thus read:
'And when his parents brought in the child Jesus, to do for him according to the custom of the law.' It is not said 'for his mother,' but 'for him,' although those things were done which are here commanded concerning two turtledoves or two young pigeons. For thus he too deigned to be baptized with the baptism of John, which was a baptism of repentance for the remission of sins, although he had no sin. Rightly, therefore, certain of our translators so interpreted this passage also in Leviticus, that they did not say 'over a son or over a daughter,' but 'for a son or for a daughter.' For they understood this to be the force of this preposition in this place, where the Greek says 'peri hyiou ē peri thygatros.'
「他父母抱著孩子耶穌進來,要照律法的規矩為他辦理。」經上不說「為他母親」,乃說「為他」,雖然所行的正是此處論兩隻斑鳩或兩隻雛鴿所吩咐的。因為他也照樣甘願受約翰的洗,那是悔改的洗、為使罪得赦,雖然他並無罪。所以我們有些譯者也正當地如此解釋《利未記》這段:他們不說「在兒子或女兒之上」,乃說「為兒子或女兒」。因為他們明白此處這介詞的力量正是如此,希臘文在此說「peri hyiou ē peri thygatros」(為兒子或為女兒)。
Indeed it is to be noted how poor the Lord willed to be born, so that not for him a lamb and a young pigeon or a turtledove was offered, but a pair of turtledoves or two young pigeons, as is read in the Gospel: which the Scripture of Leviticus commanded then to be offered, if the hand of the one offering had not what is enough for a lamb. 'To a man, if there shall have been made in the skin of his body a bright scar of a sign, and there shall have been in the skin of his color a touch of leprosy.' As if by explaining he said afterward whence what he had first said might be understood, since he had said: 'To a man, if there shall have been made in the skin of his body a bright scar.' Lest we should so understand 'scar' as is wont to be the trace of a healed wound, he made clear that he was speaking of color, when he added:
'and there shall have been in the skin of his color a touch of leprosy.' Whatever, then, it is, it is a fault of color, which he calls by the name of scar. But when he says 'a touch of leprosy,' not that color is perceived by touch, but he thus says 'touch of leprosy' as though the man himself or his body were touched by leprosy, that is, stained and vitiated. As it is wont to be said: 'the fever touched him or did not touch him.' Finally, he calls the very stain a 'touch,' and always calls it by that name. Whence certain of our translators rendered it not 'touch,' but 'stain.' By which name indeed what is read seems to sound more plainly: but the Greek too could have said not 'haphē,' that is 'touch,' but 'mōmon,' that is 'stain,' whence he says 'amōmon,' meaning immaculate.
Although Scripture is wont to call 'amōmon' pure not from that alone which occurs in color, but from every fault. Whence he wishes not the stain of color, but the mark of every fault, to be understood by what he calls it. He could therefore have said 'spilon,' which pertains to color alone: which word the Apostle used, where he says of the Church: 'not having spot or wrinkle.' But he said neither 'spilon' nor 'mōmon,' but 'haphē,' that is 'touch,' which even in the Greek tongue is unusually said of colors, and yet the Seventy translators were not ashamed to say this in Greek. Why, then, should the Latins be ashamed?
But as to what is said, 'the scar of a sign,' it is so called either because it signifies something, or rather because it distinguishes the man himself from others by a certain sign, that is, renders him notable. What is the meaning of his saying: 'And the priest shall see, and shall defile him, to whom he shall come to be cleansed'? But 'shall defile' is said for 'shall pronounce defiled,' if he shall have seen in him those things which Scripture says of the stain of leprosy. 'But if there shall be a bright white in the skin of his color, and its appearance shall not be lower than the skin.' 'Bright white' — 'touch' is understood, that is, that stain of color, not a hair. As to what he says afterward: 'but if the signification shall have been turned and changed in the skin' — he calls 'signification' that which above is read as 'sign' in the Latin.
For the Greek both above and here used one and the same word, saying 'sēmasian.' 'And the priest shall separate him for seven days a second time; and the priest shall see him on the seventh day a second time, and behold, the touch is dim, the touch is not turned in the skin. And the priest shall cleanse him; for it is a sign': that is, 'shall pronounce him cleansed'; for it is not leprosy, but a sign. 'But if the signification shall have been turned and changed in the skin after the priest saw him, in order to cleanse him, and it shall have been seen again by the priest, and the priest shall see him, and behold, the signification is changed in the skin, then the priest shall defile him; it is leprosy.' Here too he said 'shall defile' for 'shall pronounce defiled':
The 'and' moreover has more from the manner of Scripture's speech. This, then, seems to have been what he wished to admonish: that, when there shall have been seen only a white and bright color, discolored from the sound color, it should still be examined by the priest, so that, if he shall see also the hair changed into a white color and the place of the skin, in which the white color is, made lower, then he should pronounce leprosy, that is, should defile the man by pronouncing him leprous. 'But if,' he says, 'there shall be a bright white in the skin of his color' — that is, if that touch shall be bright white: by which name he calls the same stain — 'and its appearance shall not be lower than the skin, and the hair shall not be turned into white, but it itself is dim' — that is, the hair itself, because it is not white — 'then the priest shall separate the touch seven days.'
'And the priest shall see the touch on the seventh day' — that is, that stain — 'and behold, the touch remains before him, the touch is not changed in the skin,' that is, it is not found discolored and dissimilar from the skin. Therefore what was faulty has been healed. But he still commands that the same soundness be tested through another seven days, and therefore it follows and he says: 'And the priest shall separate him seven days a second time' — that is, another seven days — 'and the priest shall see him on the seventh day a second time, and behold, the touch is dim' — that is, because it is not white and bright, and thereby of the same color as the sound color — 'it is not.'
The affected spot on the skin has changed — as he said a little before, that is, it is not different from the rest of the skin — and the priest shall cleanse him, that is, he shall pronounce him cleansed of the suspicion of leprosy: not because he had leprosy, which he no longer has, but because there was no leprosy in that which had been touched in that bright and white color, that is, in that spot which had appeared. For while it was awaited whether the place would become lower and the hair there be turned into white, this did not happen; but rather the opposite. That spot, which before was bright and white, was found dark, that is, similar to the rest of the color, not bright. It was therefore not leprosy; for what appeared thus is a sign, not leprosy.
Nevertheless, even on this account, though cleansed of the suspicion of leprosy, 'he shall wash his garments,' because in that sign too there was something on account of which his garments had to be washed, and he shall be clean. Then it follows: But if the mark should be changed and altered in the skin after the priest has seen him, so as to cleanse him — that is, after the priest saw him healthy on the seventh day earlier, so as to cleanse him, that mark was changed, that is, that sign in the skin — and it be seen a second time by the priest — that is, after another seven days — and the priest see him, and behold the mark has changed in the skin — that is, it did not remain in that soundness in which he had seen it after the first seven days — then the priest shall defile him; it is leprosy.
Here now, since that which had been seen sound after the first seven days did not remain in its state, but was changed back into its former defect, it is pronounced leprosy, such that neither a lower place nor hair turned white need be awaited there. For since leprosy is not remarkable and defective except by its variation, this very thing — that a defective color should return to soundness and a sound color return to defect — is itself so remarkable that one need not there await what he had commanded to be awaited in the first case concerning the lower place and the whiteness of the hair, but by this very variability it is now without doubt leprosy. Then it follows: And if the mark of leprosy be in a man, he shall come to the priest.
And the priest shall see, and behold a white scar in the skin, and this has changed the hair to white, and there is in the scar something of the sound part of the living flesh. If from here we remove the 'and' — for it is placed according to the manner of the speech of the Scriptures — this will be the sense: And the priest shall see, and behold a white scar in the skin, and this has changed the hair white from the sound part of the living flesh in the scar. The order is: it has changed the hair to white in the scar from the sound part of the living flesh, that is: whereas the living and sound flesh has dark or black hair, this scar has white hair. It is an old leprosy in the skin of that color: and the priest shall defile him — that is, he shall pronounce him defiled — he shall not set him apart, because he is unclean.
This seems to say that, where the hair is found changed to white, of one color with the white defect of the skin, he is no longer set apart to be tested, nor is it awaited whether the place also become lower; but from this alone — that the skin is white, of a different color from the rest, and has white hair differing from the rest that are in the living and sound flesh — it is pronounced an old leprosy: 'old' for this reason, because it need no longer be tested through those twice-seven days. But if the sound color be restored and the white be changed — since he had said that when the whole had become white throughout all the skin it was for that very reason already clean, because there would no longer be variation there. Then he says: And on whatever day living color be seen in it, it shall be defiled: where he sufficiently shows that variation is condemned.
And on this account, from what he just said: But if the sound color be restored and be changed white, and he shall come to the priest; and the priest shall see, and behold the mark is changed to white, and the priest shall cleanse the mark: he is clean — we ought not to understand 'the sound color restored' as meaning that the color became sound, for it already was sound (though through it he was made unclean on account of the variation). He therefore said 'the sound color restored' to mean that it should become what it had been, that is, white, with the sound part perishing. For then again he will be clean when the whole is white, because there will be no variation there. But to take 'restored' for 'perishing' is a very unusual manner of speech; for he seems rather to have had to say: But if the white color be restored. Now he truly says:
'the sound restored and changed white,' as though he said: if the sound color be restored into white. What is it that, when he was speaking of leprosy of the head, he even called it a striking, although it occurs only in the color of either skin or hair, and its appearance shows lower than the rest of the skin, yet without pain and without any distress? Or did he wish to call that which is unclean a 'striking' in place of a plague, as though by this uncleanness the man had been struck? What does it mean that, when speaking of the leprosy of garments and of other things pertaining to men's uses, he says: [it may be] in a woolen garment or in a garment of tow, or in the warp, or in wool, or in linens, or in woolens — when he had already said above:
in a woolen garment or in a garment of tow? For tow is certainly linen. Or did he there wish 'garments' to be understood, but here anything woolen and anything of linen? For the coverings of beasts of burden, though they be of wool, are not garments; nor are nets garments, though they be of linen. He therefore wished to speak first specifically of garments, then generally of all things woolen and of linen. It is asked what he meant by: in every working skin, which some have interpreted as: in every finished skin. But the Greek does not say ergam(en)o dermati, but rather ergasimo, which word is also placed in the Book of Kingdoms, where Jonathan speaks to David: be in the field on the working day, that is, on the day on which work is done.
And on this account here too we ought to understand a 'working skin' as one in which work is done, that is, adapted for some work. For there are skins that are kept only for adornment, not for work. What does it mean that he says: in every working vessel of skin — except that which is made of skin, that is, in every leather vessel? But in this place he uses 'vessel' for what the Greeks call skeuos; for this is the general name of all utensils. But that which is called angeion is another thing; for this too the Latin tongue calls 'vas.' But that angeion is rather understood as a vessel that holds liquid. What does it mean that he says:
And whomever he that suffers a flux of seed touches, and has not washed his hands with water, he shall wash his garments and shall wash his body with water and shall be unclean until evening? For what he says is ambiguously placed: 'has not washed his hands with water,' as if after he has touched. But it is to be understood: whomever he touches with unwashed hands, that one whom he touches shall wash his garments, and the rest. What does it mean that, when he was prescribing how the high priest ought to enter into the sanctuary, which is within the veil, he says among other things: and he shall make entreaty for the holy things from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel and from their iniquities [and] concerning all their sins? How then 'for the holy things'?
— if 'from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel and from their iniquities concerning all their sins'? Or is it, because he did not say 'for the uncleannesses' of the children of Israel but 'from the uncleannesses,' that this is to be understood: 'he shall make entreaty for the holy ones from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel'? That is, for those who are holy from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel, not consenting to their uncleannesses: not because entreaty was to be made for them alone, but because also for them, lest anyone should think they had been so holy that there was nothing on account of which entreaty should be made for them — although they were strangers to the uncleannesses of the children of Israel and to their iniquities. 'Concerning all their sins,' that is: what iniquities came from all their sins.
This sense too is possible: 'he shall make entreaty for the holy ones from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel,' that is, that this be understood as entreated for them — that they be kept safe from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel. But 'he shall make entreaty' (exorabit) cannot be taken except as what is said by another word, 'he shall propitiate.' Whence too it is called a 'propitiatory' (propitiatorium), which others have interpreted as a 'place of entreaty' (exoratorium); and in Greek it is called hilasterion. And what in this place the Latin renders 'he shall make entreaty for the holy ones,' the Greek has exilasetai, which is not understood except for sins. Whence it is written in the psalm: who is propitious to all your iniquities. Here therefore the more fitting sense is:
that the priest be understood to propitiate God even for those who are holy from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel, and because, though they be so holy that they do not consent to the uncleannesses and iniquities of the children of Israel, they nevertheless have something on account of which God's propitiation is necessary for them. Indeed, in a certain Greek copy we find: and he shall make entreaty for the holy thing (sanctum), not 'for the holy ones,' and that 'holy thing' in the neuter gender, that is, to hagion. For it could be understood 'he shall make entreaty to the holy God,' and there would be no question; but how it can be understood 'he shall make entreaty for this holy thing' is difficult to say — unless perhaps that holy thing is whatever God is, since the Holy Spirit too, who is certainly God, is spoken of in the neuter gender in Greek as to pneuma to hagion.
就是要理解為:祭司也為那些脫離以色列人污穢的聖者向神求息怒;並且因為他們雖然如此聖潔、不認同以色列人的污穢與罪孽,卻仍有某些緣由,使神的息怒對他們是必需的。誠然,在某個希臘抄本中我們發現作:「他要為那聖物(sanctum)作代求」,而非「為聖者」,並且那「聖物」用中性,即 to hagion。因為它可以理解為「他要向聖潔的神作代求」,那就毫無疑問;但如何理解為「他要為這聖物作代求」則難以說明——除非那聖物是指凡神所是的一切,因為聖靈,即那確實是神者,在希臘文中也用中性稱作 to pneuma to hagion。
And perhaps this is it — if indeed that codex is truer, which seemed more correct — exilasetai to hagion, that is, to pneuma to hagion, which in Latin cannot be said in the neuter gender. Although in three other codices, one Greek and two Latin, we found nothing but what we said above: 'he shall make entreaty for the holy ones.' This can also be taken thus, so that it be understood not for holy men, but for those things that are holy, that is, for the tabernacle itself and whatever in them had been sanctified to the Lord: so that this be 'he shall make entreaty for the holy things from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel' — he shall propitiate God for those things that have been sanctified to the Lord from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel, because in their midst was the tabernacle. For thus it follows.
或許正是如此——若那抄本確實更正確,因它看來更精確——exilasetai to hagion,也就是 to pneuma to hagion,這在拉丁文中無法以中性表達。雖然在另外三個抄本中,一個希臘文、兩個拉丁文,我們所發現的無非是上面所說的:「他要為聖者作代求。」這也可以這樣理解,就是不指聖潔的人,而指那些聖潔之物,也就是為帳幕本身以及在其中一切分別為聖歸於主的物:如此,「他要為聖物脫離以色列人的污穢作代求」就是——他要為那些從以色列人污穢中分別為聖歸主的物向神求息怒,因為帳幕在他們中間。因為下文接著說:
For when he had said: he shall make entreaty for the holy things from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel and from their iniquities concerning all their sins, he immediately subjoined: and thus he shall do to the tabernacle of testimony which was created among them in the midst of their uncleanness — so that for this that propitiation for the holy things seems necessary, that is, for the tabernacle and all things that are called holy in it. For also a little after this he says of the altar, that by the sprinkling of blood the priest should cleanse it and sanctify it from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel. And he shall complete making entreaty for the holy (sanctum). Is it 'he shall complete the holy'? Or 'making entreaty for the holy' according to what we said above? For here too it is said in Greek in the neuter gender, to hagion.
Does he then, making entreaty to the Lord, complete the holy, that is, perfectly sanctify what he sanctifies? Or does he 'complete' what he says, 'making entreaty for the holy,' that is, that holy thing which is to pneuma to hagion? Concerning the two goats, one to be immolated and the other to be sent away into the desert, which they call apopompaion, there is wont to be dispute, and by some the one to be immolated is taken in a good sense, but the one to be sent away in an evil sense. Yet this sense is not to be confirmed on the ground that the man, in whose hand the goat is sent away into the wilderness, is ordered, when he returns, to wash his garments and his body with water and so to enter the camp — as though this too were an indication why that goat should be taken in an evil sense, from whose contagion the man must be washed;
那麼,他向主作代求,是使那聖者完全,就是全然使他所分別為聖之物成聖嗎?抑或他「完成」他所說的「為那聖者作代求」,也就是那聖者,即 to pneuma to hagion?論到那兩隻公山羊,一隻要獻祭、另一隻要放到曠野去(人稱這隻為 apopompaion),常有爭議;有些人把那要獻祭的取為善的意義,把那要放走的取為惡的意義。然而這意義並不應僅憑這理由來確立,即那手裡把公山羊放到曠野去的人,回來時被吩咐要用水洗衣服、洗身,然後才可進營——彷彿這也是一個跡象,說明何以那公山羊該取為惡的意義,因為人必須從牠的沾染中洗淨;
for he likewise says that he too must be washed who has received the flesh of the other goat and calf and burned it outside the camp — because he orders it to be done thus concerning that goat and the calf, from whose blood, when immolated, the sprinkling is made, and they are for sins. And on this account the distinction of these two goats is not to be treated carelessly in its allegorical signification. Likewise, when he had appointed the tenth day of the seventh month as a sabbath of sabbaths, on which the aforesaid purgation should be made by that one priest who succeeds the father, speaking of the same priest he says: he shall make entreaty for the holy of the holy. This now I know not whether it is to be taken otherwise than 'he shall make entreaty in the holy of the holy,' by a certain manner of speech — namely in that holy place into which the high priest alone entered.
which is within the veil, where the ark of the testimony was and the altar of incense. For he will not make entreaty to that place as to God, but because he will there make entreaty to God, it is thus put: he shall make entreaty for the holy of the holy. For this too is placed in the neuter gender in Greek: to pneuma to hagion. Or perhaps it is 'the Holy Spirit of the holy God,' that is, to hagion pneuma tou hagiou theou? Or rather is 'he shall make entreaty' (exorabit) said for 'by entreating he shall cleanse'? For thus he weaves the words together: and he shall make entreaty for the holy of the holy and the tabernacle of testimony and the altar he shall make entreaty, and for the priests and for the whole congregation he shall make entreaty. How then shall he make entreaty for the tabernacle and the altar, unless, as has been said, we understand 'by entreating he shall cleanse'? That which he says:
這至聖所在幔內,那裡有法櫃和香壇。因為他並非向那地方如向神般作代求,而是因為他要在那裡向神作代求,所以才這樣說:「他要為至聖者作代求。」因為這在希臘文中也用中性放置:to pneuma to hagion。或許是「聖潔之神的聖靈」,即 to hagion pneuma tou hagiou theou?還是說,「他要作代求」(exorabit)乃是指「他要藉代求而潔淨」?因為他把這些話如此連綴起來:「他要為至聖者作代求,也為會幕作代求,又為祭壇作代求,並為眾祭司和全會眾作代求。」那麼,他怎能為帳幕和祭壇作代求呢?除非如所說的,我們理解為「他要藉代求而潔淨」?他所說的這句話:
whoever shall kill a calf or a sheep or a she-goat in the camp, and whoever shall kill it outside the camp and shall not bring it to the door of the tabernacle of testimony — and in this he establishes a sin and threatens the doer — does not speak of those things which are slain for the use of eating, or for anything else, but of sacrifices. For he forbade private sacrifices, lest each one should in some manner dare to be a priest for himself, but should bring it there where they might be offered to God through the priest. For thus they would not sacrifice to vain things either; for this too he forewarned must be guarded against in that custom.
Since therefore it was not permitted to offer sacrifices except in the tabernacle, to which the temple afterwards succeeded — whence also Jeroboam, king of Israel, dared to make calves for the people to sacrifice to, lest by the necessity of this law those who were under his kingdom should be led away from him while they went to Jerusalem to offer their sacrifices in the temple of God, for which deed he was condemned by the Lord — it is rightly asked how Elijah could lawfully sacrifice outside the temple of God, when he both obtained fire from heaven and confounded the prophets of demons. This seems to me to be defended by no other reasoning than that by which Abraham's deed too is defended, that being commanded he was willing to immolate his son to God.
For when he who established the law commands something to be done which he forbade in the law, the command itself is held in place of law, since it belongs to the author of the law. For other miracles could not have been lacking, besides the sacrifice, by which the prophets of the groves might be overcome and confounded; but the Spirit of God, who was in Elijah — whatever he did in this matter — cannot be against the law, because he is the giver of the law. What does it mean that, forbidding the eating of blood, he says: the soul of all flesh is its blood? This whole passage he thus explains: and the man, any man of the children of Israel, or of the proselytes who are added among you, whoever shall eat any blood, I will set my face against the soul that eats blood, and I will destroy it from among its people.
For the soul of all flesh is its blood; and I have given it to you to make entreaty for your souls upon the altar: for its blood shall make entreaty for the soul. Therefore I said to the children of Israel: no soul of you shall eat blood, and the proselyte who is added among you shall not eat blood. Surely, if we call the blood the soul of a beast, is the blood also to be thought the soul of a man? God forbid. How then did he not say: the soul of all flesh of a beast is its blood, but: the soul, he says, of all flesh is its blood? For in 'all flesh' the flesh of man too is reckoned.
Or is it that, because there is something vital in the blood, since it is chiefly through it that life is lived in this flesh — the blood which is diffused through all the veins throughout the whole body — he called that very life of the body the soul: not the life that migrates from the body, but that which is ended by death? By which manner of speech we say that this life is temporal, not eternal, mortal, not immortal, whereas the nature of the soul is immortal — that soul which was carried away by angels into Abraham's bosom, and to which it is said: today you shall be with me in paradise, and which burned in the torments of hell. According to this signification, therefore, by which even this temporal life is called 'soul,' the apostle Paul said: for I do not make my soul precious to myself. Where he wished to show himself even prepared to die for the gospel.
For according to the signification by which 'soul' is said of that which migrates from the body, he was rather making it precious, for which he was acquiring so great a merit. There are also other locutions of this kind. This temporal life, therefore, is chiefly contained in the body by the blood. But what does it mean that he says: I have given it to you at the altar of God, that it may make entreaty for your soul? — as though soul should make entreaty for soul. Surely not blood for blood, as though we were anxious about our own blood, when we wish entreaty to be made for our soul? This is absurd. But it is much more absurd that the blood of a beast should make entreaty for the soul of a man;
which cannot die, since Scripture manifestly testifies in the epistle to the Hebrews that that blood of victims profited nothing for making entreaty to God for the sins of men, but signified something that would profit. For it is impossible, he says, that the blood of goats and bulls should take away sins. It remains, therefore, that since that Mediator makes entreaty for our soul — he who was prefigured by all those sacrifices which were offered for sins — that be called 'soul' which signifies the soul. Now it is customary that the thing which signifies be named by the name of the thing which it signifies; as it is written: the seven ears are seven years — for he did not say: they signify seven years — and: the seven oxen are seven years, and many things of this kind.
Hence it is that it was said: the rock was Christ; for he did not say: the rock signified Christ, but as though it were this — which certainly by substance it was not, but by signification it was. So too blood, since on account of a certain vital corporeality it signifies the soul, is in the sacraments called 'soul.' But if anyone thinks that the blood of a beast is its soul, there is no need to labor over this question: only it must be most earnestly guarded against, that the soul of a man — which quickens human flesh and is rational — be not thought to be blood; and this error must by all means be refuted.
Locutions must also be sought in which, through that which contains, is signified that which is contained; so that, since the soul is held in the body by the blood — for if it be poured out, the soul departs — the soul is more fittingly signified through it, and has taken the name 'blood.' As the place in which the church is gathered is called 'church'; for the church is the men, of whom it is said: that he might present to himself a glorious church. Yet that the house of prayer itself is also called by this name, the same apostle is witness, where he says: have you not houses to eat and drink in? or do you despise the church of God?
And this the daily usage of speaking has also established, that one is not said to 'go into the church' or 'take refuge in the church' unless he goes or takes refuge to the place itself and its walls, by which the congregation of the church is contained. It is also written: and he that sheds blood, who defrauds the wages of the hired laborer. He called the wages 'blood,' since by them that life is sustained which is called by the name of blood. But since the Lord says: unless you eat my flesh and drink my blood, you will not have life in you, what does it mean that the people are so greatly forbidden the blood of the sacrifices which were offered for sins, if by those sacrifices this one sacrifice was signified, in which true remission of sins takes place?
— from whose sacrifice's blood, when taken as nourishment, not only is no one forbidden, but rather all are exhorted to drink, who wish to have life. It must therefore be inquired what it signifies, that a man is forbidden in the law to eat blood and is ordered to pour it out to God. For concerning the nature of the soul — why it is signified by blood — we have said, as much as for the present seemed sufficient. The nakedness of your father and the nakedness of your mother you shall not uncover; for it is their nakedness. He forbids lying with one's mother; for there is the nakedness of father and mother. For afterwards he forbids the stepmother too, where he says: the nakedness of your father's wife you shall not uncover; for it is your father's nakedness.
Where he explained how in the mother there is the nakedness of both, that is, of father and mother; but in the stepmother, only of the father. The nakedness of your sister, from your father or from your mother, who was born at home or who was born abroad, you shall not uncover their nakedness. 'Who was born at home' is understood as from the father; 'who was born abroad' is understood as from the mother — if perchance the mother had conceived her by a former husband and had come into the house with her, when she married his father, whom Scripture warns not to uncover the nakedness of his sister. Here he seems not to have forbidden, and as it were to have passed over, intercourse with a sister born of both parents; for he does not say: you shall not uncover the nakedness of your sister from father and from mother, but: from father or from mother.
But who would not see that this too is forbidden, and much more strongly? For if it is not permitted to uncover the nakedness of a sister born of either parent, how much more of both! But what does it mean that, after inserting the prohibition of intercourse even with one's own granddaughters, whether by son or by daughter, it follows and says: the nakedness of the daughter of your father's wife you shall not uncover? For if he had said only thus far, we would understand that intercourse was forbidden even with the stepmother's daughter, whom the stepmother had borne by a former husband and who was not the sister of this man who is forbidden, either by father or by mother; but when he added:
she is your sister from the same father, you shall not uncover her nakedness — he makes clear that this prohibition was made concerning a sister, since she was from the father and from the stepmother, of whom he had already spoken above. Or did he for this reason wish again to forbid this more openly, because above it was somewhat obscure? For Scripture often does this. The nakedness of your father's brother you shall not uncover, and you shall not go in to his wife. He explained what he meant by 'the nakedness of your father's brother,' that is, of your paternal uncle, 'you shall not uncover'; for this is 'you shall not go in to his wife.' Indeed, in the uncle's wife he wished the uncle's nakedness to be understood, as in the father's wife the father's nakedness. The nakedness of your brother's wife you shall not uncover; it is your brother's nakedness. It is asked:
whether this is forbidden while the brother is alive or after he is dead — and it is no small question. For if we should say that Scripture spoke of a living brother's wife, by that one general precept by which a man is forbidden to approach another's wife, this too is certainly contained. What then does it mean that it so diligently distinguishes these persons, whom it calls 'domestic,' by proper prohibitions from the rest? For what it forbids concerning the father's wife, that is, the stepmother, is not to be taken of the living father but rather of the dead. For while the father is alive, who does not see that it is much more strongly forbidden, if any man's other's wife is forbidden to be defiled by adultery?
Concerning these persons, therefore, it seems to speak — those who, not having husbands, could come together in matrimony, unless forbidden by law, as is said to be the custom of the Persians. But again, if we understand it forbidden, the brother being dead, to marry the brother's wife, there occurs that which, for the sake of raising up seed, Scripture orders to be done if he had died without children. And on this account, comparing this prohibition with that command, lest they be mutually opposed, an exception is to be understood: that is, that it is not permitted to anyone to marry a deceased brother's wife if the deceased left descendants; or else that this too was forbidden, that it should not be permitted to marry a brother's wife who had even departed from a living brother by divorce.
For then, as the Lord says, on account of the hardness of the Jews Moses had permitted them to give a bill of divorce, and through this dismissal it might be thought that anyone could lawfully join to himself his brother's wife, where he need fear no adultery, since she had departed by divorce. The nakedness of a woman and her daughter you shall not uncover: that is, lest anyone think it lawful for himself to marry the daughter of his wife. For it is not lawful to uncover the nakedness of a woman and her daughter at the same time, that is, to have union with both, both mother and daughter. The daughter of her son and the daughter of her daughter you shall not take. He also forbade taking the granddaughter of one's wife, by either son or daughter. You shall not take a wife in addition to her sister as a rival.
Here he did not forbid taking an additional wife, which was permitted to the ancients on account of the abundance of propagation; but he did not wish a sister to be brought in over a sister. This Jacob seems to have done, either because it had not yet been forbidden by law, or because he was deceived by the fraud of another substituted for her, and she came rather by agreement, whom he received later; but it would have been unjust that the former be dismissed, lest he cause her to commit adultery. But this that he says, 'as a rival' — is it put for this reason, lest there be rivalry between sisters, which between those who were not sisters was not to be despised? Or is it rather for this reason, lest it be done on this account, that is, lest it be done with this intent, that a sister be brought in over a sister as a rival? And to a woman in the separation of her uncleanness you shall not approach to uncover her nakedness:
that is, you shall not approach a menstruating woman: for she was set apart according to the law on account of uncleanness. Since he had already sufficiently forbidden this above, what does it mean that here too he wished to add it to these same precepts? Or perhaps, because in the earlier passages what was said might be thought to be taken figuratively, here too it is placed, where such things are forbidden as, even in the time of the New Testament, with the observance of the old shadows removed, must without doubt be kept? This too the Lord seems to have signified through the prophet Ezekiel, who, among those sins which are not of figurative but of manifest iniquity, mentions this also — if anyone approach a menstruating woman — and among the merits of righteousness, if he does not approach.
In which matter nature is not condemned, but it is declared harmful to the offspring to be conceived. And to your neighbor's wife you shall not give your seed for intercourse, to be defiled with her. Behold, here again he forbids adultery, which is committed with another's wife, which is also forbidden in the decalogue. Whence it appears that those women whose nakedness he forbids to be uncovered are so forbidden that, even after their husbands are dead, they are not taken as wives. And of your seed you shall not give to serve a prince. Here I do not see what is understood except a prince who is worshiped in place of God. For he does not say douleuein, but latreuein in the Greek, which the Latin is not accustomed to translate except by saying 'to serve'; but there is a very great difference.
For to serve men as slaves serve, which is not latreuein but douleuein, Scripture does not forbid; but to serve according to that which is latreuein is not commanded toward men, but only toward the one true God, as it is written: you shall adore the Lord your God, and him only shall you serve. And not only by this word, that he says latreuein, does he sufficiently signify whom he calls a 'prince,' that is, one to whom worship is offered as to God, but also by this which he adds: and you shall not profane the holy name — whether of God, from whose people to serve a prince in that manner is granted, or the holy name of the people of Israel itself. On account of which it is said: you are holy, since I too am holy. Most opportunely here too he adds:
I am the Lord — thereby certainly admonishing that to him alone is owed latreia, that is, that servitude by which God is served. As for what he says: and the land abhorred those who dwell upon it, on account of their evil deeds which he mentioned above — it is not to be thought said on the ground that the land has a sense by which it perceives and abhors these things, but by the name of 'land' he signifies the men who are upon the land. Accordingly, when men do these evil things, they defile the land, because the men who imitate them are defiled; and the land abhors, because the men abhor who neither do nor imitate them. You shall not steal, nor shall you lie, nor shall each one bring a false charge against his neighbor. That about theft is placed in the decalogue. But as for what he says:
'Neither shall you lie, nor shall anyone slander his neighbour.' It is a wonder if this is not already contained in that commandment set down there: 'You shall not bear false witness against your neighbour,' since slander cannot occur without falsehood, which is comprehended under the general heading of false witness. But whether these things may be admitted with some counterbalancing consideration is a great question — just as concerning lying it seems to nearly everyone that where no one is harmed, one ought to lie for the sake of safety. Is it then likewise so concerning theft as well? Or can theft not occur where no one is harmed? Nay rather, it can occur even when the very one against whom it is committed is being looked after, as if someone should steal a sword from a man who wishes to kill himself.
For as to slander, I do not know whether it can be done to anyone for his own benefit — unless perhaps in the sense that it was done for a greater joy which they would afterwards enjoy, as when Joseph brought a false charge against his brothers concerning the cup, upon whom he had also fastened the false accusation of spying. Yet if we try to determine these matters by definitions, perhaps there is no theft except when a neighbour is harmed by something belonging to another being secretly taken away; and there is no slander except when a neighbour is harmed by the imputation of a false charge; but we cannot say that lying exists only when a neighbour is harmed; for when something false is stated by one who knows it to be false, it is beyond doubt a lie, whether or not anyone is harmed by it.
Accordingly, the great question about lying — whether a lie can ever be just — might perhaps be easily resolved if we considered only the precepts and not also the examples. For what is more absolute than this precept: 'You shall not lie'? For it is stated just as: 'You shall not make for yourself an idol' — which act can never be just — and as it is said: 'You shall not commit adultery' — for who would say that adultery could ever be just? — and: 'You shall not steal' — according to that definition of theft a theft can never be just — and: 'You shall not kill,' since when a man is justly put to death, the law kills him, not you. Can it in this way be said: when a man justly lies, the law lies? But the examples make the question most difficult.
The Egyptian midwives lied, and God rewarded them with good things; Rahab lied on behalf of the spies of the land, and therefore she was delivered. Should it be understood that, from the moment it was said in the Law, 'You shall not lie,' from that moment lying is not permitted even in such a cause as that in which Rahab is read to have lied? But it is more credible that, because the lie was unjust, it was therefore forbidden — not that, because it was forbidden, the deed thereby became unjust. Perhaps, then, as we said concerning the midwives, what was rewarded in them was not that they lied, but that they saved the Hebrew infants — so that on account of this mercy that sin was made venial, yet it is not to be supposed that it was not a sin.
So too concerning Rahab it must be understood that she was rewarded for that deliverance of the spies, so that on account of that same deliverance pardon was granted to the lie. But where pardon is given, it is manifest that there is sin. Yet this must be guarded against: that no one should suppose that, in the case of other sins as well, pardon can likewise be granted if they are committed for the sake of delivering men. For many evils, intolerable and utterly detestable, follow from this error. 'You shall not harm your neighbour.' If it were clear to men what it is to harm and not to harm, this general precept might perhaps suffice for the keeping of innocence. For all the things that are forbidden to be committed against a neighbour are to be referred to this one thing which was said: 'You shall not harm your neighbour.' For what follows —
'You shall not seize by force' — unless it be referred to this, that no harm be done by seizing, it sometimes happens that a man does harm by not seizing. For a sword must be snatched from a madman; and if one fails to do what he ought, he will have done greater harm. What does it mean that, when it had said above, 'You shall not hate your brother in your heart; you shall surely reprove your neighbour and shall not incur sin because of him,' it consequently added, 'and your hand shall not be avenged'? Is it for what is meant by 'is not punished'? For you act with a good mind when you impose discipline on a sinning neighbour, lest by neglecting him you incur his sin. For to this pertains what it set down before: 'You shall not hate your neighbour in your heart.'
For it can seem to the one who is reproved that you hate him, even though it is not in your heart. Or does 'your hand shall not be avenged' rather admonish this: that you should not seek to avenge your hand, nor be carried away by the lust for revenge? For what else is it to wish to be avenged than to rejoice or find consolation in another's misfortune? And therefore it was said: 'You shall not be angry with the children of your people.' For thus anger is rightly defined as being a lust for revenge. But certain manuscripts have: 'and your hand shall not be avenged,' that is, in reproving do not wish to avenge yourself, but rather to look after the good of the one whom you reprove. 'And you shall not make incisions over a soul in your body.' By 'over a soul' it means 'over the corpse of a dead person,' for the grief is over the soul which has departed.
To this grief belongs mourning, in which mourning some nations have the custom of cutting their bodies. God forbids this to be done. 'So that they play the harlot after princes from among their people.' It is not 'princes from their people,' but 'after their people they play the harlot.' For here he wishes those to be understood as princes who were worshipped in place of gods; as the Apostle says: 'according to the prince of the power of the air,' and in the Gospel the Lord: 'now the prince of this world is cast out,' and: 'behold, the prince of the world will come and will find nothing in me.' 'Any man whatever who commits adultery with the wife of a man, or whoever commits adultery with the wife of his neighbour, let them die the death.' He said in the plural 'let them die the death,' that is, he who committed adultery and she who was made an adulteress.
Here he wished to make some distinction between any man whatever and a neighbour, although in many places he sets down 'neighbour' for every man. But what manner of expression is this, that, when he had already spoken of 'a man,' he repeated the same thing concerning 'a neighbour,' since it is a natural consequence that one must abstain much the more from a neighbour's wife if one must abstain from the wife of any man whatsoever? For if he had spoken first of the neighbour, then, lest it be thought permissible to commit adultery with the wife of one who is not a neighbour, it would have had to be added concerning any man whatever; but now, if what is the lesser thing is not permitted, how much less is that permitted which is the greater evil! For if it is not permitted to commit adultery with the wife of any man whatsoever, how much more with a neighbour's wife!
Or perhaps this repetition, as it were, expounds what was said first, so that a man may thereby understand how great an evil it is to commit adultery with a man's wife — because, if he does this, he commits adultery with a neighbour's wife. For every man is a neighbour to a man. 'And the woman who approaches any beast to be mounted by it — you shall kill the woman and the beast; let them die the death; they are guilty.' It is asked how a beast can be guilty, since it is irrational and in no way capable of law. Is it that, just as words are transferred by that mode of expression which in Greek is called metaphora, from an animate thing to an inanimate one — as when we say a 'wicked wind' or an 'angry sea' — so here too there is a transfer from the rational to the irrational?
For it must be believed that the beasts were commanded to be killed for this reason: because, having been defiled by such an outrage, they renew the unworthy memory of the deed. 'Whoever takes his sister, from his father or from his mother, and sees her nakedness, and she sees his nakedness, it is a reproach; they shall be exterminated in the sight of their kindred; he has uncovered his sister's nakedness, they shall bear their sin.' What does it mean here by 'sees,' except 'knows by lying with her'? As it is said in the Law: 'he knew his wife,' for 'he was joined to her.' And what does it mean, 'they shall bear their sin,' when it was speaking of their punishment, except that it wished even the punishment of the sin to be called sin? 'Whoever lies with his kinswoman has uncovered the nakedness of his kinswoman;'
'they shall die without children.' It is asked to what degree this kinship is to be understood, since from a distant degree it is certainly permitted to take a wife, and always has been. But it must be understood from those degrees which he forbade, that it is not permitted, and that it was said with reference to those very degrees: 'Whoever lies with his kinswoman' — where he also left some things unmentioned but to be understood, such as a sister from both parents, or the wife of a mother's brother, that is, of a maternal uncle. For concerning the wife of a father's brother he forbade it first, although this is called not kinship but affinity. But what does 'they shall die without children' mean, since children from such unions have both been born before and are born today? Or is this to be understood as ordained by the law of God, that whoever are born of them
are not to be reckoned as children, that is, they succeed to their parents by no right while living? 'And you shall not make your souls execrable, whether in beasts or in birds or in all the creeping things of the earth which I have set apart for you as unclean.' It seems here to signify that these things are not unclean by nature, but by some sign of a mystery, since it says: 'which I have set apart for you as unclean,' as though they would not be unclean to them if they had not been set apart for them. 'And a man or a woman, if there be in him a ventriloquist or an enchanter, let both die the death; you shall stone them with stones; they are guilty.' Is it the man and the woman, or the man and the ventriloquist, or the woman and the ventriloquist or enchanter? But rather this: both the one who has it and the one whom he has.
'A harlot and profane woman they shall not take, nor a woman put away by her husband, for he is holy to the Lord his God.' Above he had said 'they shall not take,' but now 'for he is holy,' not 'for they are holy.' He was speaking of several priests who exist at one time, and of each one of them he said 'for he is holy,' with that manner of expression which Scripture is accustomed to use. For that one supreme priest he mentions afterwards, who used to enter into the Holy of Holies. For he also concluded in the plural, saying: 'and you shall sanctify him: he offers the gifts of the Lord your God; he is holy, for holy am I, the Lord who sanctifies them.' Now as far as concerns the gifts, since he said:
'He offers the gifts of the Lord your God,' not only did that supreme priest offer them, but the second-order priests also. And by this that he says, 'A harlot and profane woman and one put away by her husband they shall not take,' the second-order priests too are forbidden this; for concerning the supreme priest he speaks afterwards, who moreover was commanded to take none but a virgin. 'And the priest who is great among his brethren' — that is, he who is great among his brethren, namely that one great priest — 'upon whose head oil from the anointing has been poured' — Scripture calls the oil itself 'the anointing' (christ). 'And whose hand has been consecrated to put on the vestments' — those, namely, which are described most elaborately as belonging to the priestly garb.
'He shall not uncover his head from the turban, and shall not rend his garments, and shall not go in to any dead soul.' It is understood that he is forbidden to do those things which he mentioned above in mourning, that is, to bare his head of the turban and to rend his garments. For to rend the garments belonged to the mourners of old, as it is written concerning Job, when the ruin of his sons crushed and was announced to him. But to bare the head of the turban could belong to a mourner because it is a removal of adornment. But as to what he says, 'he shall not go in to any dead soul,' how he should call a dead body a 'dead soul' is difficult to understand; yet this is a customary expression of the Scriptures, which is most unusual to us.
Therefore the soul receives even the name of its ruler — that is, the body deprived of soul — because it must be restored to it in the resurrection; just as the building which is called a church, even when the church which is the people has gone out from it, is nonetheless called a church. But since the body does not receive the name of soul in a living man, it is a wonder how it should then be called a soul, when it lacks a soul.
Further, if we understand a 'dead soul' as one separated from the body, so that it seems to have called that very separation 'death' — that is, that the soul is dead as sundered from the body, not lost in its own nature (for indeed when we too are said to be 'dead to sin,' its nature is not said to have perished, but that we no longer use sin, so that the soul may thus be understood as dead, that is, dead to the body, because it has ceased to use it, while it lives in its own nature) — how can anyone enter in to a dead soul, which this priest is forbidden to do, since whoever enters in to a dead body enters, not to the soul which has departed from the body? Or did he call by the name of 'soul' that temporal life itself, which is indeed dead in the deceased body once that soul which cannot die has migrated?
Not that this life itself was the soul, but that through the presence of the soul, by which it subsisted, it received the soul's name — just as we distinguished, when we were speaking about blood, why it was said: 'the soul of all flesh is its blood.' For the blood itself is also dead in a dead body; for it did not depart with the departing soul. Scripture, therefore, forbade the supreme priest to go in even to the funeral of a father or mother; which it did not forbid to the second-order priest. For it follows: 'over his father and over his mother he shall not be defiled'; and the order of the words is: 'over his father he shall not be defiled, nor over his mother.' 'And he shall not go out from the holy things.'
Beyond doubt, he was forbidden to go out from the holy things at that very time when the funerals of his own were being celebrated, just as also during the seven days in which he was being sanctified — but not always. Indeed, if the supreme priests of that time were not forbidden to take wives or beget sons, a great question arises. For since the Law declares a man unclean until evening even by conjugal intercourse, even when he has washed his body with water, and since the supreme priest is commanded, on account of the incense of the perpetual offering, to enter within the veil twice daily every day, where the altar of incense was, and since it was not lawful for any unclean person to approach the holy things — how did the supreme priest fulfill this daily, if he was begetting sons?
For if sickness had befallen him, and someone should inquire who would perform his office in his place, it can be answered that by the grace of God he did not fall sick. Can it likewise be answered thus concerning the begetting of sons? Whence it follows as a consequence that either he was continent, or on certain days the incense was omitted, or, if it could not be omitted — since it necessarily had to be laid on only through the supreme priest — he did not become unclean through conjugal intercourse, by the merit of his special sanctification. Or if that also pertains to him which is said in the following passages concerning all the sons of Aaron, that none of them should approach the holy things if any uncleanness had befallen him, then assuredly it remains to accept this: that on some days the incense was not laid on.
But as to the fact that the supreme priest is forbidden to go in to the funeral of his own father, it can be asked how he could already be supreme priest while his father was not yet dead, since he commands them to succeed their fathers. Therefore it was necessary, while the supreme priest was not yet buried, that a priest be substituted at once on account of the incense of the perpetual offering, which had to be laid on daily through the supreme priest. Yet that question about the sickness of the supreme priest also remains — whether even one about to die necessarily had to be sick for some days; unless perhaps this too be resolved thus: that it be said that supreme priests were not accustomed to die except suddenly, without a preceding sickness, as Scripture testifies concerning Aaron himself. It must be observed how often he says:
'I am the Lord who sanctifies him,' speaking of the priest, when he had also said this to Moses: 'and you shall sanctify him.' How, then, does both Moses sanctify and the Lord? For Moses does not act in place of the Lord, but Moses sanctifies by visible sacraments through his ministry, while the Lord sanctifies by invisible grace through the Holy Spirit — wherein lies the whole fruit even of the visible sacraments. For without this sanctification of invisible grace, what do the visible sacraments profit? But it is rightly asked whether this invisible sanctification also, without the visible sacraments by which a man is visibly sanctified, likewise profits nothing — which is certainly absurd.
For one might more tolerably say that without those visible sacraments this invisible sanctification does not exist, than that, if it did exist, it would profit nothing — since in it lies all the usefulness of them. But even this, that it cannot exist without them, must be examined as to how it may rightly be said. For to Simon the magician the visible baptism profited nothing, since the invisible sanctification was lacking to him; but to those to whom this invisible sanctification, because it was present, profited, the visible sacraments too had been received, they having been baptized in like manner. Yet Moses, who visibly sanctified the priests, is nowhere shown to have himself been sanctified by those very sacrifices or by oil; but who would dare to deny that he was invisibly sanctified, whose grace so greatly excelled? This can be said also of John the Baptist;
for he appeared as a baptizer before he appeared as one baptized. Whence we can by no means deny that he was sanctified. Yet we do not find this done visibly in him before he came to the ministry of baptizing. This can also be said of that thief to whom the Lord, crucified with him, said: 'Today you shall be with me in paradise.' For not without invisible sanctification was he granted such great felicity. Accordingly, it is gathered that invisible sanctification was present and profited some without the visible sacraments, which have been changed according to the diversity of times, so that some were then and others are now; but visible sanctification, which was effected through visible sacraments, can be present without this invisible one, yet cannot profit.
Yet not for this reason is the visible sacrament to be despised; for one who despises it can in no way be invisibly sanctified. Hence it is that Cornelius and those who were with him, though they already appeared to be sanctified by the Holy Spirit invisibly poured out, were nevertheless baptized; nor was the visible sanctification, which the invisible had already preceded, judged superfluous. 'And the Lord spoke to Moses, saying: Speak to Aaron and to his sons, and let them take heed concerning the holy things of the children of Israel, and they shall not profane my holy name in the things which they sanctify to me; I am the Lord. And you shall say to them:'
'In your generations, every man whatever, from all your seed, who approaches the holy things — whatever the children of Israel shall have sanctified to the Lord — while his uncleanness is upon him, that soul shall be exterminated from before me: I am the Lord your God.' Every doubt is removed that no priest, whether supreme or of the second order, ought to have approached the holy things if his uncleanness was upon him. It was therefore a consequence that the priest should be continent, lest on account of the begetting of sons the incense of the perpetual offering should on some days not be laid on — which used to be laid on by the supreme priests alone twice a day, in the morning and in the evening — since after conjugal intercourse, even when the body was washed, he was unclean until evening, by whom that incense had necessarily to be laid on. But as to what he says:
'the things which the children of Israel sanctify,' it must be understood as offering to the priests what is to be offered through them to the Lord. And a kind of sanctification is to be noted, which is done by the vow and devotion of the one offering. But whether, just as in this way the things offered by men are sanctified, so also the men themselves are said to sanctify themselves in the same way, when they vow themselves in some matter, must be observed in the Scriptures. 'And whoever touches any uncleanness of a soul' — that is, anything that is a carcass, the touch of which defiles according to the Law. 'Any man whatever who curses his God shall bear his sin, but he who names the name of the Lord shall die the death.'
As though it were one thing to curse one's God and another to name the name of the Lord, and the former should be a sin, but the latter so great a wickedness that it is even worthy of death. Although in this passage it must be so understood, that what is said, 'the name of the Lord,' means that it is done together with a curse, that is, that he names it in cursing. What difference, then, is there between that sin and this crime of so great a wickedness? Or perhaps by repeating this very thing he showed that that was no light sin, but so great a wickedness that it must be punished by death? But because he introduced this by a distinction, not saying 'for one who names,' but 'but one who names,' it has become somewhat obscure. And therefore, if this is rightly understood, the kind of expression must also be noted.
'And a man who strikes the soul of a man, and he dies, shall die the death.' He did not say: 'whoever strikes a man, and he dies,' but: 'the soul of a man,' although it is rather the body of a man that is struck by the striker, as the Lord also says: 'Do not fear those who kill the body.' By that manner in which Scripture is accustomed, he calls 'soul' that very life of the body which comes about through the soul, and from this he wished to point out the murderer as one who strikes the soul of a man — that is, by striking deprives a man of life. Why, then, did he add: 'and he dies,' if he has already by this very thing shown the murder — namely, that he has struck the soul of a man, that is, that a man has been deprived of life by the striker?
Or did he wish to expound how it should be taken, what he had said, 'the soul of a man has been struck,' and so says: 'and he dies,' as though he were saying: that is, he has died? For this is what it is, for the soul of a man to have been struck. 'When you come into the land which I give you, and the land which I give you rests — sabbaths of the Lord. Six years you shall sow your field, and six years you shall prune your vineyard and gather its fruit; but in the seventh year, sabbaths: there shall be rest for the land, sabbaths to the Lord.' How is it to be understood: 'When you come into the land which I give you, and the land rests — six years you shall sow your field,' and the rest?
As though the precept were to be carried out at the time when the land rests, whereas the land rests for this very reason, because this is done. For he wishes the rest of the land to be understood as being in the seventh year, in which he commanded that no one work it by any agriculture. But doubtless a long hyperbaton produces obscurity for this sense. This, therefore, seems to be the order of the words: 'When you come into the land which I give you, and the land which I give you rests — sabbaths of the Lord: what springs up of itself from your field you shall not reap, and the grape of your sanctification you shall not gather. It shall be a year of resting for the land. And the sabbaths of the land shall be food for you, and for your manservant and for your maidservant, and for your hired man and for the sojourner who has attached himself to you,'
'and for your cattle and for the beasts that are in your land, everything that grows from it for food.' But he inserted, by way of exposition, how the land rests, and says: 'Six years you shall sow your field, and six years you shall prune your vine and gather its fruit; but in the seventh year, sabbaths: there shall be rest for the land, sabbaths of the Lord. Your field you shall not sow, and your vineyard you shall not prune.' And by this that he says, 'you shall not prune,' we ought to understand every kind of cultivation to be forbidden in that year. For if it is not to be pruned, neither is it to be ploughed, nor propped up with supports, nor anything else whatever that pertains to its cultivation to be applied; but as the whole is customarily understood from a part, so by pruning every kind of cultivation is signified.
And by 'field' and 'vineyard,' since he forbade the former to be sown and the latter to be pruned, every kind of field is to be understood. For neither in an olive grove nor in any field of another kind is anything to be worked, concerning which he was silent. But as to what he says, 'And the sabbaths of the land shall be food for you and for your manservant and for your maidservant,' and the rest, he made it sufficiently plain that not even the owner of the field is forbidden to eat of those things which, without cultivation applied, spring up of their own accord in that year, but that he is forbidden to gather them in as a harvest. So, then, he was permitted to take something thence for food only as one passing through, so as to take only what he would at once consume by eating, not what he would store up for future uses. 'And the land shall not be sold for profanation.' Other manuscripts have 'for confirmation';
which corruption in either direction I judge to have arisen first in the Greek on account of the similar sound of the word; for bebēlōsis means 'profanation,' but bebaiōsis means 'confirmation.' But that sense is plain: 'and the land shall not be sold for profanation,' that is, lest anyone dare to sell the land which he received from God to profane persons, who would use it for impiety and the worship of alien and false gods. But that other is somewhat obscure: 'the land shall not be sold for confirmation.' Which I think is not to be understood otherwise than that the sale should not be so confirmed that the seller does not receive it back at the time of remission, as was commanded. But what follows can suit either sense, whether it be read: 'and the land shall not be sold for profanation,' or:
'for confirmation.' For continuing, he added: 'for the land is mine, because you are proselytes and sojourners before me. And throughout all the land of your possession you shall give a redemption-price for the land.' But other manuscripts have 'you shall give redemption for the land.' The sense, then, is this: the land shall not be sold for profanation, that is, to those who would use it to the injury of the Creator; or: for confirmation, that is, so that the buyer should possess it forever and not, according to God's precept, restore it to the seller at the fixed interval of years. 'For the land is mine,' he says; whence, according to my precept, you ought to use it. And to show that it is his, not theirs, and what they themselves were upon it, he consequently added, saying:
'because you are proselytes and sojourners before me,' that is: although there be proselytes to you — that is, newcomers, who from foreigners are joined to your nation — and sojourners — that is, those not remaining in their own land — nevertheless you all too are before me newcomers and sojourners. God says this either to the Israelites, because he gave them the land of other nations which he had expelled for them; or to every man, since before God, who ever abides and, as it is written, fills heaven and earth by his presence, every man is a newcomer by being born and a sojourner by living, since he is compelled to migrate by dying. Then he adds and says: 'And throughout all the land of your possession you shall give a redemption-price for the land,' as tenants, or a redemption.
That, unless I am mistaken, he wishes to be understood which they rendered back in a certain way through the cessations of every seventh year and of the fiftieth year, which he calls the year of remission — so that the very leaving of the land fallow might be, as it were, the rent of habitation or the redemption from him whose it is, that is, from God its Creator. 'And I will set my tabernacle among you, and my soul shall not abhor you.' God calls his 'soul' his will. For he is not an animal having a body and a soul; nor is his substance of the same kind as that creature of his which is called soul, which he made — as he himself testifies through Isaiah, saying: 'and every breath I have made': for the consequences make plain that he says this concerning the soul of man.
As, therefore, when he says 'his eyes' and 'his lips' and the other names of bodily members, we by no means understand him to be bounded by the form of a body, but understand all those names of members as nothing other than the effects of his operations and powers: so also, when he says 'my soul,' we ought to understand his will. For that perfect, simple nature which is called God does not consist of body and spirit, nor is it mutable even by that spirit as the soul is; but God is both spirit and always the very same, with whom there is no change. From this the Apollinarists took occasion, who say that the Mediator of God and men, the man Christ Jesus, did not have a soul, but was only Word and flesh, since he said:
'My soul is sorrowful even unto death.' But by his very action, which is declared to us through the Gospel history, the offices of the human soul so plainly appear that to doubt of this from that saying would be the mark of a madman. What does it mean that God, when he was threatening the penalties of disobedience, said among other things: 'and a sword shall consume you as it ranges through'? Then he says: 'and your land shall be desolate, and your cities shall be desolate. Then the land shall well perceive its sabbaths, all the days of its desolation, and you shall be in the land of your enemies.' How, then, shall the sword consume them, if they shall be in the land of their enemies? Or shall it consume them in that very land, since, a slaughter of deaths having been made, they will not be there? Or does he say 'shall consume you' as if he were saying:
'They will slay you' — so that those pertain to that consummation who fall by the sword, not all of them, since a little later he says: 'And upon those of you who are left I will bring cowardice into their heart'? Or was it said by way of hyperbole: 'It will consume you,' according to the same manner of speaking by which their abundance was said to be 'as the sand of the sea'? According to this manner is also said what next follows: 'And the sound of a flying leaf shall pursue them,' that is, because there will be so excessive a fear in them that they will dread even the very lightest things. BOOK FOUR. QUESTIONS ON NUMBERS. QUESTION I. What is the meaning of the fact that he commands princes to be chosen one from each of the several tribes, and calls them chiliarchs? Certain Latin translators have called these 'tribunes.'
Now chiliarchs seem to be named from 'a thousand.' But when Jethro, the father-in-law of Moses, gave counsel to his son-in-law — which God also approved — concerning the ordering of the people under rulers, so that not all the causes of all should burden Moses beyond his strength, he called those to be appointed over a thousand men 'chiliarchs,' those over a hundred 'hekatontarchs,' those over fifty 'pentekontarchs,' and those over ten 'dekadarchs,' named from the very numbers over which they presided. Are the chiliarchs here also to be understood in the same way, namely that each was over a thousand men? By no means. For the entire people of Israel was not then twelve thousand men.
For he chose one man from each of the several tribes, and these twelve tribes without doubt contained not a thousand men each, but many thousands. Therefore the name is common with those who in Exodus are called chiliarchs, because each of the latter was the ruler of a thousand men; but each of the former was the ruler of thousands, since whether from 'a thousand' or from 'thousands' the same composition of the name resounds, so that they are called chiliarchs. It is rightly asked what is meant by the fact that throughout all the tribes, where the sons of Israel of military age are reckoned tribe by tribe, it is said:
'according to their kindreds, according to their peoples, according to the houses of their families, according to the number of their names, according to their head' — and these five things are repeated in entirely the same way, until all the tribes are completed; as though 'according to their kindreds' were one thing, 'according to their peoples' another, 'according to the houses of their families' another, 'according to the number of names' another, 'according to head' another, when rather all these seem to signify the same thing in different words. But it moves our attention that the same things are so carefully repeated throughout all the tribes, that anyone would judge it not to be done in vain, even if he does not understand it. Doubtless, then, the number itself intimates something of a mystery, in that this same thing is repeated five times in varied ways.
For this number — namely the number five — is especially commended in the Old Testament, as in the very five books of Moses. But those four things that are next joined together — that is, 'the males from twenty years old and upward, everyone who goes forth in strength, the review of them' — although these too are repeated throughout all the tribes in exactly the same manner, have a necessary distinction. For when it was a question of the number of the whole multitude belonging to one tribe, the sex had to be distinguished; therefore it was set down: 'all the males.' And lest little children too should be counted, it was added: 'from twenty years old and upward.' Again, lest the unwarlike age of old men be numbered, it was added: 'everyone who goes forth in strength.'
And all is concluded by the word of that work which was being done, so that it is said: 'the review of them.' For a review was being made, in order that these thousands of men might be counted. Therefore those five — 'kindreds, peoples, houses of families, number of names, and head' — and then these four — 'sex, age, strength, review' — perhaps intimate something in the number itself. For if of these two numbers, namely five and four, one be multiplied by the other — that is, if five times four or four times five be reckoned — they make twenty. By which number that age of the young men is also signified.
This number is also mentioned when they enter into the land of promise, and that age of twenty years is spoken of, which had not turned aside to the right hand or to the left. Wherein there seem to me to be signified the holy faithful of both Testaments who hold the true faith. For the Old Testament especially excels in the five books of Moses, and the New in the four Gospels. As to what he says concerning the stripping, lifting, and setting up of the tabernacle: 'and the stranger who comes near shall die' — here the stranger is to be understood even as one of those sons of Israel who were not of that tribe which he commanded to serve the tabernacle, that is, whoever was not of the tribe of Levi.
It is remarkable, however, how 'stranger' (alienigena) is used improperly, since it rather signifies a man of another race, that is allogenēs, and not rather allophylos, which signifies a man of another tribe: by which name Scripture rather uses in the case of men of other nations, so that they are called, as it were, men of other tribes. 'And the Lord spoke to Moses, saying: Take the tribe of Levi and set them before Aaron the priest, and they shall minister to him; and they shall keep his charges and the charges of the sons of Israel before the tabernacle of testimony.' These phylakas which the Greek said, some of our translators have rendered 'charges' (custodias), others 'watches' (excubias).
But it would seem better to call them 'watches' (uigiliae), which in camps are wont to have an observation of three hours each. Whence it is written: 'But in the fourth watch of the night he came to them, walking upon the sea' — that is, after the ninth hour of the night, that is, after three watches. And in many places of the Scriptures our translators have rendered as 'watches' what the Greeks call phylakas, where there is no doubt that periods of nocturnal time are signified: which I think is also to be understood here.
For how are the Levites commanded to keep the charges of Aaron and the charges of the sons of Israel, that is the phylakas, unless perhaps it was said lest they should think that, because of the honor by which they served the tabernacle, they ought to be exempt from keeping the watches which are properly kept in camps, whereas they too, on account of the works of the tabernacle, ought no less in turn to keep the watches which were kept in the other camps of the sons of Israel round about? 'The stranger who touches shall die.' It must be asked how he said in Leviticus: 'He who touches the tabernacle shall be sanctified,' whereas here he says: 'The stranger who touches shall die,' wishing to be understood those who were not of the tribe of Levi.
Or perhaps here he said 'touches' with reference to the compliance of service, which he commanded to be owed to the tabernacle by the Levites alone? For of this he was speaking. What is the meaning of the fact that God reckons the Levites to himself in place of the firstborn of the sons of Israel, so that, the firstborn of the people being numbered — who were found to be more than was the number of the Levites — they were redeemed with silver, five shekels being given for one? This was not done for the cattle, although he willed that the cattle of the Levites also should be his in place of the firstborn of the cattle of Israel. How thereafter did their firstborn, or the firstborn of their cattle, pertain to God, when he commanded that the unclean firstborn, whether of men or of cattle, should be exchanged for sheep?
How were the sons of the Levites not also thereafter reckoned in place of these firstborn — for the same tribe remained in their descendants, which could be reckoned in place of later firstborn — unless because this was just, that those who were born of those who already pertained to the portion of the Lord given in place of the firstborn who went out of Egypt, God should now hold as his own, from his own, and they could not justly be reckoned in place of those who were thereafter owed to God as firstborn? For out of the whole people and out of all the cattle of the people a portion was given to God in place of the firstborn. And this portion was the Levites and their cattle. Now if they had begotten anything, it was God's; this could not be given as though by the people, since it was already alien to them.
And because of this, the firstborn thereafter owed to God had to be rendered, nor could the descendants of the Levites or of their cattle be reckoned in place of these. When he was commanding concerning the taking away of the table, he commanded that the loaves be taken away with it, saying thus: 'and the loaves which shall be always upon it.' Not indeed those same loaves will be always upon it, but ones like them, because those were removed and fresh ones were set out daily, provided nevertheless that the table was not left without loaves. Therefore he said: 'which shall be always upon it,' that is, because there are always loaves, not because those are always. 'And over the golden altar they shall spread a covering of hyacinth, and they shall cover it with a covering of hyacinth-colored skin.'
This expression might seem such that the Latin translators, deeming it as it were absurd and not sound, were unwilling to translate it — that is: 'and over the golden altar they shall spread a covering of hyacinth'; as though it ought to have been said: 'and they shall cover the golden altar with a covering of hyacinth.' For 'they shall spread a covering of hyacinth' seems to signify this, that the covering itself was covered from elsewhere, not that the altar was covered by that covering. But to me it seems to be not so much a manner of speech as a somewhat obscure sense. For this can be understood:
'and over the golden altar they shall spread a covering of hyacinth,' so that he commanded that this same covering of hyacinth was to be covered with another thing, which covering was already over the altar, and thus he briefly embraced both — that the altar was to be covered with the covering of hyacinth, and that the covering of hyacinth was to be covered with another wrapping. He added finally with what he wished the covering of hyacinth to be covered, when he subjoined: 'and they shall cover it with a covering of hyacinth-colored skin.' 'A man or woman, whoever shall have committed any of human sins, and despising shall have despised and shall have offended, that soul shall declare the sin which it sinned, and shall restore the offense, the principal, and shall add its fifths upon it, and shall render to him against whom it offended.'
'But if there be no kinsman to the man, so as to make the restitution of the offense to him, the offense that is restored shall be the Lord's, the priest's, besides the ram of propitiation by which he shall make entreaty in it for him.' Here are to be understood those sins whose perpetration is in matters which can be restored by money. For he would not otherwise say how they are to be restored, unless they were of monetary loss. For he commands to be restored the principal and the fifths, that is, the whole of whatever it is and a fifth part of it, besides the ram which was to be offered in sacrifice for the expiation of the offense. And he commands that what is restored be the priest's — that is, the principal itself and the fifth — if there is no kinsman to him against whom the wrong was committed.
Where indeed it is understood that what belongs to the priest is then to be rendered to the Lord, if the very man who suffered the loss does not survive, nor his kinsman — whom I think he wished to be understood as the heir. But concerning the man himself Scripture said nothing; yet, when it says: 'if there be no kinsman to him,' under this brevity it intimates that then his kinsman is to be sought, if he himself does not survive. But if there be not even a kinsman, it is to be restored to the Lord, lest what was committed remain unpunished: which nevertheless is not to go into sacrifice, but is to be the priest's. Thus indeed the words of Scripture must be distinguished: 'but if there be no kinsman to the man, so as to render the offense to him'; for it is a manner of speech that he added:
'to him' — or perhaps he said 'to him' meaning that it pertains to him, that is, that he himself possesses it. Then follows: 'the offense that is restored shall be the Lord's, the priest's'; and he calls it 'offense' when the very thing is restored which was taken away by the offense. But it can be asked how in Exodus it is said: 'if anyone shall have stolen a calf or a sheep, he must restore five calves or four sheep, if he has killed or sold it; but if what he took away is found safe with him, double is to be restored,' whereas here he commands the principal and a fifth to be restored, which is far even from double, how much more from fourfold or fivefold as much! Unless perhaps, because here he says:
'a man or woman, whoever shall have committed any of human sins,' he wished sins of ignorance to be understood as 'human sins.' For it can happen that, by paying too little attention through negligence, a man transfers another's property into his own: which is therefore a sin, because, if it were carefully attended to, it would not be committed. And these he wished to be restored by the principal and a fifth, not to be penalized as thefts.
For if here we understand thefts and frauds, which are committed not through the ignorance of negligence, but with the intention of stealing and defrauding, and are therefore called 'human' because they are done against men — then, unless I am mistaken, the outcome of this question will be that he who did it does not restore even double, because he is not caught or convicted, but himself declares his offense to those who are ignorant by whom it was done or whether it was done. For when Scripture had said: 'a man or woman, whoever shall have committed any of human sins, and despising shall have despised and shall have offended' — that is, has committed these things by way of contempt — it added and said: 'that soul shall declare the sin which it sinned, and shall restore the offense, the principal, and its fifths.'
Perhaps therefore for this reason only — because he himself declared it and therefore was not to be punished with that penalty by which a thief caught or convicted ought to be punished. The words which Scripture says are to be spoken to the woman by the priest, when the husband brings her under suspicion of adultery: 'May the Lord make you a curse and an execration' — the Greek has 'a sworn oath.' By which word there seems to be signified 'an oath by execration': as if someone should say, 'So may such and such not befall me,' or should even swear thus: 'may such and such befall me, if I have done, or have not done, this.' So this was said: 'May the Lord make you a curse and an execration,' as though it were said:
'so that concerning you they may swear the things which they will swear by execration: so may such not befall them, or may this befall them, unless they have done that.' 'And he shall offer his gift to the Lord, a lamb of a year old without blemish for a holocaust, and one ewe-lamb of a year old without blemish for a sin.' This certain of our translators were unwilling to render, as it were avoiding an unusual expression, and said 'for sin' (pro peccato), not 'into a sin' (in peccatum), whereas there is in that expression a sense which ought not to have been disturbed. For 'into a sin' was said because this very thing which was offered for sin was called a sin. Whence is that saying in the Apostle concerning the Lord Christ:
'Him who knew no sin he made sin for us' — that is, God the Father made God the Son sin for us, that is, a sacrifice for sin. As therefore the lamb was 'for a holocaust,' so that the animal itself was a holocaust, so also the ewe-lamb was 'for a sin,' so that the animal itself was a sin — that is, became a sacrifice for sin — just as concerning the ram what follows says 'for a peace-offering,' as though it were itself the peace-offering, whereas it is a sacrifice of peace. Which afterwards, by repeating, he makes plain; for he says 'for sin' of that which he had earlier said 'into a sin,' and 'a sacrifice of peace' of that which he had earlier said 'for a peace-offering.' 'And the Lord spoke to Moses, saying: This is concerning the Levites.' This others have translated:
'this is the law concerning the Levites'; but what is written, 'this is concerning the Levites,' is understood to mean: 'this I ordain concerning the Levites.' Then follows: 'from the twenty-fifth year and upward they shall go in to minister the ministry in the works in the tabernacle of testimony; and from the fiftieth year he shall withdraw from the administration and shall no longer work — and his brother shall minister — in the tabernacle of testimony to keep the charges, but the works he shall not work.' This sense is made obscure by the asyndeton, which is so confused that it seems to be said of the brother himself, 'to keep the charges,' whereas it was said of him who withdraws from the works and to whom there remains in the tabernacle of testimony 'to keep the charges';
'but the works he shall not work, but his brother shall work' — that is, he who has not yet reached the age of fifty, beginning to work from twenty-five years. Therefore it must be distinguished thus: 'and from the fiftieth year he shall withdraw from the administration and shall no longer work, and his brother shall minister.' Then it returns to that fifty-year-old of whom it was speaking, and concerning him explains the rest, saying: 'in the tabernacle of testimony to keep the charges, but the works he shall not work.' For where it says 'to keep,' 'he shall begin' is understood, as though it said in one word 'he shall keep the charges.'
For it is customary, even in Latin expressions, for the infinitive verb to be put in place of a finite one. When at the time of the Passover certain men who had been made unclean over the soul of a man — that is, over a dead body — were asking how they should keep the Passover, since it behooved them to be purified from uncleanness for seven days according to the law, Moses consulted the Lord and received the answer that 'whoever such a thing had befallen, or who was set on so long a journey that he could not come, ought to keep the Passover in another month, on account of the fourteenth day of the month,' whereon the number of the moon was observed.
But if it be asked what they should do, if perchance such uncleanness fell also upon the second month, I judge that what was said concerning the second month was to be retained as a general rule, so that they should observe it in the third month; or certainly that not to have kept the Passover under such necessity would not pertain to guilt. 'And on the day when the tabernacle was set up, the cloud covered the tabernacle, the house of testimony; and at evening there was over the tabernacle as it were the appearance of fire, until morning. So it was always: the cloud covered it by day, and the appearance of fire by night. And when the cloud went up from the tabernacle, then afterward the sons of Israel moved on; and in the place wherever the cloud stood, there the sons of Israel pitched camp.'
'At the command of the Lord the sons of Israel shall pitch camp, and at the command of the Lord they shall move on. All the days in which the cloud overshadows the tabernacle, the sons of Israel shall be in the camp. And when the cloud draws out over the tabernacle many days, then the sons of Israel shall keep the charge of God and shall not move on. And it shall be, when the cloud covers a number of days over the tabernacle, at the voice of the Lord they shall be in the camp, and at the command of the Lord they shall move on. And it shall be, when the cloud is from evening until morning and the cloud goes up in the morning, then they shall move on by day, or by night, and if the cloud goes up they shall move on;'
'whether by day or by a month of days, while the cloud abounds overshadowing over it, the sons of Israel shall be in the camp and shall not move on, since at the command of the Lord they shall move on. They kept the charge of the Lord at the command of the Lord by the hand of Moses.' This whole passage must be carefully expounded, since it is obscured by unusual kinds of expression. 'And on the day,' he says, 'when the tabernacle was set up, the cloud covered the tabernacle, the house of testimony': the same tabernacle he called the house of testimony. 'And at evening there was over the tabernacle as it were the appearance of fire, until morning. So it was always.' Then he carefully expresses what happened always. 'The cloud,' he says, 'covered it by day, and the appearance of fire by night.'
'And when the cloud went up from the tabernacle, then afterward the sons of Israel moved on.' This sentence is not obscure except on account of that expression where 'and' is added. For the order of the words follows complete, even if the conjunction itself be lacking, so that it is said thus: 'and when the cloud went up from the tabernacle, afterward the sons of Israel moved on'; although even that which was said, 'afterward,' if it were lacking, the sentence could be full. Then it follows, saying: 'and in the place wherever the cloud stood, there the sons of Israel pitched camp.' But all this that they did, referring it to the command of the Lord, he thus embraces: 'at the command,' he says, 'of the Lord the sons of Israel shall pitch camp, and at the command of the Lord they shall move on.'
He calls 'the command of the Lord' that very sign which was made in the cloud, whether when it stood overshadowing the tabernacle, so that the camp too remained still, or when it went up and moved further on, so that they, breaking camp, followed it. He indeed changed in this sentence the manner of narrating, and, as it were foretelling and foreannouncing, he began to use words of the future tense. For he does not say: 'at the command of the Lord the sons of Israel pitched camp' (conlocabant), but 'shall pitch camp' (conlocabunt); nor does he say: 'at the command of the Lord they moved on' (promouebant), but 'shall move on' (promouebunt). And this manner he keeps also in what follows, which manner is most unusual in the Scriptures. For we know that future things have often been foretold by words of the past tense; as is: 'They dug my hands and feet,' and:
'He was led as a sheep to the slaughter,' and countless such instances; but that a narrator of past deeds should use words of the future tense, as in this place, can most difficultly be found in the Scriptures. Therefore, after he had said concerning day and night by what sign the people should move on or should remain, lest they be thought to walk by night and be wont to settle by day and to do this on all days, he went on to add and said: 'All the days in which the cloud overshadows the tabernacle, the sons of Israel shall be in the camp. And when the cloud draws out over the tabernacle many days.'
Then, admonishing that this was not done out of their necessity, but out of God's will: 'and the sons of Israel,' he says, 'shall keep the charge of God' — that is, the charge which God commanded — 'and shall not move on.' And as though it were said: 'When then shall they move on?' — 'And it shall be,' he says, 'when the cloud covers a number of days over the tabernacle' — that is, days of a certain number, which number surely pleases God — 'at the voice of the Lord they shall be in the camp, and at the command of the Lord they shall move on.' He seems to call the sign which he gives concerning the standing and motion of the cloud 'the voice of the Lord,' because the voice of one speaking is without doubt a sign of the will. So then what he says, 'and at the command,' I think is to be understood as this same sign.
quamquampossetuox "etpraeceptumdomini" etiamilludaccipi, quod "locutusest", utsolet, "adMoysen" et "praecepithocfieri". nequeenimscirentillipromouendumessenubepromouenteetstandumessenubestante, nisihoceisantepraeciperetur. Inhisautemquaedictasuntnondumadparuit, utrumperdiemtantumambulareturanetiampernoctemsecundumsignumquodnubesmotusuodabat. fortassisenimquamuispluresdiesincastrismanerentnubenonpromouente, potuittamenputarinubemnonsolereascenderedecastrisetsignumitinerisdarenisiperdiem. sequiturergoetdicit: eteritcumfueritnubesauesperausquemaneetascenderitnubesmane, etpromouebuntdie.
Although the phrase 'and the command of the Lord' might also be taken to mean that which he 'spoke,' as he is wont, 'to Moses,' and 'commanded this to be done.' For they would not have known that they must move on when the cloud moved on and must stand still when the cloud stood, unless this had been commanded them beforehand. But in these things which have been said it has not yet appeared whether they walked only by day or also by night according to the sign which the cloud gave by its motion. For perhaps, although they remained many days in the camp while the cloud did not move on, it might nevertheless have been supposed that the cloud was not wont to go up from the camp and give the sign of the journey except by day. Therefore it follows and says: 'And it shall be, when the cloud is from evening until morning and the cloud goes up in the morning, then they shall move on by day.'
Here that copulative conjunction is placed after the manner of Scripture. For when it is removed, the sense is full in this way: 'and it shall be, when the cloud is from evening until morning and the cloud goes up in the morning, they shall move on by day.' Then, because also by night, if the cloud went up, they moved on and made a nocturnal journey if they received that sign, he added and said: 'or by night, and if the cloud goes up they shall move on.' But the expression is rather unusual; for not only is 'and' placed, but it is placed in a manner in which it is not customary. Whence it seems to me that the order of the words is inverted, as often is wont to happen also in Latin expressions: which kind is called antistrophe. Accordingly, if it be said thus: 'or also by night, if the cloud goes up they shall move on,' or certainly thus:
'if also by night the cloud goes up they shall move on,' the sense is most plain. But still it occurred to one pondering, that he might wish to know whether, just as it was known that they were wont to walk at the sign of the cloud both by day and by night, or to be in the camp both by day and by night, so also they were wont to remain only for days, even on the nights of which they walked: which I think Scripture intimated in what follows, when it says: 'by day, or by a month of days, while the cloud abounds overshadowing over it, the sons of Israel shall be in the camp and shall not move on.' For because it had said: 'or by night, and if the cloud goes up they shall move on,' it as it were remained to say: 'but by day, if it does not go up, they shall not move,' when they seemed as though they ought to move on;
but because this too could happen for many days, that by night they walked while the cloud moved on, and while it remained they did not walk by day, therefore he set down: 'by day, or by a month of days.' He did not say 'by a month,' lest there the nights of the same month too should be taken, but 'by a month of days,' that is, a month on that part on which it was day, not on that on which it was night. 'By day, then, or by a month of days, while the cloud abounds overshadowing' — that is, abounds in overshadowing, or overshadows more abundantly — 'over it' — that is, over the tabernacle — 'the sons of Israel shall be in the camp and shall not move on.' Finally, he repeated that it was done by divine authority, which surely ought not to be resisted, adding: 'since at the command of the Lord they shall move on.'
'They kept the charge of the Lord at the command of the Lord by the hand of Moses.' He returned to the word of the past tense, so as to say 'they kept.' But what he put at the end, 'by the hand of Moses,' is a most usual expression in the Scriptures, because through Moses God commanded these things. 'And when you shall gather the assembly, you shall sound the trumpet, but not for a sign.' Therefore he does not command it to be sounded for this, that the assembly may be gathered — for if this is done, it is a sign — but, the assembly being already gathered, he commands the trumpet to be sounded, as though it now pertained to song, not to the giving of a sign by which, when given, he might admonish that something be done.
Accordingly, when any man of the New Testament interprets to some spiritual meaning this fact that, the assembly being already gathered, they sounded the trumpets, to him it is a sign who understands why it is done, not to those who did not understand, except when it was done for this, that some work might be enjoined. 'And I will take away of the spirit which is in you, and will place it upon them; and they shall bear with you the onset of the people, and you shall not bear them alone.' Very many Latin translators have not rendered it as it is in the Greek, but have said: 'I will take away of your spirit which is in you, and will set it upon them,' or 'will set it in them,' and have made a sense laborious to understand.
For it can be thought to be said of the spirit of the man himself, by which human nature is completed with the body joined — which nature consists of body and spirit, which they also call the soul — of which the Apostle also says: 'For what man knows the things of a man, save the spirit of a man which is in him? So also the things of God no one knows but the Spirit of God.' And what he adds and says: 'But we have received not the spirit of this world, but the Spirit which is of God,' shows assuredly that the Spirit of God is another, of whom the spirit of man is made partaker through the grace of God. Although it might also, as others have interpreted, be understood of the Spirit of God in that which is said:
'Of your spirit which is in you' — so that it was said 'your,' because that which is God's becomes ours too, when we have received it: just as it was said of John, 'in the spirit and power of Elijah.' For the soul of Elijah had not been transmigrated into him. And if certain people, in heretical perversity, suppose so, what will they say concerning that which is written, 'The spirit of Elijah rested upon Elisha,' since he certainly already had his own soul — unless because it was said of the Spirit of God, that through him too He might work such things as He worked through Elijah, not departing from the one in order to be able to fill the other, nor being divided so as to be diminished in the one, in order to be able in some part to be in the other as well?
For He is God, who is able to be present in His fullness in all in whom He has willed to be present through that grace. Now however, since it is thus written, 'And I will take of the spirit that is upon you,' and it is not said, 'of your spirit,' the resolution of the question is easier, because we understand that God willed to signify nothing other than that they too would have help from the same Spirit of grace from which Moses had it, so that these also might have as much as God willed, not so that Moses on that account should have less. And Moses said: 'Six hundred thousand footmen there are among whom I am, and You have said, I will give them flesh, and they shall eat a month of days. Shall sheep and oxen be slain for them, and will it suffice them? Or shall all the fish be gathered together for them, and will it suffice them?'
It is usually asked whether Moses said this out of distrust or by way of inquiry. But if we suppose that he said it out of distrust, a question arises as to why the Lord did not reproach him for this, as He reproached him for that occasion at the rock from which water flowed forth, where he seems to have doubted the Lord's power. But if we say that he said this by inquiring after the manner in which it would come to pass, the Lord's very reply, where He said to him, 'Shall the hand of the Lord not suffice?', seems like that of one refuting the fact that he had not believed these things. Yet I think it better understood that the Lord answered thus, as though He was unwilling to state the manner of the future deed which Moses was inquiring about, but rather to demonstrate His power by the very work. For He could have, even to Mary saying:
'How shall this be, since I know not a man?' — she could be charged by slanderers with having believed too little, whereas she was inquiring after the manner, not doubting the power of God. But that which was answered to her, 'The Holy Spirit shall come upon you, and the power of the Most High shall overshadow you,' could also have been answered thus, as here: 'Is anything impossible to the Holy Spirit, who shall come upon you?' And thus the same sense would be preserved. Moreover, Zacharias, saying certain such things, is accused of unbelief and is punished with the penalty of a suppressed voice. Why? Except because God judges not from words, but from hearts.
Otherwise, even at that rock from which water flowed forth, the words of Moses could have been excused, had not the divine sentence been clear against him, that he spoke such things out of distrust. For those words run thus: 'Hear me, you unbelievers: shall we bring forth water for you out of this rock?' Then follows: 'And Moses, lifting up his hand, struck the rock twice with the rod, and much water came out, and the congregation drank and their cattle.' Surely it was for this that he gathered the people, for this that he took up that rod with which he had done such great miracles, and struck the rock with it, and thence the effect of its accustomed power followed. Therefore those words in which he said, 'Shall we bring forth water for you out of this rock?', could be taken as though it were said:
'Surely out of this rock, according to your unbelief, water cannot be brought forth' — so that finally, by striking, it might be shown that what they in their faithlessness did not believe could indeed be done divinely; especially because he had said, 'Hear me, you unbelievers.' In this way indeed these words could be understood, were it not that God, who is the searcher of the heart, indicated with what disposition they were spoken. For the Scripture follows and says: 'And the Lord said to Moses and Aaron: Because you did not believe to sanctify Me in the sight of the children of Israel, therefore you shall not bring this congregation into the land which I have given them.' And through this it is understood that Moses spoke those words as though he had struck at an uncertain outcome, so that, if the effect did not follow, he might be thought to have foretold this when he said:
'Shall we bring forth water for you out of this rock?' — what lay hidden in his mind would have remained entirely concealed, had not God's sentence disclosed it. And so, on the contrary, in this present passage we ought to understand the words of Moses concerning the promised flesh to have been those of one inquiring rather how it would come to pass, than of one distrusting, since the Lord's sentence did not follow that would punish, but rather one that would instruct. Concerning the Ethiopian wife of Moses it is usually asked whether she is the daughter of Jethro, or whether he married another or took an additional wife. But it is credible that she was the same; for she was of the Midianites, who are found in Chronicles called Ethiopians, when Jehoshaphat fought against them. For in those regions the people of Israel is said to have pursued them, where the Midianites dwell, who are now called Saracens.
But now almost no one calls them Ethiopians, just as the names of places and peoples are for the most part wont to be changed by antiquity. And He said to them: 'Go up by this wilderness, and you shall go up into the mountain, and you shall see the land, what it is, and the people that sits upon it, whether it is strong or weak, whether they are few or many.' It is understood that He explained in what sense He said, 'whether it is powerful or weak' — that is, 'whether they are few or many.' For how could they, looking out from a mountain, perceive the strength of human powers? There can also be another sense far more fitting to the truth. When He said, 'you shall go up into the mountain,' He meant into the very land which they wished to explore.
For they could not easily be understood to be spies, where, as if travelling, they were searching out everything. For if we suppose that they viewed and explored the land from the mountain's summit, how could they search out all the things which Moses commanded to be searched out? How could they enter the cities which the Scripture says they entered? How could they take a cluster of grapes from that valley, for the sake of which a name was even given to the place, so that it was called the Valley of the Cluster? Therefore the land was explored on the mountain itself, because it was the very land that was being explored; and there was a certain lower place there, from which valley the cluster was taken. And they brought back the dread of the land which they explored. He said 'the dread of the land,' not that the land itself was in dread, but the dread which they had conceived from that land.
Caleb and Joshua the son of Nun, speaking to the people of Israel that they should not fear to enter the land of promise, said among other things: 'But do not you fear the people of the land, for they are bread for us. For the time has departed from them, but the Lord is with us; do not fear them.' That which was said, 'they are bread for us,' they wished to be understood as 'we shall consume them.' But that which they added, 'for the time has departed from them, but the Lord is with us,' they did not say carefully enough. The Lord departed from them — for they were of old ungodly — but, since even to the ungodly, by the hidden dispensation of divine providence, a time of flourishing and reigning is granted, 'the time,' they say, 'has departed from them, but the Lord is with us.' They did not say:
'The time has departed from them and ours has succeeded,' but: 'the Lord is with us,' not 'the time.' For those had the time, but these have the Lord God, the Creator and Ordainer of times, and the Distributor of them to whomever, as it pleases Him. As for what is commanded concerning how sins that are not committed willingly are to be expiated, it is rightly asked what those sins of the unwilling are: whether they are those committed by persons unaware, or whether that too can rightly be called the sin of one unwilling, which he is compelled to do; for this too is usually said to be done against one's will. Yet surely he wills that for the sake of which he does it; as if a man is unwilling to perjure himself, and yet does it, when he wishes to live, if someone threatens him with death unless he does it.
Therefore he wills to do it, because he wills to live, and thus not by desiring in itself to swear falsely, but that by swearing falsely he may live. And if this is so, I do not know whether such can be called the sins of the unwilling, as are here said to be expiated. For if it is carefully considered, perhaps no one wills the very act of sinning itself, but it is done for the sake of something else, which the one who sins wills. For all men who knowingly do what is not lawful would wish it were lawful: to such a degree does no one desire the very act of sinning for its own sake, but for the sake of that which follows from it. If these things are so, there are no sins of the unwilling except of those unaware, which are distinguished from the sins of the willing.
'And whatever soul shall sin with a high hand, whether of the natives or of the proselytes, this one provokes God, and that soul shall be exterminated from among his people, because he has despised the word of the Lord and has scattered His commandments; with wearing away that soul shall be worn away, its sin is in it.' What sins are those which are done 'with a high hand,' that is, committed out of pride, the Scripture itself has sufficiently set forth in what follows, where it says, 'because he has despised the word of the Lord.' It is therefore one thing to despise the precepts, another to value them greatly, but either through ignorance to act against them, or being overcome.
These two perhaps pertain to those sins which are done by the unwilling, concerning which He earlier admonished in what manner they might be expiated when God is propitiated; and thence He subjoined the sins of pride, when anyone by acting proudly, that is, by despising the precept, does wrong. This kind of sin He did not say ought to be purged by any kind of sacrifice, judging it, as it were, incurable by that treatment at least which was carried out through the sacrifices, such as are commanded to be done in this Scripture. If these are attended to in themselves, they can heal no sin; but if the very things of which these are the sacraments are inquired into, in them the purgation of sins can be found. Therefore that which is written:
'When the sinner has come into the depth of evils, he despises' — this one is signified whom the Scripture in this place says to transgress 'with a high hand.' This therefore cannot be abolished without the punishment of him who commits it; and for that reason it cannot be unpunished even when it is healed by penitence. For the very affliction of the penitent is the punishment of sin, though a medicinal and salutary one. Rightly indeed is it judged a great sin, when pride despises the precept; but, on the contrary, that it may be able to be healed, God does not spurn a contrite and humbled heart. Yet nevertheless, because it does not come about without punishment, therefore such things are said on this account. 'This one,' He says, 'provokes God here,' because God resists the proud.
'And that soul shall be exterminated from among his people' — since such a one is by no means in the number of those who belong to God — 'because he has despised the word of the Lord and has scattered His commandments; with wearing away that soul shall be worn away.' But why 'it shall be worn away with wearing,' He consequently adds, saying: 'its sin is in it.' And through this, if for such a sin one applies to himself the due contrition by repenting, God, as has been said, does not spurn the contrite heart. Although in the Greek it is not said in this place, 'with wearing away it shall be worn away,' but: 'with grinding out that soul shall be ground out': which can be so taken, as though it were extinguished by being ground away in every way, and ceased to be. But first the nature of the soul's immortality refuses this understanding;
and next, if that which is ground out were made in every way not to be, He would not say of the wise man: 'and let your foot wear away the threshold of his doors.' But that distinction is to be considered more and more, whether no one sins except one who is either unaware, or overcome, or contemptuous: concerning which it would now be too long to dispute. As for what it means that Dathan and Abiram, when they had risen up in sedition, being called by Moses and answering proudly and insultingly: 'Is it a small thing that you have brought us up into a land flowing with milk and honey to kill us in the wilderness, that you rule over us, that you are prince? And you have brought us into a land flowing with milk and honey and have given us a lot of field and vineyards' — after these things they added: 'would you have gouged out the eyes of those men? We will not come up.'
Whose eyes did they call 'the eyes of men'? Was it of the people of Israel, as though saying: 'If you had bestowed these things, you would have gouged out the eyes of those men,' that is, they would so love you that they would pluck out their own eyes and give them to you? Which the Apostle too says is a great indication of love: 'that, if it could have been done, you would have plucked out your own eyes and given them to me.' And then they added full obstinacy: 'we will not come up,' that is, 'we will not come,' because he had summoned them. Or rather does he call 'the eyes of those men' the eyes of the enemies, who had been reported as exceedingly fierce and terrible? As if they said: 'Even if you had done this, we would not obey you'; except that one mood of the verb is put for another, so that they did not say, 'we would not come up,' but:
'we will not come up,' by a certain manner of speech. And the Lord spoke to Moses and Aaron, saying: 'Separate yourselves from the midst of this congregation.' It is to be noted that the Lord then commands a bodily separation to be made, when now vengeance is threatening the wicked. So Noah with his household is separated from the rest who were to perish in the flood; so Lot with his own is separated from the Sodomites who were to be consumed by fire from heaven; so the people itself from the Egyptians who were to be overwhelmed by the waves of the sea; so these now from the congregation of Korah, Abiram, and Dathan, who first wished to break themselves off by sedition: with whom nevertheless the holy ones, previously living and conversing, and with the rest whom God reproves according to the words He speaks in rebuking them, could yet by no means be contaminated by them.
Nor were they commanded to separate themselves, when the Lord either deferred vengeance or applied such vengeance by which the innocent could not be imperiled or harmed, as by the bites of serpents, as by the slaughter of deaths, by which God struck whom He willed, as He willed, another being left untouched; not as by the water of the flood, or fiery rain, or the water of the sea, or the opening of the earth, which could destroy the mingled together alike. Not because even there God could not preserve His own; but what need was there of the trial of a miracle where a separation could be made, so that either water or fire or the opening of the earth might carry off those it found? So too at the end the wheat shall be separated from the tares, so that, while the wicked are consumed by burning flames, the just may shine like the sun in the kingdom of their Father.
As for what Moses says concerning Korah and Abiram and Dathan: 'In a vision the Lord shall show, and the earth opening its mouth shall swallow them up,' certain interpreters have rendered: 'In an opening the Lord shall show.' I believe they suppose the word to have been said 'phasei,' which in Greek is put, whereas 'phanei' was said instead of it, as if it were said: 'in a manifestation,' which shall openly appear to the eyes. For it was not said 'in a vision' in the way that visions are wont to be spoken of, whether of dreams or of any figures seen in ecstasy, but, as I have said, 'in a manifestation.' Some however, thinking otherwise, wished to interpret it 'in a phantasm':
which so departs from the custom of our speech that scarcely anywhere is 'phantasm' said, except where our sense is deluded by the falsity of things seen. Although this too is said from 'seeing'; but, as I have said, the custom of speech has decided otherwise. And they went down, they and all whatever were theirs, living, to the lower regions. It is to be noted that the lower regions are here spoken of according to an earthly place, that is, in the lower parts of the earth. For variously in the Scriptures, and under a manifold understanding, as the sense of the things treated demands, the name of the lower regions is placed, and it is most usually understood as referring to the dead.
But since these are said to have gone down alive to the lower regions, and the very narrative sufficiently shows what happened, it is manifest, as I have said, that the lower parts of the earth were designated by the name of the lower regions in comparison with this upper earth on whose surface one lives: just as in comparison with the higher heaven, where is the abode of the holy angels, the Scripture says that the sinning angels, thrust down into the darkness of this air, are reserved to be punished as though in prisons of hell. 'For if God,' it says, 'spared not the angels that sinned, but thrusting them into the prisons of the darkness of hell delivered them to be reserved unto judgment to be punished,' since the Apostle Paul calls the devil the prince of the power of the air, who works in the children of unbelief.
And the Lord spoke to Moses and to Eleazar the son of Aaron the priest: 'Take up the bronze censers from the midst of the burnt ones, and scatter this strange fire yonder, because they have sanctified the censers of these sinners in their own souls; and make them into ductile plates, a covering for the altar, since they were offered before the Lord and are sanctified and are made into a sign among the children of Israel.' In this place, why the Lord spoke not to Moses and Aaron, as in the preceding passages, but to Moses and to Eleazar the son of Aaron, this reason for the meantime occurs to me:
since the question was concerning the lineage of the priests, that is, from what family they ought to be — whence those men of another family, because they dared to usurp the priesthood for themselves, perished by so dreadful and marvelous a punishment — God willed to speak not to Aaron, who was already the high priest, but to Eleazar, who was to succeed him and was already performing the second priesthood, so that in this way He might commend the line of the family which ought to exist in the successions of the priests. Whence also in what follows He says:
And Eleazar the son of Aaron the priest took the bronze censers which those who were burnt had offered, and added them as a covering for the altar, a memorial to the children of Israel, that no stranger might approach, who is not of the seed of Aaron, to place incense before the Lord; and it shall not be like Korah and like his conspiracy, as the Lord spoke by the hand of Moses. In this manner therefore God willed, through Eleazar, to commend not the priesthood, which already was in Aaron, but the lineage of the priestly succession. But as for what He says, 'and scatter this strange fire yonder,' 'sprinkle' is to be understood. And what He added, 'because they have sanctified the censers of these sinners in their own souls,' the sentence is indeed expressed by an unusual manner of speech;
but it is to be noted that in a new manner the punishment of those by whom this sin had been perpetrated is called 'sanctified,' because through them an example was given to the rest, which they should fear. But as for why He willed a covering for the altar to be made from them, He added, saying: 'since they were offered before the Lord and are sanctified and are made into a sign among the children of Israel.' Therefore He willed not that it be reproved in them that they were offered by such men, but rather that this be considered and attended to: before whom they were offered — that is, because before the Lord — so that the name of the Lord before whom they were offered might avail more in them than the most wicked merit of those by whom they were offered. This moreover the Scripture had already recalled even in Exodus, when it says the altar was fashioned.
Whence it is understood that the kinds of things done have been distributed throughout the books, not the order of times woven together. For also concerning the rod of Aaron, how the thing was done, so that by flowering and budding it might divinely indicate the election of his priesthood, the Scripture has narrated in this book. And yet concerning that same rod it is said in Exodus that it should be placed in the holy of holies with the manna in the ark, when it is commanded concerning the tabernacle to be fashioned: which was certainly commanded long before the tabernacle itself was fashioned and completed and stood. But it stood in the first month of the second year from which they went out of Egypt, and this book begins from the second month of the same second year on the first day of the month:
whence it is clear that these things, if we consider the order of the books, are recalled by way of recapitulation, that is, a recollection of things past — things which those who attend less diligently suppose to have been done in the same order in which they are narrated. And the Lord said to Aaron, saying: 'You and your sons and your father's house with you shall receive the sins of the holy things; and you and your sons shall receive the sins of your priesthood.' These are the sins which are called sacrifices for sins. Accordingly 'the sins of the holy things' was said, not those which the holy ones commit, but from that which are holy things it was said 'of the holy things.' Because in the holy things they are offered, and are called 'sacrifices for sins,' therefore they were called the sins of the holy things.
And 'the sins of your priesthood,' that is, those same things which are offered for sins: as also in Leviticus it declares and says they ought to pertain to the priest. 'All the firstborn, whatsoever shall be in their land, whatsoever they shall bring to the Lord, shall be yours.' Here he says 'firstborn,' not the first offspring of the cattle; for those are in Greek 'prototoka,' but these are 'protogenemata.' But in Latin two names have not been found for these two things. And therefore some have interpreted these 'protogenemata' as 'firstfruits'; but firstfruits are so called and are something else. These three therefore are thus distinguished: because 'aparchai' are the first offspring of animals, even of men; 'protogenemata' the first fruits taken from the earth, whether from tree or from vine;
but firstfruits are indeed from the fruits, yet now brought in from the field, as from the heap, from the vat, from the jar, from the cask, which were taken first. Concerning the red heifer, whose ash the law commanded to be of use for the water of sprinkling and for the cleansing of those who have touched a dead body, we are neither permitted to be silent — for in it a most evident sign of the New Testament is prefigured — nor, hastening, are we able to speak worthily enough of so great a sacrament. For first, that the Scripture began to speak of this matter thus, whom would it not move and make most attentive to the loftiness of the sacrament? 'And the Lord spoke,' it says, 'to Moses and Aaron, saying: This is the distinction of the law, whatsoever the Lord has appointed.'
Without doubt there is no distinction except between some two or more things; for singularity does not require distinction. Nor did He mention the distinction of any single thing, but added: 'of the law,' nor of any law whatsoever. For constantly in Scripture it is said concerning each particular thing about which something is lawfully prescribed: 'This is the law of this or that thing,' not the universal law, which contains all the things that are lawfully prescribed. But here, when He had said, 'This is the distinction of the law,' He following subjoined: 'whatsoever the Lord has appointed,' by prescribing indeed, not by creating. For some interpreters have even rendered it 'whatsoever the Lord has commanded.'
If therefore this is the distinction of the law, whatsoever the Lord has commanded, without doubt that distinction is great; and it is rightly understood to distinguish the two testaments. For the same things are in the Old and the New: there overshadowed, here revealed; there prefigured, here made manifest. For not only are the sacraments diverse, but also the promises. There temporal things seem to be set forth, by which a spiritual reward is secretly signified; but here spiritual and eternal things are most manifestly promised. And of temporal and carnal honors, and of spiritual and eternal ones, what distinction is clearer and more certain than the passion of our Lord Jesus Christ?
In whose death it was sufficiently established that this earthly and transitory felicity is not to be hoped for and desired from the Lord God as a great gift: since indeed, in His only-begotten Son, whom He willed to suffer all those things, He declared by the most manifest distinction that something far other than this ought to be sought and awaited from Him. This passion therefore of our Lord Jesus Christ, as it were a distinction of the two testaments, is fittingly enough prefigured by this which is narrated concerning the slaying of the red heifer. And the Lord spoke to Moses and Aaron, saying: 'This is the distinction of the law, whatsoever the Lord has appointed.' And then He begins to give command, adding these words, saying: 'Speak to the children of Israel.' It can also be distinguished thus:
And the Lord spoke to Moses and Aaron, saying: 'This is the distinction of the law, whatsoever the Lord has appointed by saying' — not whatsoever the Lord has appointed by creating, as heaven and earth and all the things that are in them, but whatsoever the Lord has appointed by saying, namely in the two testaments — so that there may then follow: 'Speak to the children of Israel, and let them take to you a red heifer without blemish.' The red heifer signifies the flesh of Christ: the female sex is on account of the weakness of the flesh; it is red on account of that very bloody passion. But as for what He says:
'let them take to you' — in Moses himself He shows the figure of the law, since according to the law they seemed to themselves to kill Christ, because He was, according to them, loosing the Sabbath and, as they thought, profaning the lawful observances. That therefore this heifer is said to be 'without blemish' is no wonder; for this flesh even the other victims prefigured, where likewise cattle without blemish are commanded to be immolated. For that flesh was indeed in the likeness of sinful flesh, but not the flesh of sin. Yet nevertheless here, where God more evidently willed to commend the distinction of the law, it was too little to say 'without blemish,' unless it were said: 'which has not in itself a blemish.'
And if it was said for the sake of repetition, perhaps it is not in vain, that the very repetition commended that matter more firmly. Although even this does not depart from the truth, that it should be understood as added for this reason, 'which has not in itself a blemish,' when it had already been said 'a heifer without blemish,' because the flesh of Christ had not in itself a blemish, but in others it had, who are His members. For what flesh in this life is without sin except that alone which has not in itself a blemish? 'And there is not placed upon it a yoke.' For it was not subjected to iniquity, to which, finding others subjected, He freed them and broke their bonds, so that it might be said to Him: 'You have broken my bonds, to You I will sacrifice a sacrifice of praise.'
For upon His flesh no yoke was placed, who had power to lay down His soul and to take it up again. 'And you shall give it,' He says, 'to Eleazar the priest.' Why not to Aaron, unless perhaps it was thus prefigured that the Lord's passion would come not to the time which then was, but to the descendants of this priesthood? 'And they shall cast it forth outside the camp': so too the Lord was cast forth to suffer outside the city. But as for what He says, 'into a clean place,' it was thus signified, because He had no evil cause. 'And they shall slay it in his sight': just as the flesh of Christ was slain in the sight of those who were already to be priests in the new testament of the Lord.
And Eleazar shall take of its blood and sprinkle toward the face of the tabernacle of the testimony from its blood seven times. This is the testimony that Christ, according to the Scriptures, shed His blood for the remission of sins. Therefore 'toward the face of the tabernacle of the testimony,' because it was declared no otherwise than as it had been foretold by divine testimony; and therefore 'seven times,' because that very number pertains to spiritual cleansing. And they shall burn it in his sight. I think that the burning up pertains to the sign of the resurrection. For it is the nature of fire to be moved to the upper regions, and that which is burned is converted into it. For the very word 'to burn' (cremare) is drawn from Greek into Latin from 'suspending.' But as for what was added:
in his sight, that is, in the sight of the priest — this seems to me to be intimated, because the resurrection of Christ appeared to those who were to be a royal priesthood. Now as for what follows: 'and its skin and its flesh and its blood with its dung shall be burned up,' this same thing is set forth as to how it shall be burned up, and it is signified that not only the substance of the mortal body of Christ — which is intimated by the mention of skin and flesh and blood — but also the contumely and abjection of the people, which I think is signified by the name of dung, would be converted into glory, which the flame of the burning signifies. And the priest shall take cedar wood and hyssop and scarlet, and cast it into the midst of the burning of the heifer.
The cedar wood is hope, which ought to dwell firmly in the things above; the hyssop is faith, which, though it is a lowly herb, clings by its roots to the rock; the scarlet is charity, which by its fiery color bears witness to the fervor of the Spirit. These three things we ought to cast into the resurrection of Christ, as into the midst of that burning, so that with Him our life may be hidden, as the Apostle says: 'And your life is hidden with Christ in God.' 'And the priest shall wash his garments and shall wash his body with water, and afterward he shall come into the camp; and the priest shall be unclean until evening.' What is the washing of the garments and of the body but the cleansing of the outer and the inner man? This is the priest's part. Then follows:
'And he who burns her shall wash his garments and shall wash his body with water, and he shall be unclean until evening.' In him who burns them I think there are figured those who buried the flesh of Christ, consigning it to the resurrection as though to a conflagration. 'And a clean man shall gather the ashes of the heifer and shall lay them up outside the camp in a clean place.' What do we call the ashes of the heifer—that is, the remains of that slaying and burning—but the fame that followed the passion and resurrection of Christ? For there are remains belonging to the man of peace. For it was indeed ash, because like a dead thing He was despised by the unbelievers, and yet it cleansed, because He was believed by the faithful to have risen again.
And because this fame shone forth chiefly among those who were in the other nations and were not of the fellowship of the Jews, therefore I think it was said: 'And a clean man shall gather the ashes of the heifer'—clean, that is, from the slaying of Christ, which had made the Jews guilty. 'And he shall lay them up in a clean place,' that is, he shall treat them honorably, yet 'outside the camp,' because outside the celebration of the Jewish custom the evangelical honor shone forth. 'And it shall be for the synagogue of the children of Israel unto preservation; it is the water of sprinkling, a purification.' Afterward it declares more fully how from that ash was made the water of sprinkling, whereby men were cleansed from contact with the dead—which surely signifies cleansing from the iniquity of this dying or death-laden life.
But it is remarkable what follows: 'And he who gathers,' it says, 'the ashes of the heifer, shall wash his garments and shall be unclean until evening.' How shall he who had approached clean become unclean from this, unless because even those who seem to themselves clean in the Christian faith acknowledge that all have sinned and lack the glory of God, being justified freely through His blood? Yet it said that this man was to wash his garments, but not also his body; I believe because, by the gathering of that ash and its laying up in a clean place—if these things are understood spiritually—it wishes it already to be understood that he had been cleansed inwardly.
Just as Cornelius, hearing and believing what Peter had preached, was so cleansed that before the visible baptism he, together with those present with him, received the gift of the Holy Spirit; yet nevertheless the visible sacrament could not be despised, so that, being also washed outwardly, he in a certain manner washed his garments. 'And it shall be,' it says, 'a perpetual statute for the children of Israel and for the proselytes who are added.' What else does it show but that the baptism of Christ, which the water of sprinkling signified, would profit both Jews and Gentiles, that is, the children of Israel and the proselytes, as the natural branches and the wild olive grafted into the fatness of the root? But who would not be made attentive by this, that after the washing it is said of each and every one: 'and he shall be unclean until evening'?
Not only here, but in all or nearly all such cleansings this is said. Here I know not whether anything else can be understood except that every man, after the fullest remission of sins, by continuing in this life contracts something whereby he is unclean until the end of that same life, where this day is in a certain manner closed for him—which the evening signifies. Then the Scripture begins to speak and proceeds to tell how men made unclean are purified by that water of sprinkling. 'He who touches a dead man,' it says, 'the soul of every man shall be unclean seven days; he shall be purified on the third day and on the seventh day and shall be clean.' And here too I see nothing else to be understood except that the touching of a dead man is the iniquity of a man.
But the uncleanness of seven days I think is spoken of on account of the soul and the body—the soul in the number three, the body in the number four. Why this is so, it would be long to discuss. According to this I think it was said through the prophet: 'For three and four impieties I will not turn away.' But it adds and says: 'But if he be not purified on the third day and on the seventh day, he shall not be clean. Everyone who touches a dead man, from any soul of a man, if he has died and has not been purified'—that is, if he died before, having touched a dead man, than he was purified—'he has defiled the tabernacle of the Lord: that soul shall be cut off from Israel.' It is to be noted that most rarely is anything found more clearly written in these books concerning the life of the soul after death.
Here, then, when it says 'if he shall have died before purification, the uncleanness remains in him and that soul is cut off from Israel,' that is, from the fellowship of the people of God, what else does it wish to be understood but that the punishment of the soul remains even after death, if, while he lives, he has not been made clean by this sacrament by which the baptism of Christ is figured? 'Because the water of sprinkling,' it says, 'has not been sprinkled upon him, he is unclean; his uncleanness is still in him.' 'Still,' that is, even after death. But as for what it said above, 'he has defiled the tabernacle of the Lord,' it said this so far as lay in himself, just as the Apostle says: 'Quench not the Spirit,' though He cannot be quenched.
For if it wished the tabernacle to be understood as thereby made unclean, it would surely have commanded it to be cleansed. But afterward it commands those made unclean from the dead—that is, from dead works, which are all iniquities—to be cleansed in this manner. 'And they shall take for that unclean one,' it says, 'of the ash of that burnt purification, and shall pour upon it'—that is, upon that same ash—'living water in a vessel;'
'and a clean man, taking hyssop and dipping it in the water, and sprinkling upon the house and upon the vessels and upon the souls, as many as shall be there, and upon him who has touched a human bone or one wounded or dead or a grave; and the clean man shall sprinkle upon the unclean on the third day and on the seventh day, and he shall be purified on the seventh day and shall wash his garments and shall be washed with water, and he shall be unclean until evening.' One thing is the water of sprinkling, and another surely is that with which he shall wash his garments. 'And he shall be washed with water,' which I think is to be understood spiritually by signification, not by literal property. For without doubt it was visible, like all those shadows of things to come.
Accordingly, he who is rightly washed by the sacrament of baptism, which that water of sprinkling figured, is cleansed also spiritually, that is, invisibly, both in flesh and in soul, so that he may be clean both in body and in spirit. But as for its saying that the water of sprinkling is sprinkled with hyssop—by which herb we said above that faith is signified—what else occurs to us but what is written: 'cleansing their hearts by faith'? For baptism does not profit if faith be lacking. And it said that this is done by a clean man, wherein are signified the ministers who bear the person of their Lord, who is truly the clean Man. For of these ministers also it says in what follows:
'And he who sprinkles the water of sprinkling shall wash his garments'—that is, he shall be watchful also in body—'and he who touches the water of sprinkling shall be unclean until evening. And everything whatsoever that that unclean one touches shall be unclean; and the soul that touches it shall be unclean until evening.' I have already said above what 'until evening' seems to me to signify. 'Everyone who touches upon the face of the field one wounded or dead or a bone of a man or a grave.' It may be asked what is meant by 'wounded or dead.' For if it wished the wounded to be understood as one thing and the dead as another, care must be taken lest one also who touches a living wounded man be thought unclean—which is surely absurd.
But because the dead too can be wounded, it is understood to have distinguished the dead themselves, so that we understand also the wounded dead—that is, one slain by a wound, or dead without a wound. As for the water brought forth from the rock, the Apostle Paul explained what it was, when he says: 'And they all drank the same spiritual drink. For they drank of the spiritual rock that followed them; and the rock was Christ.' There is therefore signified the spiritual grace flowing from Christ, by which the inner thirst is watered. But that the rock is struck with a rod figures the cross of Christ. For with the wood applied to the rock this grace flowed forth; and that it is struck twice more evidently signifies the cross. For the cross is indeed two pieces of wood.
As for what is said of that water which flowed from the rock: 'This is the water of contradiction, because the children of Israel cursed before the Lord, and He was sanctified among them'—they cursed first, when they spoke against the benefit of the Lord by which they had been led out of Egypt; and afterward He was sanctified among them, when by that miracle of the flowing water His holiness was declared. Or perhaps it showed two kinds of men, both those who contradict the grace of Christ and those who receive the grace of Christ, so that to the former it be a water of contradiction, to the latter of sanctification. For of the Lord Himself it is read in the Gospel: 'And for a sign which shall be contradicted.' As for what Moses says among his commands to the king of Edom, among other things:
'Neither will we drink water from your well,' it is to be understood as 'gratis,' that is, 'because we will not drink gratis'—which he afterward makes plain, saying: 'But if we drink of your water, I and my cattle, I will give you a price. We will not turn aside to the right nor to the left'—it is said in the plural, in those things which are on the right or which are on the left. 'You shall not enter into the land which I have given to the children of Israel for a possession, because you have provoked me over the water of malediction'—which he called above the water of contradiction, he here calls the water of malediction: for he did not say 'antilogia' but 'loidoria.' 'And Israel vowed a vow to the Lord and said: If you deliver this people over to me subject'—that is:
'if by delivering him you shall subject him to me—I will devote him to destruction, him and his cities.' Here it must be seen how it is said 'I will devote to the anathema (anathemabo),' which is something vowed and yet is put in place of a curse, as is also said of this people. Whence comes that saying: 'If anyone shall preach to you a gospel other than that which you have received, let him be anathema.' Hence it has commonly been derived that it is called 'devotation'; for scarcely anyone says that someone 'devotes' himself except in the sense of cursing. 'And he devoted him and his cities to the anathema: and the name of that place was called Anathema.' Hence it has been derived that 'anathema' seems to be something detestable and abominable. For that the victor might carry off nothing thence for his own uses, but might vow the whole to be given over to punishment—this was to anathematize, which is commonly called 'to mark out for doom (denotare).'
But the origin of this word is in the Greek tongue, from those things which, being vowed and paid—that is, promised and rendered—were set up on high in the temples, 'apo tou anō tithenai,' that is, to set up on high, whether by fastening or by hanging. In the journey of the children of Israel, in which they moved forward and pitched their camps, among other things it is written: 'And thence they pitched camp beyond Arnon in Ermou, which stands out from the borders of the Amorites. For Arnon is the boundary of Moab, between Moab and the Amorite. Therefore it is said in the book: The war of the Lord set Zoob aflame, and the torrents of Arnon. And He set the torrents to inhabit Er.' In what book this was written, he did not mention, nor is it any of those which we call the canonical books of the divine Scriptures.
但這詞的起源出於希臘語,來自那些所許並償付之物——即所應許並奉還之物——被高高置於殿中,「apo tou anō tithenai」,即高高擺放,或釘掛,或懸置。以色列子民行程中,他們前行並紮營,經上於別的話之外記載:「他們從那裡越過阿爾農,在厄爾木紮營,那地凸出於阿摩黎人的邊界之外。因為阿爾農是摩阿布的邊界,在摩阿布與阿摩黎人之間。所以書上說:上主的戰爭焚燒了佐布,並阿爾農的急流。祂又使急流居於厄爾。」這寫在哪一卷書上,他未提及,也不是我們所稱為聖經正典書卷中的任何一卷。
From such passages those find occasions who try to insert apocryphal books into the ears of the incautious and the curious, in order to persuade men of fabulous impieties. But here it is said to be written in a book—it is not said in the sacred book of what prophet or patriarch. Nor is it to be denied that there were already books, whether of the Chaldeans, whence Abraham went forth, or of the Egyptians, where Moses had learned all their wisdom, or of any other nation, in some of whose books this could have been written—which nevertheless is not on that account to be taken up into those Scriptures to which divine authority is entrusted.
Just as neither that Cretan prophet, of whom the Apostle makes mention, nor the Greek writers—whether philosophers or poets—whom the same Apostle, speaking to the Athenians, affirms to have said something truly and genuinely put forth of some great matter: 'For in Him we live and move and have our being.' For it is permitted to divine authority to take testimony from wherever it wills, of whatever true thing it may find; but it does not on that account confirm that all things which are written there are to be received. But why this was mentioned in this place does not clearly appear; unless perhaps war was waged there in order that borders might be established between two nations, which war the men of that same place, on account of its magnitude, called 'the war of the Lord,' so that it was written in some book of theirs:
'The war of the Lord set Zoob aflame'—whether that city was burned in that same war, or was inflamed—that is, roused—to fighting, or whether something else lies hidden in the obscurity of this passage. 'This is the well of which the Lord said to Moses: Gather the people, and I will give them water to drink.' It is mentioned thus, as if somewhere above the Lord were read to have said this to Moses; but because it is nowhere found, here it is to be understood that there also the people drank, who were complaining of the drought. 'And Israel smote him with the slaughter of the sword; and they possessed his land from Arnon unto Jaboc, unto the children of Ammon, for Jazer is the border of the children of Ammon. And Israel took all these cities.'
'And Israel dwelt in all the cities of the Amorites, in Hesebon.' Here certainly Israel possessed the cities of the Amorites, which they had overcome in war, because they did not devote them to the anathema; for if they had devoted them, it would not have been lawful for them to possess them, nor to appropriate anything of the spoil thence for their own uses. It is indeed to be noted how just wars were waged. For harmless passage was denied them, which by the most equitable law of human society ought to have lain open. But now, that God might fulfill His promises, He here aided the Israelites, to whom the land of the Amorites was to be given. For when Edom likewise denied them passage,
the Israelites did not fight with that very nation—that is, the sons of Jacob with the sons of Esau, of two brothers and twins—because He had not promised that land to the Israelites; but they turned aside from them. 'Therefore the riddlers (aenigmatistae) will say: Come into Hesebon,' and the rest. Who these riddlers are does not therefore appear, because they are not in the usage of our literature, nor in the divine Scriptures themselves is this name found in almost any other place.
But because they seem as it were to sing a song, in which they sang of the war waged between the Amorites and the Moabites, in which Seon king of the Amorites overcame the Moabites, it is not incredibly thought that these 'riddlers' were then so called whom we call poets, because it is the custom and license of poets to mix in their songs the riddles of fables, by which they are understood to signify something. For otherwise they would not be riddles, unless there were there a figurative mode of speech, which being examined, one might arrive at the understanding that lay hidden in the riddle.
As for what the Scripture says—that after Israel had conquered the Amorites and possessed all their cities, Balac king of the Moabites sent envoys to hire Balaam, by whom Israel might be cursed—it is sufficiently shown that not all the Moabites had come under the terms of Seon king of the Amorites when he overcame them in war, since indeed the nation of the Moabites remained until that time when Balac reigned as king of Moab. But as for what Moab said to the elders of Madian—that is, the Moabites to the elders of the Madianites: 'Now this synagogue will lick up all who are round about us'—it was not one nation, but neighbors said to neighbors what was equally to be guarded against. For Moab was the son of Lot by one of his daughters, but Madian was the son of Abraham by Cettura.
Therefore it was not one nation, but two, neighboring and adjoining. What is the meaning of what is written: 'and divinations in their hands,' since it was said of those whom Balac had sent to hire Balaam that he might curse Israel? Did they themselves divine? Or were they carrying something whence Balaam might do that by which he could divine—as it were some things which were burned in sacrifices or in some manner expended—and therefore they were called 'divinations,' because through these he could divine? Or was it something else? For it is obscurely said. It is indeed to be noted that God came to Balaam and said to him: 'What are these men with you?' and the rest.
Nor is it said whether this was done in a dream, although that it was done by night sufficiently appears, since after these things the Scripture says: 'And Balaam rising in the morning.' For it may disturb one how God spoke with a most wicked man—which, even if it were established to have been done in a dream, would not on that account leave no question remaining, on account of the very unworthiness. So also the Lord Jesus Christ says of that rich man who was planning to pull down his old storehouses and to fill larger new ones: 'God said to him: Fool, this night your soul shall be taken from you; and the things you have prepared, whose shall they be?'
Let no one glory that God speaks to him in the manner in which He knows such things are to be spoken, since this can happen even to the reprobate, because even when He speaks through an angel, He Himself speaks. As for what Balaam said, when more honorable messengers were sent to him again: 'If Balac shall give me his house full of silver and gold, I cannot transgress the word of the Lord God to do it, small or great, in my mind'—this has no sin at all: but what follows is not without grave sin. For he ought already to have been constant, once he had heard what the Lord had said to him: 'You shall not go with them, nor curse the people;'
'for he is blessed,' nor should he give them any hope that the Lord could, like Balaam himself swayed by gifts and honors, change His sentence against His own people, whom He had said to be blessed. But there he showed himself overcome by covetousness, where he wished the Lord to speak to him again about this matter, concerning which he had already learned His will. For what need was there to add what follows: 'And now stay here, you also, this night, and I shall know what the Lord will add to speak to me'?
Accordingly the Lord, seeing his covetousness caught and vanquished by gifts, permitted him to go, that through the beast on which he rode He might restrain his avarice, confounding by this very thing that madness—namely, that the ass did not dare to transgress the prohibition of the Lord made through the angel, which he in his covetousness was attempting to transgress, though he suppressed that same covetousness through fear. For God came to Balaam by night and said to him: 'If the men have come to call you, rise up and follow them; but whatever word I shall speak to you, this you shall do. And Balaam rising in the morning saddled his ass and went with the princes of Moab.'
Why, after this permission, did he not consult God again, and yet after that prohibition think he must consult Him again, except because his malignant covetousness was appearing, though it was pressed down by fear of the Lord? Then the Scripture continues: 'And God was angry with indignation, because he himself was going; and the angel of God rose up, that he might not permit him on the way,' and the rest that follows, until the ass spoke. Nothing here indeed seems more marvelous than that, when the ass spoke, he was not terrified, but moreover replied to it with persevering anger, as though accustomed to such—monsters. Afterward the angel also speaks to him, rebuking and condemning his way: at the sight of which nevertheless, terrified, he adored.
Then he was permitted to go, so that now through him a most clear prophecy might be uttered. For he was by no means permitted to say what he wished, but what he was compelled to say by the power of the Spirit. And he himself indeed remained a reprobate; for later the holy Scripture spoke of him thus, that certain reprehensible and reprobate men were said to have followed his way. 'They have followed,' it says, 'the way of Balaam the son of Beor, who loved the wages of iniquity.' Concerning the angel who spoke to Balaam on the way, at whose sight his ass did not dare to advance, the Scripture speaks thus: 'And God was angry with indignation, because he himself was going; and the angel of God rose up to obstruct him on the way.'
Here first it is to be noted how, because God was angry, it said 'and the angel of God rose up,' and did not interpose that the angry God had sent the angel, but as it were signified the angry God in the angel, since the truth and justice of God made the angel to be angry. For that it said 'rose up' is surely to be understood as an agitation. Then, as for its saying 'to obstruct him on the way,' which in the Greek is placed as 'diabalein,' this the angel himself also says in what follows: 'And behold, I have come forth for your obstruction (dilationem),' where the Greek has 'diabolēn.' Here perhaps 'accusation' is more fittingly understood, so that here what is said 'to obstruct him on the way' may be taken as 'to accuse.'
Whence it is believed that the devil (diabolus) is so called, as one to be called in Latin an 'accuser,' not because no one can also accuse well and rightly, but because the devil loves to accuse, being surely goaded by the stings of envy, as is testified of him in the Apocalypse. This word is placed also in comedy, whence there is no doubt that it is Latin, under the same signification or at least a neighboring one, where it is said of a father angry with his son: 'He hopes to have found a speech by which he may put you off (differat te).' But here 'differat' is usually understood as 'may carry you here and there by a tempest of words,' as if 'may tear you apart and scatter you': which that one, by accusing, seemed likely to do.
But even if we understand 'to obstruct him on the way' thus—that the angel delayed his haste by holding him back, so that he might both show and tell him what was needful—the placing of this word even under that signification is not absurd. 'And when the ass had seen the angel of God standing in the way and the sword drawn in his hand, the ass turned aside from the way and went into the field.' This field was as yet outside the walls of the vineyards. 'And he struck the ass with a rod, that he might correct her onto the way. And the angel of God stood in the furrows of the vineyards, a wall on this side and a wall on that side.' It is rightly asked, if walls on this side and on that placed the way in the middle, as is usually the case, how the angel standing there is said to have stood in the furrows of the vineyards;
for the furrows of the vineyards could not have been in the way between the walls. But the order of the words is: 'that he might correct her onto the way, a wall on this side and a wall on that side.' In this way, then, Balaam wished to correct the ass, so that she might walk between the walls. But it is interposed: 'And the angel of God stood in the furrows of the vineyards'—namely in one of the vineyards, which placed the way in the middle. 'And when the ass had seen the angel of God, she pressed herself against the wall'—that is, against the wall of that very vineyard in which the angel was not, since he was on the other side in the furrows of the vineyards. 'And she pressed Balaam's foot against the wall; and he added still to beat her.'
'And the angel of God went on and, going forward, stood still in a narrow place'—now no longer in the furrows of the vineyards, but between the walls themselves, that is, in the way—'in which there was no turning aside to the right nor to the left. And when the ass had seen the angel of God, she sat down under Balaam.' For, being beaten, she did not go back, she did not press herself against the wall, since she was not frightened from the other side, but in the middle of the way, in the narrow place, was the angel; it remained, therefore, that she should sink down. 'And Balaam was angry and beat the ass with the rod. And God opened the mouth of the ass, and she said to Balaam: What have I done to you, that you have beaten me this third time? And Balaam said to the ass: Because you have mocked me. And if I had a sword in my hand, I would already have run you through.'
Doubtless this man was borne along by such great covetousness that he was not terrified even by the miracle of so great a portent, but answered as though speaking to a man—since God had by no means turned the soul of the ass into a rational nature, but had made what pleased Him to sound forth from her, in order to restrain that man's madness—foreshadowing perhaps that God was about to choose the foolish things of the world, that He might confound the wise, for the sake of that spiritual and true Israel, that is, the children of the promise. 'And the Spirit of God came upon him,' that is, upon Balaam. The Spirit of God was not 'made,' as though the Spirit of God were something made; but 'He was made upon him,' that is, it was brought about that He should be upon him: just as:
'He who came after me was made before me,' that is, it was brought about that He should be before me, that He should be preferred to me, 'because,' he says, 'He was prior to me,' just as: 'The Lord was made my helper'—for the Lord is not something made, but it was brought about that He should help me—and: 'The Lord was made a refuge for the poor,' that is, it was brought about that the poor should flee to Him, and: 'The hand of the Lord was made upon me,' that is, it was brought about that it should be upon me; and many such things are found in the Scriptures. 'And the Lord said to Moses: Take the leaders of the people and set them up as an example to the Lord over against the sun; and the wrath of the Lord's indignation shall be turned away from Israel.'
God, being angry over the fornications of Israel, both carnal and spiritual—for they had both mingled themselves shamefully with the daughters of Moab and had been consecrated to idols—said this to Moses, that he should set up the leaders of the people as an example to the Lord over against the sun. In which word it is understood that they were commanded to be crucified, so that this is the meaning: 'set them up as an example to the Lord over against the sun,' that is, openly in the sight of this light. For the Greek says 'paradeigmatison,' which might be rendered 'make them examples,' because 'paradeigma' means 'example.' For besides the Seventy translators, Aquila is reported to have said 'fasten,' or rather 'fasten up on high,' which is 'anapēxon,' while Symmachus with a plainer word said 'hang.'
It is indeed remarkable that the Scripture ceased to relate whether this was fulfilled according to the Lord's command: which I do not see could have been despised, or, if it was despised, despised with impunity. But if it was done and passed over in silence, why does the Scripture testify that the Lord was appeased and the plague ceased because Phinees the son of Eleazar ran the adulterers through? As if, the leaders having been crucified as the Lord had commanded, the indignation still persevering seemed to need to be appeased in another way—when it could beyond doubt not be false what the Lord had foretold and promised, saying: 'Take the leaders of the people and set them up as an example to the Lord over against the sun; and the wrath of the Lord's indignation shall be turned away from Israel.'
If, then, it had been done, who would doubt that the Lord's wrath had been turned away from Israel? Why, therefore, was there still need for Phinehas to take vengeance thus upon the adulterers in order to appease God, and for Scripture to bear him witness that in this way he appeased the Lord? Unless perhaps we are to understand that, when Moses was preparing to carry out concerning the leaders of the people what he had commanded, he willed also that such shameful deeds and sacrilegious audacity be punished according to the law, so that he ordered each man to kill his neighbour who had been wickedly consecrated to strange gods; and that in the meantime Phinehas did that deed as well, and thus, the Lord's wrath being now appeased, there was no need for the leaders of the people to be crucified.
This severity, indeed, suited to that age, shows sufficiently plainly to the faith of the prudent how great an evil are fornication and idolatry. The Lord names for Moses the same cause of death as for his brother; for to both he had beforehand foretold this also, that they would not enter with the people of God into the land of promise, because they had not sanctified Him before the people at the water of contradiction; that is, because they had doubted concerning His gift, that water could flow forth from the rock, as we have expounded in that very passage of Scripture.
But the mystery of this matter is given us to understand: that neither the priesthood which was first instituted, whose person Aaron bore, nor the law itself, whose person Moses bore, brings the people of God into the land of the eternal inheritance, but Joshua (Jesus), in whom there was a type of the Lord Jesus Christ, that is, grace through faith. And Aaron indeed died before Israel entered into any part of the land of promise; but while Moses was still living the land of the Amorites was taken and possessed, yet he was not permitted to cross the Jordan with them. For in some part the law is observed in the Christian faith; for there too are precepts which we Christians are commanded to observe even today.
But that priesthood and those sacrifices hold no part today in the Christian faith, except that they were performed and completed as shadows of things to come. But when it is said to both brothers, that is, to Aaron and Moses, that they be gathered to their people, it is manifest that there was not against them that wrath of God which separates from the peace of the holy and eternal fellowship. From which it is made clear that not only their offices but even their deaths were signs of things to come, not punishments of God's indignation. And the Lord spoke to Moses, saying: Take to yourself Joshua the son of Nun, a man who has the Spirit in himself, and lay your hands upon him; and you shall set him before Eleazar the priest, and shall give him a charge before all the congregation, and so on.
It is to be noted that, although Joshua the son of Nun already had the Spirit in himself, as Scripture testifies—where what else ought we to understand than the Holy Spirit? for it would not say this of the spirit of a man, which there was no one who did not have—yet Moses was nevertheless commanded to lay his hands upon him, lest any man, however excelling in grace, should dare to refuse the sacraments of consecration. What is it that, when God was giving Moses a command concerning Joshua the son of Nun, He says among other things: and you shall give of your glory upon him? For in the Greek expression it has 'tēs doxēs,' which means as much as if it said 'of your glory,' that is, tēs doxēs. But some Latin translators have rendered it: 'you shall give your glory,' not 'of your glory.'
But whether it were so that it said 'your glory,' Moses would not on that account cease to have it; nor, because it said 'of your glory,' was what he had thereby diminished. For it is to be taken as if it said: you shall make him a sharer of your glory; but things of this kind, being as it were divided into parts, are not diminished, but are whole for all, whole for each individual who has fellowship in them. Any man whatsoever who shall vow a vow to the Lord, or shall swear an oath, or shall bind himself by a binding obligation concerning his soul, shall not profane his word: all things whatsoever that have gone forth out of his mouth he shall do.
This does not pertain to every oath, but to that in which someone vows concerning his soul abstinence from some particular thing which it was lawful for him to use according to the law, but which by his vow he makes unlawful for himself. But if a woman shall vow a vow to the Lord, or bind herself by a binding obligation in her father's house in her youth, and her father hears her vows and her bindings which she has bound against her soul, and her father holds his peace, then all her vows shall stand, and all the bindings which she has bound against her soul shall remain to her. But if her father utterly refuses on whatever day he hears all her vows and her bindings which she has bound against her soul, they shall not stand;
and the Lord will cleanse her, because her father refused. Since indeed it speaks of a woman who is still in her youth in her father's house, it is rightly here inquired also concerning the vow of virginity; for that women, even virgins, are wont to be called in Scripture is very well known. And the Apostle too seems to speak of the father when he says: let him keep his virgin, and: let him give his virgin in marriage, and other things in this manner. Where some have understood 'his virgin' to mean 'his virginity'; yet they show no like expression of the Scriptures for this, since it is most unusual. But what it says: against her soul, is not to be taken as though such vows harm the soul; rather 'against the soul' is said as 'against the animal delight.'
Just as also, giving a precept above concerning fasting, it says: and you shall afflict your souls. But what it says: and the Lord will cleanse her, because her father refused—by 'will cleanse' it means 'will absolve her from the guilt of the vow not fulfilled.' As in many places it is said: and the priest shall cleanse him; that is, he shall hold him clean, shall judge him clean; as is also that saying: in cleansing you shall not cleanse the guilty, that is: you shall not call clean him who is unclean. But if she has been given to a husband, and her vows are upon her according to the utterance of her lips whatever she has bound against her soul, and her husband hears and holds his peace at her on whatever day he hears, then all her vows shall stand, and the bindings which she has bound against her soul shall stand.
But if her husband utterly refuses on whatever day he hears, all her vows and her bindings which she has bound against her soul shall not remain, since the husband refused for her, and the Lord will cleanse her. The law did not will that a woman under her father before she marries, and a married woman under her husband, should thus vow anything to God against her soul—that is, in the abstinence from certain lawful and permitted things—so that in these vows the feminine authority should prevail, but the masculine; so that if the father, while she was still unmarried, had already granted her to pay her vows, and if, before she pays them, she marries and this is known to her husband and does not please him, she shall not pay them, and shall be altogether without sin, because the Lord will cleanse her, as it says, that is, will judge her clean;
nor is this to be thought as done against God, since God Himself commanded this, willed this. Then it follows concerning widows or women cast off by their husbands, that is, those not established under the authority of a husband or a father, and it says that their vows are free for the paying, in this manner. And the vow, it says, of a widow and of one cast out, whatever she shall have vowed against her soul, shall remain to her. Then it speaks of the married woman, if, already established in her husband's house, she has vowed some such thing. For before it had spoken of her who had vowed in her father's house and had married before she paid. Concerning this one, then, who vowed in her husband's house, it speaks thus:
But if in her husband's house is her vow or her binding which is against her soul with an oath, and her husband hears and holds his peace at her and does not refuse her, then all her vows shall stand, and all the bindings which she has bound against her soul shall stand against her. But if her husband on whatever day he hears utterly takes away, all things whatsoever that have gone forth from her lips according to her vows and according to the bindings which are against her soul shall not remain to her; her husband has taken them away, and the Lord will cleanse her. Every vow and every oath of a bond to afflict her soul, her husband shall establish for her, and her husband shall take it away.
But if he keeps utterly silent to her from day to day, then he establishes for her all her vows and the bindings which are upon her he establishes for her, because he was silent to her on the day he heard. But if her husband utterly takes away after the day on which he heard, then he shall bear her sin. It is manifest that the law willed the woman to be under the husband in such a way that none of her vows, which she has vowed for the sake of abstinence, are to be paid by her, unless the husband is the sanctioning author by permitting it. For when it willed it to pertain to the sin of that same husband, if he first permitted and afterwards forbade, yet even here it did not say that the woman should do what she had vowed, because she had first been permitted by the husband. It said it was the husband's sin, because he refused what he had first granted;
yet neither did it, even on this account, give the woman permission such that, when the husband had first granted it to her, she should hold him in contempt if he afterwards forbade it. But whether these things pertain also to vows of continence and abstinence from intercourse is rightly inquired, lest perhaps only those things are to be understood as vowed against the soul which are in food and drink. This also seems to be signified where the Lord says: is not the soul more than food? and when a precept is given concerning fasting, it is thus given: you shall afflict your souls. But I do not know whether it can anywhere be read that a vow is said to be against the soul which is about abstinence from intercourse:
especially because, whereas here the law grants authority to the husband, not to the woman who is subject to the husband, so that the woman's vows are then to be paid if the husband approves, but if he refuses, are not owed—the Apostle nevertheless, when he was speaking of the intercourse of married persons, there gave no greater authority to the husband than to the woman, but said: let the husband render to the wife her due, and likewise the wife to the husband. The wife has not power over her own body, but the husband; and likewise also the husband has not power over his own body, but the woman.
When therefore in this matter He willed the power of both to be equal, I think it is suggested to us to understand that this rule concerning lying together or not lying together does not pertain to those vows in which the man and woman do not have equal power, but the man's is the greater and belongs, one might say, to him alone. For the law does not say that the husband ought not to pay his vows if the wife forbids, but that the wife should not, if the husband forbids. Whence it does not seem to me that in vows and bindings and obligations of this kind, which are made against the soul, those matters ought also to be included which the husband and wife have agreed between themselves concerning lying together or abstaining from lying together.
Then, because these too are called 'justifications,' and we remember that in those justifications which in Exodus are recorded under this same name, many things are enjoined which cannot be received according to their literal sense nor are observed in the New Testament—as concerning the boring through of the servant's ear and anything of that kind—it is not absurd to understand that here too something is said figuratively; so that, since there are many abstinences of ceremonies that are irrational and sometimes even hostile to truth, perhaps He willed it here to be understood that they are then ratified when they are rational, that is, when reason approves them—reason, which in the husband's stead ought to govern every animal impulse, which arises not only in desiring but also in abstaining:
so that, if it is decreed by mind and reason, then let it be done; but if it is disapproved by the counsel of reason, let it not be done. But if reason afterwards disapproves what it had first decreed ought rightly to be done, let there be a sin of counsel, yet even so let that impulse consent to nothing but reason. What is: and Moses sent them, a thousand from a tribe and a thousand from a tribe with their strength? Does He wish 'their strength' to be understood as 'their leaders'? Or the strength given them by the Lord, or obtained through Moses himself? Or rather does He call 'their strength' those things by which their strength would be sustained? It may seem a question, how, when the Israelites had defeated the Midianites, Scripture says that Balaam was slain, who had been hired to curse the people of Israel.
Since above, when he was compelled to bless, Scripture had thus concluded that same action, when it said: and Balaam rising up departed and returned to his own place; and Balak departed to himself. If then Balaam had returned to his own place, how was he slain here, since he came from so far off, that is, from Mesopotamia? Or perhaps he returned to Balak, and Scripture did not say this? Although it can also be understood that he returned to his own place in the sense that from that place where he was offering sacrifices he returned to that place from which he had gone out to it, that is, where he had his lodging as a sojourner. For it is not said 'to his own house' or 'to his own homeland,' but: to his own place. And every sojourner too has his own place, where he dwells for a time.
But concerning Balak himself, who had hired him, it is not said 'to his own place,' but: to himself, that is, where he dwelt as ruler. It could therefore be said 'to his own place' of both the ruler and the sojourner; but 'to himself' I do not see how it could be said of a sojourner, since he had come to his lodging. And they took as spoil the women of Midian and their furnishings and their cattle and all that they possessed, and they plundered their strength. When it had already said the women, the furnishings, the cattle, and all that they possessed, what did it then add: and they plundered their strength? For assuredly this is to be understood as the strength of which above it was said that they had sent a thousand from each tribe with their strength.
Or perhaps the food by which they were sustained was called their strength, by the supplying of which their forces suffice and by the withdrawal of which their forces fail? Whence through the prophet God, when He was threatening, said: I will take away the strength of bread and the strength of water. And Moses too had sent those thousand men with provisions, which is what was said: with their strength; and these men, when the Midianites were conquered, had plundered even this of theirs among the rest. Why have you kept alive every female? For these were to the children of Israel, according to the word of Balaam, that they might make them depart and despise the word of the Lord for the sake of Peor.
This malicious counsel—that women be put before them as an enticement, through whom they might commit fornication not only bodily but also spiritually by worshipping the idol—Scripture did not say when Balaam gave it; and yet it is evident that it was done, since it is here mentioned. So then Balaam too, who had already gone to his own place, could have returned, so that we understand his place not to be the lodging of his sojourning, although Scripture was silent about this. What is it that it says: and the cities shall be to you refuges from him who avenges blood, and he who has slain shall not die until he stands before the congregation for judgement?
Since it speaks of those who kill unwillingly, and elsewhere says that then each one in such a case among those fleeing for refuge is free to leave the city to which he had fled, when the high priest has died—how then does it here say: and he who has slain shall not die until he stands before the congregation for judgement, unless because he is therefore judged, so that then it may be lawful for him to be in the city of refuge, if it is made manifest in the judgement that he killed unwillingly? What is it that it says: he who avenges blood, he himself shall kill the manslayer; when this man meets him, he shall kill him? For thus it sounds to those who understand ill, as though license to kill the slayer of one's kinsman had been given to the avenger of a kinsman's death indiscriminately and without judgement.
But it willed this to be understood: that according to what was said above, he who has slain should flee to one of the cities of refuge, until he stands for judgement, lest before that he be found by the kinsman and slain; because, even if he slew unwillingly, if he is found outside those cities he is slain. But when he has stood for judgement in one of those cities and has been judged a manslayer in one of them, into which flight is granted, he is not permitted to be there; then at last, being now judged, wherever he is found the kinsman may kill him. For there is no need for him to be brought to judgement, since he has already been judged a manslayer and on that account has been expelled from those cities. BOOK FIVE. QUESTIONS ON DEUTERONOMY. QUESTION I.
In that Moses recalls that he had said to the people who feared the enemies inhabiting the land into which they were to be brought: do not be terrified nor afraid of them; the Lord your God, who goes before your face, He Himself will fight against them together with you—it is sufficiently shown that God is a helper in such a way that men also do something. And Sihon king of Heshbon would not let us pass through him, because the Lord our God had hardened his spirit and strengthened his heart, that he might be delivered into your hands as at this day. Moses, saying these things while he addresses the people, recalls something such as was said in Exodus: I have hardened Pharaoh's heart, and what is read in the Psalms: He turned their heart to hate His people.
Nor is the cause of this hardening here passed over in silence, since it is said: that he might be delivered into your hands as at this day, that is, that he might be conquered by you—which would not happen unless he resisted; but he would not resist unless with a hardened heart. If we should inquire into the justice of this matter, the judgements of God are unsearchable; yet there is no iniquity with God. Indeed it is to be noted that a heart may be said to be 'strengthened' even in evil. Nevertheless Og king of Bashan was left remaining from the Rephaim. By this name, which is Rephaim, giants are signified in the Hebrew tongue, as those say who know it. Whence the fact that very many codices have 'he was left over from the Rephaim' is put even more plainly:
he was left remaining, so that he himself is understood to have remained from among them, whose length and breadth of an iron bedstead is consequently mentioned to commend his great size. Do not commit iniquity and make for yourselves a graven likeness, any image. What difference there is between a likeness and an image is wont to be asked. But here I do not see what difference He willed there to be, unless either by these two words He signified one thing, or He called it a 'likeness' if, for example, a statue or image be made having a human form, yet the features of some particular man not being expressed, as painters or sculptors do when looking at those whom they paint or fashion; for that this is called an image no one would doubt.
According to which distinction, every image is also a likeness, but not every likeness is also an image. Whence if twins are like each other, a likeness of either may be said to be in the other, but not an image. But if a son is like his father, it is also rightly called an image, so that the father is the prototype, from which that image is seen to be expressed. Of which some are of the same substance, as a son, others not of the same, as a painting. Whence that which is written in Genesis: God made man to the image of God, is manifestly so said that the image which was made is not of the same substance. For if it were of the same, it would be said not made but begotten. But that it did not add 'and likeness,' whereas above it had been said:
let us make man to our image and likeness—to some it has seemed that likeness is something more than image, which was to be reserved for man afterwards, when he is reformed through the grace of Christ. But I wonder whether it did not therefore afterwards will to mention the image alone, because where there is an image, there is immediately a likeness also. Whence here too Moses forbids a likeness and an image to be made, according perhaps to the reasoning we have stated. But in the Decalogue it is said generally that no likeness ought to be made, and no image is mentioned. For when no likeness is made, without doubt no image is made either, since if there is an image, there is certainly also a likeness; but not, if a likeness is made, is an image immediately made.
Nevertheless, if there is no likeness, it follows that there is no image. Finally, where it forbade likeness and image, it willed the likeness of a man to be understood, where both a likeness can be made not of this or that man but of any man whatsoever, and an image, that is, of this or that particular man; but when it was speaking of beasts and irrational animals, it named the likeness alone. For who can be found who would set up for himself one particular dog or anything of that kind, and looking at it would paint or fashion its image? which is most usual with regard to men. But what is it that it says: the likeness of every fish, whatsoever are in the waters under the earth?
Did He wish water too, on account of its tractable corporeality, to be understood as 'earth,' and according to this, in that which is written: God made heaven and earth, ought we to understand the waters also? For assiduously Scripture, when these two parts are mentioned, wills the whole world to be understood, according to that: my help is from the Lord, who made heaven and earth, and innumerable things of that kind. Or was it therefore said 'under the earth,' because the earth, unless it were higher than the waters, could not be inhabited by men nor have terrestrial animals? And that you, looking up to heaven and seeing the sun and moon and stars and all the array of heaven, be not led astray to adore them and serve them, which the Lord your God has distributed to all the nations that are under heaven.
It was not so said as though God had commanded these to be worshipped by the nations, but by His own people alone not to be worshipped; rather it was said either in the sense that God foreknew that the nations would render worship to these heavenly bodies, and yet, foreknowing this, created them, but foreknew that His own people would be such as would not worship these; or 'distributed' was said so that we understand the use which is commended in Genesis: that they be for signs and for seasons and for days and for years—which use the people of God has in common with all the nations, but not the worship which the other nations have.
Do not forget the covenant of the Lord your God, which He established with you, and make for yourselves a graven likeness of all the things which the Lord your God has appointed for you. Here certainly, speaking generally, He set down 'likeness,' and passed over 'image' in silence, since, if no likeness is made, assuredly no image either, because where there is an image, immediately a likeness, although not where there is a likeness immediately an image. It must be inquired how it was said: ask the former days which were before you from the day when God created man upon the earth, and from one end of heaven to the other end of heaven; for 'ask' is understood. But it seems to signify the whole circuit of the earth.
But why it says 'from one end of heaven to the other end of heaven,' not 'from one end of the earth to the other end of the earth,' is not easy to discern. For there is a certain expression of this kind also in the Gospel, when the Lord says that His elect shall be gathered from the highest parts of the heavens to their bounds. Unless perhaps here He wills it to be understood that neither among men nor among angels has that been heard which He commends as done singularly among this people; for this follows: whether it has been done according to this great word, whether such a thing has been heard; whether a nation has heard the voice of the living God speaking out of the midst of fire, as you have heard and lived. But if this is so, that He says it was heard neither among men nor among angels, what then is that saying in the Gospel:
from the highest parts of the heavens to their bounds, when without doubt the Lord says this while He was speaking of the final gathering of His elect? What is it that it says: the Lord your God established with you a covenant in Horeb; not with your fathers did the Lord establish this covenant, but with you, you here all living today. Face to face the Lord spoke to you on the mountain out of the midst of the fire? Is it because those who do not enter into the land of promise—for they all died—do not belong to this covenant, whose census was then taken, when those from twenty years of age and upward were numbered up to fifty years, fit for war? How then did the Lord speak to those who live today?
Is it because many could then have been of twenty years and under, who would well remember this, being free from that penalty which God appointed for those who were then numbered, that they should not enter into the land of promise? And He certainly addresses these, who, although they were not of twenty years and upward when God was speaking on the mountain, so that they could then be numbered, yet could be nineteen and under, down to childhood, an age which could both see and hear those things that were done and said, and retain them in memory. But what is it that it says: face to face the Lord spoke to you—to those whom shortly before He took special care to admonish that they had seen no likeness, but had heard only a voice out of the midst of the fire?
Is it on account of the evidentness of the matters and, in a certain manner, the presence of the manifested divinity, concerning which no one could doubt, that He used these words? But if this is so, what prevents this from being understood of Moses himself in that which is said of him, that the Lord spoke with him face to face, so that not even he saw anything with his eyes except the fire? Or is he understood to have seen something more, because it is written that he entered into the cloud or mist where God was? But even if he saw something more than they, yet that he did not see the substance of God with mortal eyes can be understood from those words of his, in which he says to God: if I have found grace before You, show me Yourself, that I may knowingly see You.
For it is not to be thought that this people, to whom Moses was speaking, then so saw God face to face, when He was speaking on the mountain out of the midst of the fire, in the way the Apostle says we shall see Him at the end, where he says: we see now through a glass in a riddle, but then face to face. But what and how great this would be, he consequently disclosed, saying: now I know in part, but then I shall know even as also I am known. Which itself too is to be received cautiously, lest a man be thought to be about to have as great a knowledge of God as God now has of man, but perfect in his own measure, so that nothing further is expected to be added to it:
so that, as perfectly as God now knows man—yet as God knows man—so then man shall perfectly know God, yet as man knows God. For not because it is said: be perfect, as your heavenly Father is perfect, ought we therefore to hope for the equality of the Father which the only-begotten Word has; although there have not been lacking those who thought this too would come to be, unless perhaps we understand too little what they are saying. What is it that it says: and I stood between the Lord and you at that time to announce to you the words of the Lord, as though the Lord were in a place, that is on the mountain, whence they heard the voices?
This is to be so received that we do not from this suspect that the substance of God is in any bodily place—He who is everywhere whole, and neither draws near nor recedes through intervals of place; but His manifestations in that creature which is not what He Himself is are not otherwise exhibited to human senses. Whence the Lord, wishing to take away our mind from suspicions of this kind, by which God is thought to be contained in some place, says: the hour is coming, when neither in this mountain nor in Jerusalem shall you worship the Father. You worship what you do not know; we worship what we know, for salvation is from the Jews. But the hour comes, and now is, when the true worshippers shall worship the Father in spirit and in truth.
For the Father also seeks such as will worship him. God is spirit, and those who worship him must worship in spirit and in truth. Moses therefore called himself a mediator, not by some interval of place set between God's substance and the people, but because it pleased the people to hear the remaining words of God through him, after they had been violently terrified upon hearing from the midst of the fire the voice of the Lord speaking the Decalogue of the law. But it is rightly asked how these words of Deuteronomy are to be understood, where Moses says: 'And I stood between the Lord and you at that time to announce to you the words of the Lord, because you were afraid before the face of the fire and did not go up onto the mountain,' saying: 'I am the Lord your God,' and the rest—which are now the words of God, which the Decalogue contains.
What then does he mean by adding 'saying'? For if we suppose a hyperbaton, so that the order of the words be: 'And I stood between the Lord and you at that time to announce to you the words of the Lord, saying: I am the Lord your God,' it will not be true. For it was not through Moses that the people heard these words, but from the midst of the fire; and being unable to endure this after they had heard the Decalogue, they begged to hear the rest through Moses. It remains, therefore, that we understand the word 'saying' to be put in place of 'when he said,' so that this is the sense: 'And I stood between the Lord and you at that time to announce to you the words of the Lord, because you were afraid before the face of the fire and did not go up onto the mountain, when he said: I am the Lord your God.'
So that we understand 'when the Lord said,' of course. For when the Lord was speaking these words, which the text then recounts in full from the Decalogue, the people were afraid before the face of the fire, did not go up onto the mountain, and asked that they might rather hear the words of the Lord through Moses. These words Moses recalls in Deuteronomy as having been said to him by the people, when they were now unwilling to hear the voice of God, but sought through him that what God was saying might be said to them, that is: 'Behold, the Lord our God has shown us his glory, and we have heard his voice from the midst of the fire,' and the rest. These are not read exactly the same in Exodus, where they are first narrated—the things which are now repeated.
From which let us understand, as I have already noted several times, that it is not to be reckoned a falsehood if the same meaning is expressed in any other words whatever—on account of the words of the Evangelists too, which are censured by the unlearned and the slanderous as though contradictory. For it would have been no great matter for Moses to attend to what he had written in Exodus and to repeat those things in exactly the same words, were it not that it belonged to our holy teachers to instill this very thing into learners: that they should seek nothing else in the words of speakers than the intention for whose declaring the words were established. What is it that Moses says was said to him by the Lord concerning the Hebrew people: 'Who will grant that their heart be so within them, that they fear me and keep my commandments?'
Does he here wish it to be understood that this benefit is granted by his grace, so that there may be in men the righteousness of God from faith, not as it were their own righteousness as from the law? For he signifies this also through the prophet, saying: 'I will take away from them the heart of stone and give them a heart of flesh'—which is said with regard to the sense which flesh has and stone has not, the word of course being used figuratively. This same thing he says elsewhere also: 'Behold, the days are coming, says the Lord, and I will complete over the house of Israel and over the house of Judah a new testament, not according to the testament which I made with their fathers in the day when I took their hand to lead them out of the land of Egypt; for this is the testament which I have made with them:'
'After those days, giving my laws into their heart, and I will inscribe them upon their mind, and their iniquities and their sins I will remember no more.' For here he distinguished the New Testament from the Old, in that in the Old the law was given on tablets of stone, but in the New in hearts, which is done through grace. Whence the Apostle also says: 'not on tablets of stone, but on the fleshly tablets of the heart,' and in another place: 'He made us fit,' he says, 'ministers of the New Testament, not of the letter but of the spirit.' As for what he says concerning the Lord: 'and by his name you shall swear,' it is not to be taken as a precept as though he had commanded swearing, but he forbade swearing in the name of any other god. It is better, however, if, according to the Gospel, you do not swear at all;
not because true swearing is evil, but lest one fall into perjury through readiness to swear. For he who swears can swear not only truly but also falsely; whereas he who does not swear at all walks far from perjury. 'And you shall remember all the way by which the Lord your God led you in the desert, to afflict you and to test you and to make known what things are in your heart, whether you would keep his commandments or not.' Here it is said more openly what is obscure elsewhere by a manner of speaking, where it is read: 'The Lord your God tests you, that he may know whether you love him.' For it is understood that 'that he may know' is put for 'that he may make it known,' which is now said plainly: 'that he might test you and make known what things are in your heart.'
For it does not say 'and that he might come to know'; which indeed, had it said so, would have had to be understood as 'that he might make it known.' 'And you shall know today that it is not on account of your righteousnesses that the Lord your God gives you this good land to inherit, for you are a people of stiff neck.' Surely these are the very ones who therefore did not deserve to perish in the desert, because they knew nothing to right or to left. Behold, they are now called stiff-necked. Whence it is to be seen that this was said in a mystery, not that their merits were commended. For lest anyone suppose these to have been suddenly made blameworthy who had shortly before been praised, a little after it is said to them: 'Remember, do not forget how greatly you provoked the Lord your God in the desert:'
'from the day you came out of the land of Egypt until you came to this place, you persisted in your unbelief toward the Lord.' But if some of them were such, while others indeed were faithful and good, even so the land of promise is by no means given to those who know nothing to right or to left in the sense that we should understand it as though they had not offended God. For their fathers too, who died and were not permitted to enter into that same land, are found to have been such that among them there were some who were even good. On account of which the Apostle says that not all, but certain of them, offended, among whom he recalls their sins. That these are like their parents this Scripture of Deuteronomy teaches yet more evidently, in that it consequently adds and says:
'And at Horeb you provoked the Lord.' There certainly those provoked him who, on account of these same evil merits of theirs, were not led into the land of promise. 'At that time the Lord said to me: Cut for yourself two tablets of stone like the former ones, and go up to me on the mountain; and you shall make for yourself an ark of wood. And I will write on the tablets the words which were on the former tablets, which you broke; and you shall put them into the ark. And I made an ark of incorruptible wood, and cut two tablets of stone like the former ones, and went up onto the mountain, with the two tablets in my two hands. And he wrote on the tablets, according to the former writing, the ten words which the Lord spoke to you on the mountain from the midst of the fire; and the Lord gave them to me.'
It is not without reason asked how these things are said in Deuteronomy, with Moses recalling and repeating what was done, when in Exodus, where these things said and done are first narrated, it is thus written: 'And the Lord said to Moses: Write for yourself these words; for in these words I have established a testament with you and with Israel. And Moses was there in the sight of the Lord forty days and forty nights; he ate no bread and drank no water, and he wrote on the tablets the words of the testament, the ten words.' Since therefore in Exodus Moses himself is narrated to have written the ten words of the law on the tablets, how is it here in Deuteronomy recalled that God wrote the same words on the tablets?
In short, that passage which is in Exodus, when we treated it in passing and committed to writing what appeared to us in that difference—namely, why the former tablets, which were broken, are reported as written by the finger of God, whereas Moses himself is said to have written the second ones, which were to remain so long in the ark and the tabernacle—we said that by this difference the two testaments were signified: so that in the Old Testament the law was commended as the work of God, where man did nothing, for the reason that the law could not be fulfilled by fear, since when the work of the law is truly done it is done by charity, not by fear—which charity is the grace of the New Testament.
Therefore on the second tablets man is read to have written the words of God, because man can do the work of the law through the charity of righteousness, which he cannot do through the fear of punishment. Now therefore, when it is read in Deuteronomy that concerning the second tablets it is thus said: 'And I cut two tablets of stone like the former ones, and went up onto the mountain, with the two tablets in my two hands. And he wrote on the tablets, according to the former writing, the ten words'—for it does not say 'and I wrote,' but 'he wrote,' that is, God, just as a little before he had said the words of God spoken to him: 'Cut for yourself two tablets of stone like the former ones, and go up to me on the mountain; and you shall make for yourself an ark of wood;'
'and I will write on the tablets the words which were on the former tablets'—a question arises that must be shaken out: that both sets of tablets, that is both the former and the second, are here read to have been written by God, not man. But if in Exodus too the words of God are read, where he commands the same second tablets to be cut by Moses, nothing else is found than that God himself promised that he would write them; for it is thus written: 'And the Lord said to Moses: Cut for yourself two tablets of stone, like the former ones too, and go up to me on the mountain. And I will write on the tablets the words which were on the former tablets, which you broke.' Excepting therefore the book of Deuteronomy, the book of Exodus alone also contains this question, how God said:
'And I will write on the tablets the words which were on the former tablets,' when a little after it is read: 'Write for yourself these words; for in these words I have established a testament with you and with Israel. And Moses was there in the sight of the Lord forty days and forty nights; he ate no bread and drank no water, and he wrote on the tablets the words of the testament, the ten words.' For if what is said above—'Write for yourself these words; for in these words I have established a testament with you and with Israel'—pertains to the things above, when God was giving these commands, that they should be written not on the two tablets of stone but in that book of the law where many things are written down, then certainly what follows:
'And Moses was there in the sight of the Lord forty days and forty nights; he ate no bread and drank no water, and he wrote on the tablets the words of the testament, the ten words'—this makes it sufficiently manifest that the same Moses wrote these ten words on the tablets, not God. Unless perhaps we are forced, violently indeed but by a sure necessity, where it is said 'and he wrote on the tablets the words of the testament, the ten words,' to understand not Moses but the Lord—for above it is set down: 'And Moses was there in the sight of the Lord'—so that by the Lord, in whose sight Moses was for forty days and forty nights, eating no bread and drinking no water, these ten words are understood to have been written on the tablets, as he had promised before.
But if this is so, then indeed that difference of the two testaments which appeared to us cannot be commended in these words, since both the former and the second tablets were written not by man but by God; yet nonetheless that distinction certainly admits no doubt, namely that the former tablets both God made and God wrote. For it was not then said to Moses, 'Cut for yourself two tablets,' but rather it is thus read: 'And Moses, having turned, came down from the mountain, with the two tablets of the testimony in his hands: tablets of stone written on both their sides, on this side and on that they were written; and the tablets were the work of God, and the writing was the writing of God engraved on the tablets.'
For already above it had said that the same tablets were written by the finger of God, thus speaking: 'And he gave to Moses, as soon as he ceased to speak to him on Mount Sinai, the two tablets of the testimony, tablets of stone written by the finger of God.' There, therefore, both the tablets were the work of God and their writing was made by the finger of God. But the second tablets Moses himself is commanded to cut, so that at least they may be understood to have been cut out by human labor, even though God himself wrote them, as he promised when he commanded them to be cut.
Furthermore, if we attend more diligently to why both things were said concerning the second tablets—namely because both God works the work of the law in man through his grace, and man, receiving the grace of God through his faith and belonging to the New Testament, is a co-worker of God who helps him—while on the first tablets the work of God alone is recalled, because the law is spiritual, and the law is holy and the commandment holy and just and good; and yet no work of man is there recalled, because unbelievers are not blended in with the help of grace, but, being ignorant of the righteousness of God and wishing to establish their own, are not subject to the righteousness of God:
whence to them the law avails unto condemnation—which the breaking of the tablets signifies—then assuredly we are not compelled by a violent interpretation to understand tacitly that God wrote, where Scripture said: 'And Moses was there in the sight of the Lord forty days and forty nights; he ate no bread and drank no water, and he wrote on the tablets the words of the testament,' where it strongly rings that Moses wrote. But the reason God above promised that he would write, and in Deuteronomy is narrated not only to have so promised but even himself to have written, is that there might be signified what the Apostle says: 'For it is God who works in you both to will and to work.'
For a good will, that is, in those who receive grace from faith and do not wish to establish their own righteousness but are subject to the righteousness of God, so that they themselves may be in Christ the righteousness of God. For there too the Apostle says both things—that God works and that they themselves work. For if they themselves were not working, how did he say to them: 'Work out your own salvation with fear and trembling'? He therefore works, and we co-work; for he does not take away, but assists the choice of good will. 'At that time the Lord set apart the tribe of Levi to carry the ark of the testament of the Lord, to stand before the Lord, to minister and to pray in his name until this day. On account of this there is no part and lot for the Levites with their brethren;'
'the Lord himself is his portion, as he said to him.' Unless by this tribe there were signified the whole royal priesthood which pertains to the New Testament, in no way would a man who was not of that same tribe have dared to say: 'The Lord is my portion,' and in another psalm: 'The Lord is the portion of my inheritance.' What is it that Moses commanded, commending the words of the Lord, and said: 'And you shall write them upon the lintels of your houses and of your gates,' when according to the literal sense no one of the Israelites is recalled or read to have done this, since no one even can—unless perhaps he were to divide them across many parts of his house? Or is it a hyperbolic commendation, as many things are said?
It must be asked how he commands that the tithes of all fruits and the firstlings of the flocks be not eaten except in the city where the temple shall be, when in the law he had commanded them to be given to the Levites. 'But if there arise among you a prophet or a dreamer of dreams, and gives you a sign or a wonder, and the sign or wonder comes to pass of which he spoke to you, saying: Let us go and serve other gods whom you do not know—you shall not hear the words of that prophet or that dreamer of that dream, for the Lord your God tests you, to know whether you love the Lord your God with your whole heart and with your whole soul.' This certain Latin translators have not rendered thus—'to know whether you love'—but 'that he may know whether you love.'
Although the same meaning seems present, yet that which is said 'to know' is more easily referred to them; so that we take 'he tests you to know' as if it were said: 'by testing he makes you know.' Where indeed he wished it to be understood that even those things which are said by diviners not according to God—if the things they say should come to pass—are not to be received as though what they enjoin should be done or what they worship should be worshiped. Nor does God show that these things happen beyond his own power, but, as if it were asked why he permits them, he set forth the cause of the temptation: for the acknowledging of their love, whether they have it toward their God—to be acknowledged indeed by themselves rather than by him who knows all things before they come to be.
'After three years you shall bring forth all the tithe of your fruits; in that year you shall lay it up in your cities, and the Levite shall come, because he has no part nor lot with you, and the stranger and the orphan and the widow who are in your cities, and they shall eat and be filled, that the Lord your God may bless you in all the works of your hands whatsoever you shall do.' Of this tithe he did not say that a man should eat of it with his own; and by this he commanded it to be expended on the Levites and strangers and orphans and widows. But it is obscurely put, because this tithe is not distinguished from that which he wished to be eaten with the Levites in that place which the Lord had chosen for his temple. But in that translation which is from the Hebrew we find this more openly distinguished. For it says:
'In the third year you shall separate another tithe out of all things which are born to you at that time, and you shall lay it up within your gates; and the Levite shall come, who has no other part nor possession with you, and the sojourner and the orphan and the widow who are within your gates, and they shall eat and be filled, that the Lord your God may bless you in all the works of your hands which you shall do.' First, this very thing is plainer which it says, 'in the third year'; for it is understood 'with one year intervening'; but in the Septuagint, since it said 'after three years,' it is uncertain whether it meant those three to be intervening years, so that it should be done every fifth year. Then when it says:
'you shall separate another tithe,' it sufficiently shows that this is apart from that which he wished the very one who offers to eat with his own and with the Levites in that place which the Lord had chosen; for this other tithe he commanded him to lay up within his own gates, not to carry to that place where the Lord wished to be invoked. 'And the Levite shall come,' it says, 'who has no part nor possession with you, and the sojourner and the orphan and the widow who are within your gates, and they shall eat.' Hence certainly it is manifestly true that God did not wish this tithe to be made common to him who offers and to those to whom it is to be expended; but he commanded it to be disbursed to those alone who had nothing else, among whom he placed the Levite especially. 'After seven years you shall make a remission.'
Here certainly it is made manifest how above too it said: 'after three years.' For he did not wish these seven either to be intervening years: he commanded it to be done every single year, as a sabbatism of years. 'Attend to yourself, lest a hidden word arise in your heart, an iniquity, saying: The seventh year draws near, the year of remission; and your eye be malignant toward your brother in need, and you give him nothing; and he will cry out against you to the Lord, and there will be in you a great sin.'
Magnificently he called this a hidden word, since no one dares to say this who could think it: that a loan is not to be given to the needy because the year of remission draws near, when God for mercy's sake commanded both—both that a loan be given when anyone is in need and that it be remitted in the year of remission. How then shall he mercifully remit in that year in which remission is to be made, if he cruelly thinks that at that very time nothing is to be given at which it ought to be given? 'But if your brother, a Hebrew man or Hebrew woman, be sold to you, he shall serve you six years, and in the seventh you shall let him go free from you.' These bought ones he did not wish to be released in the year of remission, which every seventh year had to be observed by all;
but in the seventh year of his purchase, in whatever year of those this seventh year should fall. 'Every firstling that is born among your cattle and among your sheep, the males you shall sanctify to the Lord your God.' It must be asked whether the things which in Greek are called prototoka, and could not be said in Latin except as primogenita ('firstborn'), are to be understood only of those which are born of mothers; for these are properly brought forth (pariuntur) rather than begotten (gignuntur). For to bring forth is tiktein, which is from the female—whence it is called prototokon—but to beget is a different act, whence in Latin one is properly called primogenitus ('firstborn').
Now from the females were given the firstlings, that is, those which were first brought forth, not those which were first begotten by males, if perchance they were begotten of widows who had already given birth. For otherwise they would not be those which open the womb, which the law wished to be proper to those things which, being first born, were owed to the Lord. If therefore there is in these words a sure distinction, it is not without cause that the Lord is not called by the Father monotokos, but monogenes—that is, only-begotten, which is 'unique'—but from the dead he is indeed in Latin called primogenitus ('firstborn'), because a Latin word could not be so composed according to the custom of speaking; but in Greek he is called prototokos, not protogenes: as though the Father begot one equal to himself, but the creature brought forth. For also that which is said:
'the firstborn of all creation,' which there too is read in Greek as prototokos, can be understood thus according to the new creation, of which the Apostle says: 'If therefore anyone is in Christ, a new creature'—from which he is the firstling, because he first so rose again that he now dies no more, nor does death any longer have dominion over him, which is promised to be in the end for the new creature that is in him. But this distinction is not to be rashly affirmed but to be more diligently searched out in the Scriptures. For it stirs a difficulty how it could be said in Proverbs: 'My firstborn, I say to you, son'; that is, from whose person it is to be understood as said.
For if it is said from the person of God the Father to Christ—whether the sequel is consonant with this opinion is scarcely to be affirmed—he calls the same one firstborn whom he calls only-begotten: firstborn, because we too are sons of God; but only-begotten, since he alone is of the substance of the Father and equal to the Father and coeternal with the Father. But it is a wonder whether Sacred Scripture distinguishes between bringing forth and begetting by the most evident testimonies. 'And you shall sacrifice the Passover to the Lord your God, sheep and oxen.' What does this mean, that he added 'oxen,' when he commended the immolation of the Passover only from the sheep, which he commanded to be taken from the sheep and the kids or from the goats? This is taken mystically on account of Christ, whose carnal origin is from the just and from sinners.
For he does not say 'from the sheep or the goats,' although properly a sheep cannot be understood from goats; but lest perhaps the Jews should say that a goat is to be understood, if it had been said 'or from the goats,' it is said: 'from the sheep and the goats.' What then do the oxen mean here? Is it on account of the other sacrifices which are to be immolated on those very days of unleavened bread? It must be asked how he commanded to be observed what he says: 'You shall number for yourself seven full weeks; when you begin to put the sickle to the harvest you shall begin to number seven weeks. And you shall keep the feast day of weeks to the Lord your God, according as your hand avails, whatsoever the Lord shall have given you, according as the Lord your God shall bless you; and you shall feast before the Lord your God.'
For if this Pentecost was commanded to be observed by the whole people, are we to believe that all were commanded to put the sickle to the harvest on one day? But if each one observes this fiftieth for himself, numbering from that day on which he puts in the sickle, it is not one and the same for the whole people; whereas that one is the same which is reckoned from the immolation of the Passover unto the day of the giving of the law on Sinai. 'But if you shall enter into the land which the Lord your God gives you as an allotment, and you inherit it and dwell in it, and you say: I will set over myself princes like also the other nations which are around me—in setting one you shall set over yourself a prince whom the Lord your God shall choose; from among your brethren you shall set a prince over yourself;'
'you shall not be able to set over yourself a foreign man, because he is not your brother.' It can be asked why the people displeased God when they desired a king, since here it is found to be permitted. But rather from this it is to be understood that it deservedly was not according to the will of God, because he did not command this to be done, but permitted it to those desiring it. Yet nonetheless he commanded that it should not be a foreigner, but a brother, that is, a native of the same people, not one of foreign birth. But as to what he says, 'you shall not be able,' it is to be understood as 'you ought not.' When he was speaking of the king, he said: 'And he shall not multiply wives for himself, that his heart may not depart; and silver and gold he shall not greatly multiply for himself.' Whence it is asked whether David did not act against this precept;
for he did not have one wife. But concerning Solomon it is manifest that he transgressed this precept both in women and in gold and in silver. But from this it is rather to be understood that it was permitted to kings to have more than one; for they were forbidden to multiply. And this prohibition has no transgression if they were few, as David's were; but not many, as Solomon's. Although when he added, 'that his heart may not depart,' he rather seems to have commanded this: that by multiplying he should not come to foreign women, through whom it came to pass in Solomon that his heart departed from God.
Yet the multiplication was in general so forbidden that, even if he had multiplied them from Hebrew women alone, he could deservedly be convicted of having acted against this precept. 'But if a Levite come from one of your cities out of all the sons of Israel, where he himself dwells, according as his soul desires, into the place which the Lord shall choose'—that is, if he desired to go to the place where the Lord is invoked—'and he shall minister to the name of the Lord his God like all his brothers the Levites who stand there before the Lord; he shall eat a portion apportioned, besides the sale which is according to the family.' What he calls the 'sale' is obscure;
unless perhaps because he commanded the tithes and firstborn to be sold by those who dwelt far off, lest they be compelled to carry many things to the place of the Lord's invocation or to lead the cattle, so that there they might be bought back from them again at the same price; and he had commanded the Levite who remained in that city, from which those tithes and firstborn were owed, to have a portion there. And therefore he said that this was owed to the Levite according to the family, since by the succession by which he succeeds his parents, this ought to be observed concerning him which was rendered to his parents.
Since he forbids there to be inspectors of portents among the people of God, it must be asked how these portents, which are forbidden to be inspected, are to be distinguished from those which are given divinely in such a way that what they signify ought to be told. As are all the miracles which are found in the Scriptures, signifying what pertains to the rule of faith; as we say what the fleece signified—dry on a rain-soaked threshing-floor, or rain-soaked on a dry threshing-floor—or the rod of Aaron which blossomed and brought forth nuts, and other things of this kind. And just as the divinations which he consequently forbids are distinguished from the predictions or announcements of the prophets, so those inspections of prodigies are to be distinguished from the significations of divine miracles.
For the Lord your God, who goes before you together with you, will himself do battle at your side against your enemies and will save you. Behold in what manner, even in spiritual conflicts, we ought to hope for and to ask the help of God, not that we ourselves should do nothing, but that, being helped, we should cooperate. For thus it says: 'He will do battle at your side,' so as to show that they too were to do what was to be done. 'And the scribes shall speak to the people, saying: What man is there who has built a new house and has not dedicated it? Let him go and return to his house, lest he die in war and another man dedicate it. And what man is there who has planted a vineyard and has not feasted from it? Let him go and return to his house, lest he die in war and another man feast from it.'
'And what man is there who has betrothed a wife and has not taken her? Let him go and return to his house, lest he die in war and another man take her.' These words may disturb us, as though those die under a better condition in war who have already dedicated their buildings, and have already feasted from the new vines, and have already led home their brides, than those who have not yet done so. But since human affection is held fast by these things, and they are highly esteemed by men, it must be understood that these things are said with a view to those going forth into war, so that whoever is held in soul by such things may show himself when he turns back, lest on this account he act less bravely, while he fears that he may die before he has dedicated his house, or drunk of his new vine, or led home his bride.
For certainly, as far as the woman is concerned, it is better that she, still untouched, marry another than as a widow; but these things, as I have said, were appointed for the sake of testing the minds of the men. 'The weapons of a man shall not be upon a woman': he means military weapons to be understood, that is, arms; for some have interpreted it even thus. 'But if anyone has taken a wife and has dwelt with her and comes to hate her, and lays against her occasions for words, and brings upon her an evil name, and says: I took this woman, and drawing near to her I did not find her tokens of virginity — then the father of the girl and her mother, taking the girl's tokens of virginity, shall bring them out to the elders at the gate, and the father of the girl shall say to the elders:'
'I gave my daughter to this man for a wife, and now, hating her, he lays against her occasions for words, saying: I did not find in your daughter the tokens of virginity; and here are the tokens of my daughter's virginity.' And they shall spread out the garment before the elders of that city, and the elders of that city shall take that man and chastise him and fine him a hundred shekels and give them to the father of the young woman, because he brought forth an evil name upon a virgin of Israel; and she shall be his wife, and he shall not be able to put her away all the days of his life.
'But if this word be true, and the tokens of the girl's virginity be not found, then they shall bring the young woman out to the door of her father's house, and the men of her city shall stone her with stones, and she shall die, because she has wrought folly among the children of Israel by playing the harlot in her father's house: and you shall put away the wicked one from among yourselves.' From this it appears clearly enough in what manner the Law willed wives to be subject to their husbands and almost as handmaids; for when a man, speaking against his wife, gives testimony whereby she was to be stoned if it were shown to be true, yet he himself is not in turn stoned if it be established to be false, but is only chastised and fined, and is commanded to cleave forever to her whom he had wished to be rid of.
In other cases, however, one who has harmed anyone by false testimony, whereby, if it had been proved, he had ordered him to be put to death, he commands to be punished with the same penalty with which the other would have been punished had it been true. 'But if anyone find a virgin girl who is not betrothed, and, doing violence to her, lie with her, and be found, the man who lay with her shall give to the father of the girl fifty didrachmas of silver, and she shall be his wife, because he humbled her; he shall not be able to put her away for all time.' It is rightly asked whether this is a penalty — that he cannot put her away for all time — she whom he violated in a disorderly and unlawful manner. For if we wish to understand for this reason...
...understand that she cannot — that is, ought not — be put away for all time, because she has been made his wife, there will occur that which Moses permitted, namely to give a bill of divorce and to send her away. But in the case of those who unlawfully corrupt a woman, he did not wish it to be permitted, lest he seem to have acted for a mockery and rather to have pretended that he took her as a wife than to have truly and with willing consent taken her. This same thing is commanded also concerning her against whom a husband has falsely alleged that her tokens of virginity were not found. 'An Ammonite and a Moabite shall not enter into the church of the Lord, even to the tenth generation shall they not enter into the church of the Lord, even forever.' It is a question how Ruth entered, who was a Moabitess, from whom even the flesh of the Lord draws its origin.
Unless perhaps he prophesied that she, in a mystical sense, would enter — in that he says 'even to the tenth generation.' For the generations are reckoned from Abraham, when Lot too existed, who begot the Moabites and Ammonites from his daughters; and together with Abraham himself ten generations are found to be completed down to Salmon, who begot Booz, who was the second husband of Ruth. For these are they: Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Judah, Phares, Esrom, Aram, Aminadab, Naasson, Salmon. For Salmon begot Booz, who married the widow Ruth; and through this it appears that after the tenth generation she brought forth offspring in the church of the Lord by bearing sons to Booz himself. But why it was added 'even forever' is rightly still inquired into.
Is it because thereafter no soul from among the Ammonites and Moabites entered into that church of the Hebrew people, after the prophecy was fulfilled in this tenth generation? Or rather was it so said — 'even to the tenth generation' — that he wished it to be understood as always altogether, through a certain totality of the number ten, so that in a manner he expounded this by adding and saying 'even forever'? But if this is so, Ruth seems to have been admitted against the forbidding precept. Or did he forbid the Ammonite men to be admitted, not the Ammonite women — that is, the males from there, not the females?
Especially since, when the Israelites had overthrown that nation itself, they were commanded to kill all the males, but not the females, except those who had known the embrace of a man, since these had seduced the people into fornication; but they willed that the virgins be saved, not imputing to them the guilt for which that nation deserved to be overthrown. And this too he here mentioned, as if it were asked why he did not wish the Moabites and Ammonites to be admitted into the church of the Lord. For he added: 'because they did not meet you with loaves and water on the way, when you were coming out of Egypt, and because they hired against you Balaam the son of Beor from Mesopotamia, to curse you.' These faults not even then, when that nation was warred down, did they impute to the women, whom they preferred to preserve safe.
'You shall not hand over a servant to his master, who has been set beside you by his master': not that his master had 'set' him, that is, entrusted him — for then he would rather have said 'a deposit' — but he said 'set beside you by his master,' that is, joined to this man, when he had departed from that one. He forbade, therefore, not that fugitives be received, but rather that they be given back. This indeed might be thought, unless we understand these things to be said to a nation and a people, not to one man. And so he forbade a man fleeing from another nation to that nation to which he was speaking to be given back by his master, that is, by his king: which even the foreigner Achish king of Gath observed, when David fled to him from the face of his master, that is, of king Saul. But he explains this most plainly when he says concerning the fugitive himself:
'He shall dwell among you in every place where it shall please him.' 'There shall not be a harlot among the daughters of Israel, and there shall not be a fornicator among the sons of Israel.' Behold where he plainly forbade both men and women to fornicate, showing that it is a sin even to be joined to those not one's own spouses, though they be not others' spouses, when he forbids both that there be harlots and that men resort to harlots, whose baseness is publicly for sale. In the Decalogue, however, under the name of adultery he does not seem to have plainly forbidden this, since adultery is usually understood as nothing but adultery. Whence what seemed to us on this point, we treated there. 'You shall not offer the hire of a harlot, nor the price of a dog, in the house of the Lord your God for any vow, because both are an abomination to the Lord your God:'
which is understood thus: 'because it is an abomination to the Lord your God' — and this not one of these two, but both. For concerning the dog he forbids the exchange of firstlings to be made, which he commands to be made in the case of other unclean animals, that is, horses and asses, and whatever there is of those which help man and are in Latin called 'iumenta' from 'iuvare' (to help). But concerning the dog he did not wish it; whether also concerning the pig, and why he did not wish it, must be inquired into; and, if he did not wish it concerning all such animals, why he made the dog alone an exception in this place. But as for his mentioning the hire of a harlot, the reason seems to be this: because he had above forbidden that there be a harlot among the daughters of Israel, or that any of the sons of Israel make use of a harlot;
and lest it creep into one's thought that this sin could be expiated if something from it were offered in the temple, it had to be said that it is an abomination to the Lord. 'That thief shall die' — that is, he who has stolen a man — 'and you shall put away the wicked one from among yourselves.' Scripture constantly says this when it commands the wicked to be put to death. The Apostle too used this manner of speech, when he said: 'For what have I to do to judge those who are without? Do you not judge those who are within? Put away the evil one from among yourselves.' For the Greek has τὸν πονηρόν, which is written here also; but this is usually rendered rather 'the wicked man' than 'the evil thing.' Nor does it say τὸ πονηρόν, that is, 'this evil thing,' but τὸν πονηρόν, which is 'this wicked man.'
From this it appears that he wished to be understood the man who has committed some such thing that he is worthy of excommunication. For this is what excommunication now does in the Church, which then killing did. Although that apostolic saying can also be understood otherwise, namely that each one was commanded to put away the evil or the wicked from his own self. Which sense would be more acceptable, if 'this evil thing' or 'this wicked thing,' and not 'this wicked man,' were found in the Greek; but as it is, it is more credible that it was said of a man than of a vice. Although it can also elegantly be understood that a man puts away from himself the evil man, in the manner in which it is said: 'Put off the old man,' which, expounding, he says: 'Let him who stole steal no more.'
'According to all the law which the Levitical priests shall teach (?) you.' Here it appears that every priest was a Levite, although not every Levite was a priest. 'If there be a debt in your neighbour, any debt whatsoever, you shall not enter into his house to take a pledge: you shall stand outside, and the man in whose keeping your debt is shall bring the pledge out to you. But if the man be needy, you shall not sleep in his pledge: by way of restitution you shall restore to him his garment about sunset, and he shall sleep in his garment and shall bless you, and it shall be to you a mercy before the Lord your God.' Not without reason does it seem to pertain to a work of mercy that the pledge-taker should not enter the house, lest disturbance befall the debtor;
but from this he also admonishes the debtor himself to bring the pledge outside to the creditor. But that he commands the pledge to be restored to the needy man on the same day, so that he may sleep in it who has nothing wherein to sleep, rightly moves us — so that it may be asked why he did not rather command the creditor not to take away the pledge, which he ought to restore on the same day. But if he wished this to be done in order to compel the debtor, how does he urge himself to repayment, when he knows he will get the pledge back the same day? Or perhaps he wished this to be done for the sake of memory, lest the creditor forget to return it, and then not return it if the debtor truly has nothing? Especially since he is overcome by his creditor's mercy, to whom he ought not to be ungrateful, if he has received back the pledge in which he may sleep;
and at the same time, the creditor too, when the debtor has not repaid, ought to believe that he does not have the means, seeing that he needs even this mercy — that the pledge be restored to him because he has nothing else wherein to sleep. 'The fathers shall not die for the sons, and the sons shall not die for the fathers: each one shall die in his own sin.' Behold, not only did the prophets say this, but the Law also says that each is to be put to death for his own guilt, not for that of his father or of his son. What then is it that is said elsewhere: 'God rendering the sins of the fathers upon the sons unto the third and fourth generation'?
Is that understood of sons not yet born, on account of original sin, which the human race drew even from Adam; but here a distinction has been made concerning sons already born, so that each may die in his own sin? For one who was already born, when his father sinned, does not draw anything from his father. But since there too it says 'to those who hate me,' it is manifest that even that condition can be changed, if the sons have not imitated the deeds of their parents. For that too which is derived from Adam is rendered temporally, since all die on account of this, but not eternally for those who have been spiritually reborn through grace and have persevered in it unto the end.
Although that too may rightly be asked: if the sins of the fathers are rendered upon the sons in the case of those who hate God, why unto the third and fourth generation — either the first and second being passed over, or not also unto the rest, if impiety and the imitation of wicked parents persists? Or did he, through this number, since it is understood as sevenfold, wish to signify totality, and therefore did not rather put the seventh itself, so as to say 'unto the seventh generation' and thus have it understood as every generation, because he intimated the ground of the perfection of this number in this manner? For it is held to be perfect for this reason: because it consists of these two, namely of three, the first odd number as a whole, and of four, the first even number as a whole.
Whence I judge that that prophetic saying too, which is repeated constantly, arises: 'For three and four impieties I will not turn away' — by which he wished all impieties, rather than three or four, to be understood. 'You shall not turn aside the judgement of the stranger and the orphan and the widow, you shall not take in pledge the garment of the widow.' Why did he not say: 'and you shall not take in pledge their garment'? For what is the reason that he forbade the judgement of these three to be turned aside, but the garment to be taken in pledge of the widow alone, and not of those others as well? Unless it be that he commended the judgements of all to be executed for this reason, that they have none by whom they may be defended — whether the stranger, because he is in a foreign land, or the orphan, that is, the ward, because he lacks parents, or the widow, because she has no husband:
but when he forbids the garment of a widow to be taken in pledge, I think he elegantly enough admonishes that those are truly to be called widows who are also poor. For this the Apostle too evidently shows, where he says: 'But if any widow has children or grandchildren, let her first learn to treat her own household piously and to render a mutual recompense to her parents; for this is acceptable before the Lord. But she who is truly a widow and desolate has hoped in the Lord and persists in prayers night and day.' Her he called truly a widow who has none by whom she may be sustained, since she is destitute not only of a husband but also of descendants and of all resources; for he would not call a rich woman desolate. To the poor woman, therefore, the garment is not to be taken in pledge;
for by this very thing, that he forbids the garment to be taken away, he shows her to be poor. For the creditor would not rather take away a garment than silver or anything else. Furthermore, if it should occur to the mind: What if she have many garments that are not necessary but superfluous — how is she understood to be truly a widow, that is, not only desolate but also one who does not live in delights? Her he subjoined, saying: 'But she who lives in delights is dead while living.' Her indeed he set as if contrary to the true widow, as though such a one is not a true widow. But whatever rich women have been unwilling to try other marriages, in them continence is praised, not desolation commended. For these are widowed of husbands only, not of other things.
As to what he admonishes — that in harvest no one should gather up a forgotten sheaf, and no one should more diligently go after the olive or the grape left behind, gathering up what has been neglected — and he says these are to be left for the needy: it perhaps occurs to the thought: What if these things which are left by the owners of the fields be gathered up not by the needy but by wicked men? But it must be considered, first, that he acts in mercy who leaves them with this mind, that the needy may have what is left. Then, when these things are enjoined upon the people, at the same time those who are not in want are admonished not to seek these things. But if they seek them, what else are they to be judged than invading the property of others and — what is graver — of the poor?
Both parties, therefore, are reminded by these precepts — both those whose fields they are, that they should mercifully leave these things, and those who are not needy, that they should abstain from them — since both are stated: both by whom things are to be left, and for whom they are to be left. 'But if there be a dispute between men, and they come to judgement, and the judges judge and justify the just man.' The judges are to be understood as judging, not those who were said to have the dispute. Then it follows: 'and condemn the wicked man; and it shall be, if he who acts wickedly be worthy of stripes, you shall set him in the sight of the judges, and they shall scourge him before them according to his wickedness. With forty stripes shall they scourge him, they shall not add more;'
'but if they add to scourge him beyond these stripes with more, your brother shall be disfigured before you.' It must strongly be noted that, although he prescribed that those sins be amended by stripes which are not worthy to be avenged by the penalty of death — and this with so few stripes — he nevertheless called the one who is beaten 'wicked' or 'acting wickedly,' so that we may know that the Scriptures have not spoken as very many say. These we read too carelessly, when we think adultery is not impiety, because he who has done this seems to have sinned against a man — whereas the Law commands that sin to be punished with death — and we say impieties are graver than these sins, whereas there are certain of them which are punished by forty stripes of the scourge. There is, therefore, a light impiety, which is worthy of a beating:
and there is a grave one which is worthy of death. So too those sins which seem to be committed not against God but against man — some are worthy of death, others of correction, whether by beating or by an easier pardon. For thus it is agreed that the seventy translators spoke, so that they called even the impiety of him who is worthy of stripes 'impiety.' 'But if brothers dwell together, and one of them die, and there be no seed to him, the wife of the deceased shall not be outside to one who does not draw near; the brother of her husband shall go in to her and shall take her to himself for a wife and shall dwell with her. And the child, whosoever be born, shall be established from the name of the deceased, and his name shall not be blotted out of Israel.'
The Law seems to have prescribed this concerning the taking of a brother's wife for no other reason than to raise up seed for the brother who died without children. But as to what it says, 'shall be established from the name of the deceased, and his name shall not be blotted out of Israel' — that is, the name of the deceased — from this it seems to be said that the one who is born should be called by that name by which the deceased was called, to whom in a manner he is propagated. Whence it seemed to us better, according to the custom of adoption, to solve in the Gospel the question about the two fathers of Joseph — of whom Matthew mentions one, namely the one who begot Joseph, and Luke the other, whose son Joseph was — since Joseph took the name of neither of them.
Unless perhaps this was said, 'shall be established from the name of the deceased,' not so that he should take his name, but so that from his name — that is, as the son not of him by whose seed he was begotten, but of that deceased man for whom seed was raised up — he should be established as heir. For as to what was added, 'and his name shall not be blotted out of Israel,' it can be so understood, not that the boy consequently takes his name, but that the deceased will be seen not to have died without posterity; and therefore his name — that is, his memory — endures. For not even if he himself had begotten a son would he have imposed his own name on him, so that his name should not be blotted out of Israel; but from this it would at any rate not be blotted out, because he would not have departed from this life without children.
And this his brother is commanded to fulfil from the deceased's wife — that which the other could not. For even if there had been no brother, a kinsman also would take his wife, who had died without sons, to raise up seed for his brother; just as Booz did in marrying Ruth, that he might raise up seed for his kinsman, whose wife she had been and by whom she had borne no child.
And yet he who was born of her was indeed established from the name of the deceased, because he was called his son — and thus it came about that the name of the deceased was not blotted out of Israel — nor yet was he called by his name. Since these things are so, the evangelical question can be solved more amply in two ways, so that one of those men whom Matthew and Luke mention as different was kinsman to the other for the taking of his wife, in such a way that the one could have some ancestors and forebears upward, and the other others. For if they had been the sons of brothers, they would have had one grandfather. Which is not so; for according to Matthew, Mathan is the grandfather of Joseph, but according to Luke not Mathan, but Mathath.
But if anyone thinks it to be only a similarity of name, so that a mistake was made by the scribes in one letter, so that there arose so slight and almost no difference — what will he say about the fathers of these men? For according to Luke, Mathath was the son of Levi, but according to Matthew, Mathan is found to have been begotten of Eleazar; and thus from there upward the fathers and grandfathers and then the forebears are different, all the way to Zorobabel, who is about the twentieth upward from Joseph in Luke, but in Matthew the eleventh. Who is on that account believed to be the same person, because his father in both evangelists is found to be Salathiel; although it could have happened that there was another man of the same name having a father of the same name that the former also had.
For from there upward too they are different; for Zorobabel has one grandfather in Luke, who is Neri, another in Matthew, who is Jechonias. And from there higher up there is nowhere any agreement, until one comes to David — in Matthew through Solomon, in Luke through Nathan. But it seems most difficult that there was no one nearer of kin to take the wife of his brother than one who was of the blood of David at so distant a degree, not joined by any nearer kinship below — since in Luke David is almost the fortieth from Joseph, but in Matthew about the twenty-seventh.
Or, if for the taking of the wives of the deceased those kinsmen too were sought who were related through the blood of women, it could have happened that there was someone so related, who begot Joseph from the wife of his kinsman who had died without children. And thus he would have had one father by nature, another by law. In whose fathers and grandfathers and then forebears no kinship would therefore appear, because they were related not through males but through females. But nevertheless, if it were so, not even David would at some point occur as one single father. Or if anyone contend that it could have been so, where do we place the fact that it is not the custom of Scripture to put women in a genealogy in place of males, just as no evangelist has inserted them?
For where mothers are mentioned, they are not placed except together with fathers. And through this, either the nearer kinsman was so lacking for the joining to himself of the deceased's wife, that the origin of the kinship had to be traced back to David; or adoption made the other father whom Joseph could have. What is it that, among those things which he commands a man to say — a man who in the giving of tithes, and whatever he was commanded to give or expend, has fulfilled all the commandments — he is commanded to say even this, with his own praise and commendation: 'I have not given of them to the dead'? Or does he by this forbid the funeral rites which the nations are wont to observe? 'You shall not pass aside from all the words which I command you this day, to go to the right or the left after other gods to serve them.'
It can be asked how it can be understood that one goes 'to the right' who has gone after strange gods to serve them, since the right is set in praise, but that can never be done praiseworthily; for even as to what is blamed in the way of life, in him who turns aside to the right, it is not there the things which are on the right that are blamed, but the one who turns aside into them — that is, who arrogates to himself the things that are God's. Therefore it is said in Proverbs: 'Turn not aside to the right or to the left; for the ways that are on the right the Lord knows, but perverse are those that are on the left.' Therefore good are the right-hand ways, which the Lord knows; for the Lord knows the ways of the just, as is read in the Psalm. Why, then, it was said, 'Turn not aside to the right,' he consequently shows by adding:
'for he himself will make your courses straight.' But far be it that we should deny the right-hand ways, which the Lord knows, to be straight; but, as I said, to turn aside into them is not of his grace, but to wish to attribute to oneself that which is straight. Finally, as I said, he adds and says: 'for he himself will make your courses straight, and all your journeys he will bring forth in peace.' Wherefore, as to what in this place of Deuteronomy, of which we are treating, is said — 'You shall not pass aside from all the words which I command you this day, to go to the right or the left after other gods to serve them' — it is not said for this reason, that other gods too can be received in the right-hand things; but either earthly places are signified, because both on the right and on the left they had nations worshipping other gods;
or this concerning other gods must be pronounced separately, so that there be two senses — one, namely: 'You shall not pass aside from all the words which I command you this day, to the right or the left,' according to that understanding which I expounded above; but let the other sense be: 'to go after other gods to serve them,' so that here too be understood: 'You shall not pass aside from all the words which I command you this day.' Which whole sense, if we wish to state it, we shall have to repeat the earlier words which are common to both senses, so that, as it is there said, 'You shall not pass aside from all that I command you this day, to the right or the left,' so here too it be repeated, 'You shall not pass aside from all that I command you this day, to go after other gods to serve them.'
For by passing aside from the words which have been commanded, this too comes about, that one goes after other gods. For it is not this alone that has been commanded, nor this alone that God does not wish to be passed by — namely, that men should not go after other gods — but all things which he commanded; yet this so especially that, after the generality of the precept whereby he admonished that there should be no passing aside from all the words of his commandments, he wished to commend this also separately.
That which he says, 'to the right or the left,' can also be understood thus: that he commanded them to go after other gods neither for the sake of those things which are sought for the sake of happiness, nor for the sake of those things which are fled for the sake of unhappiness — that is, that help is to be sought from other gods neither for the things that are loved nor against the things that are hated; or at any rate in this manner, that they be either conciliated so as to profit, or appeased so as not to harm. For concerning certain men too it is written in the Psalm: 'Whose mouth has spoken vanity, and their right hand is a right hand of iniquity,' for this reason: because they suppose a man to be made blessed by those things which both good and evil men can have; and therefore it is a right hand of iniquity, because they are iniquitous who think that to be the right hand.
For it is not a true right hand, but rather the right hand of those 'whose mouth has spoken vanity.' They called blessed the people that has these things, whereas rather, as he presently adds and teaches, 'blessed is the people whose Lord is its own God.' This is the true right hand of righteousness, not of iniquity. One must therefore not go after strange gods, neither to the right, so that a man should suppose himself made blessed by them, nor to the left, so that, imagining himself made wretched by them when they oppose him, he should worship them to this end, that he may turn them aside. Or else certainly, if by the right hand we understand things eternal and by the left temporal goods, let it be believed that in this passage sacred Scripture has warned that they are to be worshipped neither for the sake of the former nor for the sake of the latter.
'These are the words of the covenant which the Lord commanded Moses to establish for the children of Israel in the land of Moab, besides the covenant which he made with them in Horeb.' This shows why the book is called Deuteronomy, as it were a second law, wherein there is rather a repetition of the former than anything else; for few are the things there which were not in what was first given. Yet these are not called two covenants, although these words seem to sound thus; for each is one covenant, which in the Church is called the Old. For if on account of these words two covenants had to be spoken of, there would now be not two but more, besides the New. For Scripture speaks of a covenant in many places, as that which was made with Abraham concerning circumcision, or that earlier one with Noah.
'You have seen all that the Lord your God did in the land of Egypt before your eyes, to Pharaoh and to all his servants and to all his land, the great trials which your eyes have seen, those signs and great wonders and the mighty hand. And the Lord has not given you a heart to know, and eyes to see, and ears to hear, unto this day.' How then does he say above, 'you have seen the great trials which your eyes have seen,' if the Lord did not give them eyes to see and ears to hear? Except that they saw with the body but did not see with the heart, since there are said to be eyes of the heart also. For this reason he began thence: 'And the Lord your God has not given you a heart to know.' To this pertain the two things that follow:
'and eyes to see and ears to hear,' that is, to understand and to obey. But when he says 'and the Lord your God has not given you,' by no means would he say this in rebuke and reproof unless he wished it to be understood as pertaining also to their own fault, lest anyone should on this account think himself excusable. For at once he shows both that without the help of the Lord God they cannot understand and obey with the eyes of the heart and the ears of the heart, and yet that, if God's help be lacking, man's fault is not on that account excusable, since the judgments of God, though hidden, are nevertheless just. 'And he led you forty years in the wilderness; your garments did not grow old, and your shoes were not worn from your feet;'
'you did not eat bread, you drank neither wine nor strong drink, that you might know that he is the Lord your God.' From this it appears that the Israelites, when they went out of Egypt, could carry among their baggage only so much wine as they might quickly consume. For if they had brought nothing at all with them, whence came that of which it is said, 'the people sat down to eat and drink, and rose up to play'? For this could not be said of water, since the most plain words of Moses himself show that this was not 'the voice of the beginning of war, but the beginning of wine.' 'Is there any man or woman or family or tribe among you whose mind has turned aside from the Lord your God, to go and serve the gods of those nations?'
'Lest there be in you a root springing up above in gall and bitterness; and it come to pass, when he hears the words of this curse, that he bless himself in his heart, saying: Let holy things be to me, for I walk in the error of my heart—so that the sinner may not destroy together with himself the one who is without sin. God will not be willing to be merciful to him, but then the anger of the Lord and his jealousy shall be kindled against that man, and there shall cleave to him all the curses of this covenant which are written in this book of the law.' It is thus said, 'Is there any among you?' so that we may understand it as one making inquiry, lest perchance there be. But if there were any such, he terrified him vehemently, lest perchance anyone hearing those curses should say in his heart:
'Let these curses be to me as holy things, for I walk in the error of my heart'—that is: 'Far be it that these things should befall me: let not these be evils to me, but holy things,' that is, propitious and harmless, 'for I walk in the error of my heart,' namely by going after the gods of the nations and serving them as if with impunity. 'It shall not,' he says, 'be so. Let not the sinner destroy together with himself the one who is without sin,' as if to say: Beware lest anyone who thinks such things persuade any of you to the like. 'God will not be willing to be merciful to him,' whether to the one thinking such things or to the one to whom such things have been persuaded, as he himself imagined by saying, 'Let holy things be to me,' and as it were by this means turning aside from himself the force of that curse. 'But then the anger of the Lord and his jealousy shall be kindled against that man.'
When he supposes that he turns these things aside by saying them in his heart. 'And there shall cleave to him all the curses of this covenant, which are written in this book of the law.' Indeed not all can befall one man; for he cannot die as many times as there are kinds of death here named; but he said 'all' for any whatever, so that he to whom some of those things befall by which he may perish is not immune from all. But as for his saying, 'so that the sinner may not destroy together with himself the one who is without sin,' which the Greek has as anaitios (guiltless), it is not to be taken as though he here called anaitios, that is, without sin, one clean and immune from every sin whatever, but rather one who was without that sin of which he was speaking; as the Lord says in the Gospel:
'If I had not come and spoken to them, they would have no sin.' Not indeed every sin, but this sin, that they did not believe in him. God also says to Abimelech concerning Sarah the wife of Abraham: 'I know that you did this with a clean heart.' He certainly did not wish his heart to be understood as clean in such a way that he was like those of whom it is said, 'Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God,' but he had a heart clean from that sin which was in question, since, so far as pertained to him, he had not coveted another's wife. 'And the Lord shall purify round about your heart and the heart of your seed, to love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul, that you may live.' A clear promise of grace;
for God promises that he himself will do what he is wont to command to be done. 'For this commandment which I command you this day is not beyond your measure, nor far from you; it is not in heaven, that you should say—that is, so that you should say—Who shall go up for us into heaven and take it for us, and we hearing it will do it? Neither is it beyond the sea, that you should say—that is, so that you should say—Who shall cross over the sea for us and take it for us, and we hearing it will do it? The word is very near you, in your mouth and in your heart and in your hands, to do it.' The Apostle says that this is the word of faith, which pertains to the New Testament.
But it may be asked why he called those things commandments above, 'which are written in this book of the law,' unless it be because by all these things spiritual matters pertaining to the New Testament are signified, if they are rightly understood. Likewise it may be asked why, whereas here it is set down, 'Neither is it beyond the sea, that you should say, Who shall cross the sea over for us and take it for us,' the Apostle said, 'Or who shall descend into the abyss?' and, expounding this, added, 'that is, to bring Christ back from the dead'; unless it be that he called the whole of this present life 'sea,' which is crossed by death, so that in a manner the sea comes to an end and beyond the sea death itself is named, as it were beyond this life, which is signified by the word 'sea.' Then, as to what is here added:
'and in your hands,' the Apostle says only, 'in your mouth and in your heart.' And this he pursued to the end, saying: 'For with the heart one believes unto righteousness, and with the mouth confession is made unto salvation.' Rightly, what was translated from the Hebrew, so far as we could examine it, does not have 'in your hands.' Yet not without reason, I think, was this added by the Seventy translators, except that they wished it to be understood that the hands themselves, by which works are signified, ought also to be received in the heart, where is the faith which works through love. For if the things God commands are done outwardly by the hands and are not done in the heart, no one is so foolish as to think the precepts fulfilled.
Furthermore, if love, which is the fullness of the law, dwells in the heart, even though a man cannot work with the hands of the body, he certainly has peace with men of good will. 'They have sinned, not to him, blameworthy children.' As for what is in the Greek, tekna momēta, some have translated it, as here, 'blameworthy children,' some 'stained children,' some 'faulty children'; wherefore there is no great question, indeed none. But that other point rightly moves us to inquiry: if it is said generally, 'they have sinned, not to him'—since he who sins does not sin against God, that is, does not harm God, but himself—how is it to be understood that in the Psalm it is read, 'Against you only have I sinned,' and in Jeremiah, 'We have sinned against you, O Lord, patience of Israel,' and again in the Psalm:
'Heal my soul, for I have sinned against you,' and whether 'to sin to God' is the same as 'to sin against God.' Whence Eli the priest says, 'If a man sins against God, who shall pray for him?' I will therefore say meanwhile what for the present seems to me. Perhaps those who understand these matters better, or even we ourselves at another time, so far as the Lord shall help, will understand something better. 'To sin against God' is to sin in those things which pertain to the worship of God. For what I have mentioned indicates nothing else; for thus did the sons of Eli sin, to whom their father said this. In the same way it must be judged that men are sinned against who pertain to God; for God is read to have said this to Abimelech concerning Sarah: 'Therefore I spared you, that you should not sin against me.'
But 'to sin to the Lord,' or rather 'to have sinned to the Lord'—unless perhaps somewhere there occur written something that resists this sense—those seem to me to be spoken of not undeservedly who do not perform pious repentance for their sin, so that the forgiving Lord may be glorified. For David, rendering the reason why he had said, 'Against you only have I sinned and done evil in your sight,' subjoined and said, 'that you may be justified in your words and overcome when you are judged': whether when God says, 'Judge between me and my vineyard'; or whether it be understood of the Lord Jesus Christ, who alone could most truly say:
'For the prince of this world comes and has nothing in me'—that is, nothing of sin worthy of death—'but that the world may know that I love the Father, and as the Father gave me commandment, so I do; arise, let us go hence,' as if to say: even though the prince of this world pursues the lightest sins with the punishment of death, in me he has nothing; but 'arise, let us go hence,' that is, that I may suffer, because in that which I suffer I fulfill the will of my Father, I do not pay the penalty of my own sin. And as for what Jeremiah says, 'We have sinned against you, O patience of Israel,' this is certainly said humbly to the Lord in repentance with hope of salvation through pardon; and as for what is said:
'Heal my soul, for I have sinned against you,' this same thing is done, that God by forgiving may be glorified, because great is his mercy over those who confess to him and return to him, who says that he does not will the death of a sinner, so much as that he should turn back and live. Hence David himself also, not only in the Psalm but even when God rebuked him through the prophet, answered not without hope of the Lord's propitiation, 'I have sinned against the Lord.' For, wounded, he seems in a manner to submit himself to the hands of the physician, that he may be healed, that in him the work of medicine may be fulfilled. But in this song the prophet foresaw that there would be some who would so sin, offending God by their great iniquities, that they would not even be willing to do penance and return to God, that they might be healed.
Of whom it is also said elsewhere, 'For they are flesh, a spirit that goes and does not return.' It can also be understood thus: 'they have sinned, not to him,' according to this: that they did not harm him by their sin, but themselves. 'And this is the blessing wherewith Moses the man of God blessed the children of Israel before he died. And he said: The Lord came from Sinai, and shone forth to us from Seir; and he hastened from Mount Paran with many thousands of Kadesh, at his right hand angels with him. And he spared his people; and all the sanctified are under your hands, and these are under you. And he received the law from his words, which Moses commanded us, an inheritance for the congregations of Jacob. And there shall be a prince in the beloved, when the princes of the peoples are gathered together with the tribes of Israel.'
This prophecy is not to be passed over carelessly. For it appears that this blessing pertains to the new people, whom the Lord Christ sanctified, from whose person these things are said by Moses, not from the person of Moses himself—as clearly appears in what follows. For if it was said, 'The Lord came from Sinai,' because on Mount Sinai the law was given, what does that which follows mean, 'and shone forth to us from Seir,' since Seir is a mountain of Idumaea where Esau reigned? Then, since Moses blesses the children of Israel with these words, as Scripture has foretold, how does the same say, 'and he received the law from his words, which Moses commanded us'?
Doubtless therefore it is a prophecy, as we have said, foretelling the new people sanctified by the grace of Christ, under the name of the children of Israel because he is the seed of Abraham, that is, they are children of the promise, and its interpretation is 'seeing God.' The Lord therefore who came from Sinai is to be understood as Christ, since Sinai is interpreted 'temptation.' He came therefore from the temptation of the passion, of the cross, of death. 'And he shone forth from Seir.' Seir is interpreted 'hairy,' which signifies the sinner; for thus was Esau born, held in hatred. But since to those who sat in darkness and in the shadow of death a light arose, therefore he shone forth from Seir.
At the same time it is also not absurdly understood that it was foretold that from the Gentiles, who are signified by the name Seir—since it is a mountain pertaining to Esau—the grace of Christ would come to the people of Israel. Whence the Apostle says: 'so these also now have not believed in your mercy, that they also may obtain mercy.' They therefore say: 'he shone forth from Seir to us.' 'And he hastened from Mount Paran'—that is, from the fruitful mountain, for so is Paran interpreted, by which the Church is signified—'with many thousands of Kadesh.' And Kadesh is interpreted 'changed' and 'holiness.' Many thousands therefore were changed and sanctified through grace, with whom Christ came to the Israelites who were afterward to be gathered. He continues and says: 'at his right hand angels with him';
this needs no exposition. 'And he spared,' he says, 'his people,' granting the remission of sins. Whence he turns his discourse to him and says: 'and all the sanctified are under your hands, and these are under you'—certainly not those who are proud and wish to establish their own righteousness, but those who acknowledge grace, that they may be subjected to the righteousness of God. 'And he received,' he says, 'the law from his words'; the people certainly, of whom he says, 'and he spared his people.' It received therefore the law from his words, 'which,' he says, 'Moses commanded us'; that is: his people received the law from his words, because from his teaching it understood that very law which Moses commanded us. For he himself says in the Gospel: 'If you believed Moses, you would believe me also;'
'for he wrote of me.' For that people did not receive a law which it did not understand, but it then received it, when it understood from his words, being free of the old veil, turned to the Lord. This he calls 'an inheritance for the congregations of Jacob,' which is to be understood not as earthly but as heavenly, not temporal but eternal. 'And there shall be,' he says, 'a prince in the beloved'; certainly the Lord Jesus shall be prince in the beloved people, 'when the princes of the peoples'—that is, of the Gentiles—'are gathered together with the tribes of Israel,' that what was said above may be fulfilled: 'Rejoice, O Gentiles, together with his people,' because blindness in part has happened to Israel, until the fullness of the Gentiles should come in, and so all Israel should be saved.
When he blessed Joseph, he said among other things: 'the firstborn of the bull, his beauty.' This is not to be read as though he had said, 'the firstborn of the bull,' but: since he is the firstborn, his beauty is that of a bull; and on account of the horns of the cross this is understood as a figure concerning the Lord. BOOK SIX. QUESTIONS ON JESUS SON OF NUN (JOSHUA). QUESTION I. The Lord says to Jesus Son of Nun (Joshua): 'And as I was with Moses, so will I be also with you.' Not only by this testimony but also in Deuteronomy by many proofs it is proved that Moses died as a servant of God and pleasing to God, although in him that vengeance was fulfilled, that he should not enter the land of promise.
From which it is given to understand that the Lord is at times angry even with his good servants in some matter and takes temporal vengeance, and yet holds them in the number of those who are in his house 'vessels useful for honor,' useful to the Lord, to whom he will give the things promised to the saints. There is a question, how, after the Lord had spoken to Joshua son of Nun, exhorting and confirming him and promising that he would be with him, this same Joshua commanded the people through the scribes to prepare provisions, because after three days they were to cross the Jordan—whereas they are found to have crossed the Jordan after many more days. For when he had commanded this to the people, he sent spies into Jericho, since, the Jordan being crossed, that was the nearest city that met them;
but they turned aside to Rahab a harlot woman, and being hidden by her and sought by the king and not at all found, she letting them down through the window and warning them to lie hid for three days in the mountains, four days seem to have been consumed. Thence, after they had reported what had been done concerning them, Joshua set out with the whole people from the place where he was, at dawn. When he had come to the Jordan, he turned aside and stayed; then again the people are admonished that after three days they should prepare to cross the Jordan, the ark of the Lord going before. Hence therefore it is understood that it was a human arrangement which he caused to be announced to the people, that they should prepare provisions as though they were to cross the said river after three days;
for he could, as a man, hope this could be done, if the spies had returned quickly. But since they delayed, it is understood, although Scripture is silent about it, that the rest was fulfilled by divine arrangement, so that Joshua might now begin to be glorified among the people and it might be shown that the Lord was with him, as he had been with Moses. For this too is said to him as he was about to cross the river, as it is written: 'And the Lord said to Joshua: On this day I will begin to exalt you before all the children of Israel, that they may know that as I was with Moses so will I be with you also.'
Nor ought it to seem incredible that even those with whom God spoke should have wished to do something out of human arrangement, in which nevertheless they trusted that God was their director, and that their counsels were changed by the providence of him by whom they were governed. For Moses himself certainly, as a man, had thought it should be done that he should hear the causes of the people in such a way that, taking upon himself a burden intolerable both to himself and to them, he could be of no profit; and his arrangement was changed by divine means, this very thing being suggested and advised by his father-in-law, and God approving this admonition. The scribes say to the people:
'When you see the ark of the testimony of the Lord our God, and our priests and the Levites bearing it, set forth from your places and go after it. But let there be a long interval between you and it, of two thousand cubits shall you stand; do not draw near to it, that you may know the way by which you shall go, for you have not gone this way before, from yesterday and the day before.' The ark was commanded to go far in front, that it might be seen by the people. For so great a host, if it went next behind it, would not see it going before, nor know by what way it should follow. And from this deed it is to be understood that that pillar of cloud, which was wont to give the signal for moving the camp and to show the way, had now withdrawn and did not appear to them;
hence it came about that even that three days' period was foretold out of human arrangement. Now therefore, with Joshua as leader, they follow the ark of the Lord, the cloud being withdrawn as though the veil were taken away. Now the Jordan was full up to all its bank, as in the days of the wheat harvest. This seems incredible to our regions. But there, as those who know report, at the beginning of spring is the wheat harvest; and then that river is filled more than during the winter. 'And these stones shall be to you a memorial for the children of Israel forever.' How 'forever,' since heaven and earth shall pass away? Or is it because these stones signify something eternal, although they themselves cannot be eternal? Although what is in the Greek may be:
'until the age,' which in Latin can also be rendered 'even unto the age,' whence it does not follow that 'eternal' is to be understood. 'And the Lord said to Joshua, saying: Command the priests who carry the ark of the covenant of the testimony.' It is usual to say 'ark of the covenant' or 'ark of the testimony'; now it is called 'ark of the covenant of the testimony,' so that not only the ark but the covenant itself might be called 'the covenant of the testimony.' For hence the Apostle says: 'But now the righteousness of God without the law has been made manifest, being witnessed by the law and the prophets.' For it had been given as a testimony of some other thing to come, which is called the Old Testament. The Lord said to Joshua:
'Make for yourself knives of sharp stone,' or, as the Greek has it, 'of sharp rock,' 'and sitting, circumcise the children of Israel again.' In this precept it is asked why he said 'again'; for one man was not to be circumcised twice. But because there was one people, circumcised in some, uncircumcised in others, therefore it was said 'again,' so that the circumcised should be circumcised again—not the man, but the people; for the following words also show this. For Scripture says: 'And Joshua made for himself sharp stone knives and circumcised the children of Israel at the place which is called the Hill of Foreskins.' And in this manner Joshua purified round about the children of Israel:
those who at some time had been on the way, and those of those who came out of Egypt who at some time were uncircumcised—all these Joshua circumcised. For Israel had lived forty-two years in the wilderness of Mabdaritis. Therefore many of those warriors who came out of the land of Egypt were uncircumcised, who had been disobedient to the commandments of God, among whom also the Lord had determined for them that they should not see the land which the Lord had sworn to their fathers to give them, a land flowing with milk and honey. But in their place he substituted their sons, whom Joshua circumcised, because they had been uncircumcised on the journey. It is clear therefore that not all had been so, but only some.
For some of the sons of those coming out of Egypt were uncircumcised among that people, whom Joshua was able to circumcise: namely the sons of those who begot them in the wilderness and neglected to circumcise them, because they were disobedient to the law of God. And so there is no reason why those who think that those who have the sacrament of Christian baptism ought to be rebaptized should think themselves aided by this testimony of the law, since no one man was circumcised twice in number, but a people which had already been circumcised in some, while in others it was still uncircumcised.
And even if it could in some way happen that God commanded a man to be circumcised twice, could they say that this was commanded because those men had been circumcised by the Egyptians, or by some heretics separated from the fellowship of the Israelites? But since it also sufficiently appears why it was said by God, men can find here no patronage for their error. When Joshua saw a man standing over against him with drawn sword, and, upon his answering, said that he was the prince of the host of the power of the Lord, and prostrate on the ground said, 'What do you command your servant?'—it can be asked whether he prostrated himself to the angel and called him lord, or rather, understanding by whom he had been sent, called that very One the Lord and prostrated himself to him.
Now Joshua was, as it is read, in Jericho—not indeed in the city itself, whose walls had not yet fallen (which was soon to happen, so that they might be able to enter into it), but in the field pertaining to it; for the interpretation which is from the Hebrew has it thus.
In that which came to pass, that Achan of the tribe of Judah stole from the accursed thing of the city of Jericho against the commandment of the Lord, and because of his sin the three thousand who had been sent to Ai turned their backs to the enemy, and thirty-six men were slain of them, and the people being gravely terrified, Joshua with the elders prostrated himself before the Lord, and it was answered him that this had come about because the people had sinned; and God even threatened that he would not be with them unless they took away the accursed thing from among themselves; and he who had done it was pointed out and slain, not alone but with all his own:
it is commonly asked how it is just that vengeance be taken upon others for the sins of another, especially since in the law the Lord said that neither fathers should be punished for the sins of their children nor children for the sins of their fathers. Or was that a precept for men who judge, that they should not punish anyone for another? But God's judgments are not of this kind—he who by his deep and invisible counsel knows to what extent he may also extend the temporal punishment of men and a salutary terror. For nothing dire, as far as pertains to the administration of the whole universe, befalls mortals, since those who are at some time going to die die at some time.
And yet among those who fear such things, it is established as a discipline that each one in the people should not care for himself alone, but that they should apply mutual diligence to one another, and as members of one body and one man be solicitous one for another. Nor yet is it to be believed that even in the punishments inflicted after death one can be damned for another; but that this penalty is inflicted only in those matters which were going to have an end, even if they did not end in that manner. At the same time it is also shown how closely bound together is the very universality in the fellowship of a people, so that individuals are reckoned not in themselves alone, but also as parts in a whole.
Therefore, through the sin of one and the death of a few, the whole people was admonished to seek out, as it were in the whole body, what had been committed. At the same time it was also signified how great an evil would come about if that whole congregation had sinned, when not even one could be so judged that the rest could be secure on his account. But indeed, if Achan had been found and apprehended by someone, and, guilty of that crime, had been brought to the judgment of Joshua, it is by no means to be supposed that a human judge would have punished either for him or with him any other who was in no way bound by the fellowship of his deed.
For it was not permitted him to overstep the commandment of the law which was given to men, lest by his own judgment—that which is enjoined or allowed to be exercised by one man upon another—he should suppose that one person ought to be punished for another's sin. But God judges by a far more hidden justice, He who has power even after death, which man cannot, to set free or to destroy. The visible afflictions of men, therefore, or their deaths, since they can both harm and profit those upon whom they are inflicted—the Lord knows, in the secret of His providence, how He justly dispenses them to each, even when He seems to avenge the sins of some upon others.
But the invisible penalties, which only harm and cannot profit, no one pays for another's sins when God is judge, just as, when man is judge, no one ought to pay these visible penalties except for his own fault. For this is what God has commanded man as judge in those matters which pertain to human judgment. But what He Himself does in His own judgment, to that no human power aspires. It is rightly asked why, when the Lord, on account of the man who had committed theft from the devoted thing, had commanded that he who should be pointed out be burned with fire, Joshua rather had him who was pointed out stoned by the people. Was it that he had to die in such a way as Joshua, who followed the Lord more closely, could understand the words of the Lord who commanded? For thus not easily could anyone else have understood.
Hence it is rather to be asked why the Lord called stoning by the name of fire, than to be believed that Joshua did anything other than the Lord had commanded. For neither could anyone have been wiser in understanding the words of the Lord, nor more obedient in carrying them out. Accordingly, Scripture is witness that by the name of fire a punishment could be signified, in Deuteronomy, where it is said to the children of Israel: "And He led you out of the iron furnace, out of Egypt"—where surely He meant harsh tribulation to be understood. Now two reasons occur to me—not that both should hold, but that one or the other of them—why that man was not, together with all that was his, burned with visible fire. For if the Lord judged his sin to be such that, being expiated by that punishment, He would not punish it eternally,
then on account of that very expiation and purgation that punishment fittingly received the name of fire. Nor would anyone be prompted to reach for this understanding if visible fire had properly burned him up; rather each would remain in that which he plainly saw fulfilled, and would seek nothing further. But now, since on account of God's words and Joshua's deed—by whom those words could not be transgressed—it is most rightly said that even stoning was fire, that punishment is elegantly recognized as having purged the man, lest he perish hereafter through that sin. This is signified also by the vessels in Leviticus, which are commanded to be purged by fire.
But if his sin was such that even after this life Gehenna would receive him, then Joshua willed him to be stoned in order that what was said by the Lord, "he shall be burned with fire," might prompt the understanding that this was what the Lord would do, not what was to be done by them. For if the Lord had said, "you shall burn him with fire and all that is his," there would be no room for this sense:
but since it is so put that God rather seems to have foretold what would befall the man than to have commanded what should be done to him by men, Joshua could do no better—he who understood the divine words as so great a prophet, and who even did this very thing prophetically—than to slay him by stones rather than by flames, lest in those fires the words of the Lord should seem fulfilled, which He wished to be understood as spoken for another purpose. Nor should it disturb us that God foretold that not only he himself but also all that was his should be burned with fire. For thus He says: "he shall be burned with fire, and all whatsoever is his."
For "all whatsoever is his" can be understood as his works, which He said were to be burned up together with him—not as the Apostle says of certain works consumed by fire, "but he himself shall be saved"—if this man's sin is to be so understood that he is punished even with eternal fire. Therefore, when the people punished him, they at the same time overwhelmed with stones his sons and daughters together with his cattle and all that he had;
yet Joshua did this not by human judgment but by the prophetic spirit, either understanding "all that is his" in such a way as not to reckon even his sons excepted, applying to them too the penalty of stoning in place of fire; or signifying his works, which after death God was going to burn in him, not only through the rest of the things that were his but also through his sons. Nor indeed should it be believed that they, being innocent of their father's sin, were after death consumed by the punishment of hell-fire. For that death which awaits all, although it comes from the first sin, yet, because we are so born that we must necessarily die, is, when hastened for some, useful. Whence it is read of a certain man: "He was carried off, lest malice should alter his understanding."
By what judgment or mercy of God, then, it was inflicted, whether upon this man's sons or upon those thirty-six men—since all were free from his sin—lies hidden with Him with whom there is no iniquity. But this is plain: that it behoved the people also to search out with terror what had been committed, and the rest feared all the more vehemently to imitate his deed, the more human weakness shudders both at being given over to so great and so just a hatred of the people, and at dying—with his posterity consumed along with him by his own sin—among those whom he had thought to leave behind for the hope of propagating his line.
As to what God commands when speaking to Joshua, that he should set an ambush behind him—that is, warriors lying in wait to ambush the enemy—we are hereby admonished that it is not done unjustly by those who wage a just war; so that a just man ought to consider nothing chiefly in these matters except that he undertake a just war, seeing that it is lawful for him to wage war—for it is not lawful for all. But when he has undertaken a just war, whether he conquers by open battle or by ambush makes no difference to justice. Just wars, moreover, are usually defined as those which avenge injuries, if some nation or city, which is to be assailed by war, has either neglected to punish what was wickedly done by its own people, or to restore what was taken away by injuries.
But this kind of war too is without doubt just which God commands, with whom there is no iniquity and who knows what ought to be done to each. In such a war the commander of the army, or the people itself, is to be judged not so much the author of the war as its minister. Joshua, sending thirty thousand warriors to make war on Ai, says to them: "You shall lie in ambush behind the city, and you shall not be far from the city, and you shall all be ready. And I and all the people who are with me will approach the city. And it shall be, when those who dwell in Ai come out to meet us as before, that we will flee from their face. And when they come out after us, we will draw them away from the city, and they will say: These flee from our face as before."
"But you shall rise up from the ambush and go into the city. According to this word you shall do. Behold, I command you." It is to be asked whether every will to deceive is to be reckoned as a lie, and, if so, whether that lie can be just by which one is deceived who deserves to be deceived; and if not even this lie be found just, it remains that, according to some figurative meaning, this which was done by way of ambush should be referred to the truth.
As to the Gibeonites who came to Joshua with old bread and sacks, that they might be thought, as they had feigned, to have come from a distant land, so that they might be spared—for it had been ordained by the Lord that they should spare no inhabitant of those lands which they were entering—some manuscripts, both Greek and Latin, have: "and taking old sacks upon their shoulders"; but others, which seem more accurate, do not have "upon their shoulders," but "upon their asses." For the similarity of the word in the Greek language made the error easy, and therefore the Latin copies too came to vary; for ōmōn and onōn do not differ much from one another—of which the former is the word for shoulders, the latter for asses.
But "on the asses" is the more credible reading, since they said they had been sent from their distant nation: whence it appears they were envoys, and therefore could carry their necessities on asses rather than on their shoulders. For they could not be many, and Scripture records that they carried not only sacks but also wineskins. It may be asked how the Hebrews could believe that an oath had to be kept to the Gibeonites, to whom they had sworn as though to men coming from a distant land, as those had lied. For they knew that they were to be warred down if it were known to the Hebrews that they dwelt in that land which, once the inhabitants were slain, they were to hold as promised. Since, then, they lied that they had come to them from a distant land, the Israelites swore to them.
But after they learned that they dwelt there, where all whom they found had, according to God's command, to be warred down, they nevertheless would not break their oath; and although they had learned that they had lied, they chose to spare them for the sake of the oath, though they could indeed have said that they had sworn as to such as they had believed them to be, that is, men coming from afar; but when they knew otherwise, the Lord's command concerning them had to be fulfilled, that they should be assailed like the rest. God, however, approved this and was not angry with those who spared them, although they had not inquired of Him who those men were, and therefore the others had been able to deceive them.
Whence they are surely not unfittingly to be believed, even if they wished to deceive men for their own safety, yet not to have deceitfully feared God among His people. For this reason the Lord was not angry with those who swore or those who spared, so that afterward He avenged the Gibeonites themselves, as men of His own people, upon the house of Saul, as the history of Kings shows. And since the oath was thus kept, though toward men who had lied, so that the sentence was bent toward clemency, it did not displease God.
For if, on the contrary, they had sworn to slay certain men whom they had supposed to be Gibeonites in the land of promise, and afterward had learned that these were strangers to that land and had come to them from afar, it is by no means to be thought that they would have warred them down for the sake of fulfilling the oath, since, for the sake of that very clemency of sparing, holy David—even after the words by which he had sworn that he would slay Nabal, and though knowing well whom he had been about to slay—chose rather to spare, judging that it pleased God more not to fulfill the oath in so harsh a matter, if he did not carry out what, disturbed by anger, he had sworn to do by way of harm, than if he had carried it out.
When the Gibeonites, besieged by the kings of the Amorites, had sent to Joshua that he might come to their aid, Scripture thus continues and says: "And Joshua went up from Gilgal, he and all the warrior people with him, everyone mighty in strength. And the Lord said to Joshua: Fear them not; for into your hands I have delivered them: not one of them shall stand before you." Here the Lord was not consulted whether one ought to go to them, but of His own accord He foretold the coming victory to those rightly willing to aid their own. Thus, then, He could—though not consulted—have admonished them concerning the Gibeonites themselves, who they were, since they lied that they were from afar, had not that oath pleased Him, which compelled them to spare their subjects.
For they had believed God, whom they had heard had promised His own people that He would overthrow those nations and take possession of their land; and this faith of theirs He rewarded, in a certain manner, by not delivering them up. It is asked how Adonibezec, king of the city of Jerusalem, and the other four with whom he besieged the Gibeonites, are, according to the Seventy translators, first called kings of the Jebusites when they gathered to besiege them, but afterward kings of the Amorites by the Gibeonites themselves, when they sent messengers to Joshua that he might free them from the siege.
But as we have been able to observe in that translation which is from the Hebrew, in both places they are called Amorites, although it is agreed that the king of the city of Jerusalem was of the Jebusites, since that city itself was called Jebus, as the metropolis of that nation; and Scripture very frequently mentions the seven nations which God promised He would exterminate from before His people, of which one is named that of the Amorites. Unless perhaps this name was universal for all, or rather for the greater part, so that not one but several among these seven were held under this name;
although there was also one among the seven which was properly called that of the Amorites, just as there is a certain part which is properly called Libya, although this name applies to all Africa; and a certain part which is properly called Asia, although some have reckoned Asia to be half the globe of the lands, others a third part of the world. For, as is agreed, the Canaanites too are mentioned as one nation among those seven, and yet that whole land is originally called Canaan. "Joshua left nothing breathing in it, as the Lord commanded Moses His servant, and Moses likewise commanded Joshua; and so Joshua did: he transgressed nothing of all that the Lord had appointed to Moses."
On this account, that cruelty is by no means to be supposed, in that Joshua left no living thing in the cities delivered to him, because God had commanded this. But those who think that hence God Himself was cruel, and on this account are unwilling to believe that the true God was the author of the Old Testament, judge as perversely of the works of God as of the sins of men, not knowing what each deserves to suffer, and reckoning it a great evil when things destined to fall are cast down and mortals die. "And there was no city which was not delivered to the children of Israel." It is asked how this can be true, since neither in the later times of the judges nor in the times of the kings could the Hebrews capture absolutely all the cities of those seven nations.
But either it is to be understood thus, that Joshua approached no city in warfare which he did not capture; or certainly none was uncaptured, but of those which were in the regions mentioned above. For the regions were enumerated in which were the cities concerning which this conclusion was made: "and he captured them all in war." "Because it was done by the Lord to strengthen their heart, that they should go out to meet Israel in battle, so that they might be exterminated, in such wise that mercy should not be given them, but that they should be exterminated, as the Lord said to Moses." This is thus said, "it was done by the Lord to strengthen their heart," that is, to harden their heart, as of Pharaoh.
That this is done justly by a divine and lofty judgment is by no means to be doubted, when God forsakes and the enemy takes possession: which is to be understood in the same way as there also. But here another thing gives pause: how it is said that their heart was strengthened to this end, that they should rise up in war against Israel, and on this account He would not show them mercy; as though mercy were to be shown if they did not make war, whereas God had commanded that none of them be spared, and on this account they had spared the Gibeonites, because, feigning that they had come from a distant land, they had held them to their oath.
But since the Israelites of their own accord showed mercy to certain ones, although against God's command, this is to be understood as said to this effect: that these warred in such a way that they were not spared, nor were the Israelites themselves, neglecting God's command, bent toward mercy by them. This indeed, under the leadership of Joshua, who diligently kept all the divine commands, is not to be believed to have been able to happen. Yet even he would not have destroyed these so quickly, had they not most conspiringly opposed him, and so it could come about that, had they not been warred down by him who took care to fulfill God's commands, they would have remained until that time when they could be spared after the death of Joshua, by those who did not carry out God's commands with such care.
For even while he was still living, they spared certain ones, only subjecting them to their dominion; but some they could not even conquer. Yet these things were not done under his leadership, but when, being now old, he was free from war, only dividing the lands among them, so that they themselves, he now no longer waging war, should hold the divided lands—partly already emptied of the enemy, partly to be captured by fighting. And that they could by no means conquer some was, as will appear from certain passages of the Scriptures, owing opportunely to divine providence. "And Ephraim did not destroy the Canaanite who dwelt in Gezer;"
"and the Canaanite dwelt in Ephraim until this day, until Pharaoh king of Egypt came up and captured the city and burned it with fire, and slew through the Canaanites and Perizzites and those who dwelt in Gezer; and Pharaoh gave it as a dowry to his daughter." As to what is said of Pharaoh the king, I wonder whether we ought to understand it as said prophetically, since this history is believed to have been written in those times in which those events were recent. But what great thing could have been chosen to be said prophetically, when past events are narrated and greater and most necessary future ones are passed over in silence?
Accordingly it is rather to be supposed that the Seventy translators—who by prophetic authority, from their very marvelous agreement, are reported to have translated—added these things, not as foretelling future events, but because they themselves lived in that time in which they remembered that these things had been done and had read them in the books of Kings; for indeed it happened in the times of the kings. This has seemed the more credible to us because we have examined the translation which is from the Hebrew and have not found this there; just as neither that which was said of Jericho, that Hozah, who should have rebuilt it, incurred the curse which Joshua had spoken. For thus it is written: "And Joshua adjured in that day: Cursed be the man who shall raise up and build that city:"
"in his firstborn he shall found it, and in his youngest he shall set up its gates." Thus far it is found in the translation from the Hebrew; but that which follows: "and so did Hozah who was of Bethel; in Abiron his firstborn he founded it, and in the youngest, saved alive, he set up its gates,"—this is not read there. Whence it appears to have been inserted by the Seventy, who knew that it had been done. "And the Amorite remained, dwelling in Elom and in Salamin; and the hand of Ephraim was heavy upon them, and they became tributaries to them." This was now done against the Lord's command, and Joshua was still living, but their leader in those battles was no longer, by reason of old age.
On this account it is said to have been done by the Lord, that the heart of those who together conspired to go into war against Joshua should be strengthened, lest that mercy should be shown them even against God's command, if, remaining unassailed, they should—Joshua growing old or dead—be left to be assailed by the children of Israel, who might spare them against the Lord's command, which he would not do. It is rightly asked, since Israel, not only up to the day of Joshua's death but also afterward, did not root out the nations which held the land of promise—although, these being partly warred down, they settled in the same promised inheritance—how is to be understood what is said:
"And the Lord gave Israel all the land which He had sworn to give to their fathers; and they inherited it and dwelt in it. And the Lord gave them rest round about, as He had sworn to their fathers; not one stood before their face of all their enemies; all their enemies the Lord delivered into their hands. Not one of all the good words which the Lord had spoken to the children of Israel failed; all came to pass." Diligently, therefore, must all things be considered. And first it must be seen of how many nations the land was promised to the Israelites. Seven nations indeed are seen to be continually mentioned, as is read in Exodus: "And the Lord said to Moses:"
"Go, go up from here, you and your people, whom you led out of the land of Egypt, into the land which I swore to Abraham and Isaac and Jacob, saying: To your seed I will give it. And I will at the same time send My angel before your face, and He will cast out the Amorite and the Hittite and the Perizzite and the Girgashite and the Hivite and the Jebusite and the Canaanite." The land, therefore, of these seven nations God is seen to have promised to the fathers. It is written also in Deuteronomy much more expressly: "But if you draw near to a city to assail it, and call them out with peace, if indeed they answer you peaceably and open to you, all the people who shall be found in the city shall be tributaries to you and obedient;"
"but if they do not obey you and make war against you, then you shall besiege it, and the Lord your God will deliver it into your hands, and you shall slay every male of it by the slaughter of the sword, except the women and the household goods; and all the cattle and all whatsoever shall be in the city and all the utensils you shall plunder for yourself; and you shall eat all the plunder of your enemies, whom the Lord your God gives you. So shall you do to all the cities which are very far from you, which are not of the cities of these nations. But behold, of these cities, which the Lord your God gives you to inherit their land, you shall not keep alive anything that breathes, but you shall devote them to destruction with the ban:"
"the Hittite and the Amorite and the Canaanite and the Perizzite and the Hivite and the Jebusite and the Girgashite, as the Lord your God commanded you." And here it is manifest that the land of these seven nations was promised as an inheritance, which the Israelites were to possess when these same nations had been warred down to utter destruction. For the others, which should be found more remotely outside these nations, He willed to become their tributaries, if they did not resist; but if they did resist, that they too should be slain and given over to destruction, except the cattle and what could come as plunder. Likewise in another place in Deuteronomy it is read thus:
"And it shall be, when the Lord your God brings you into the land into which you enter to inherit it, and removes great and many nations from before you—the Hittite and the Girgashite and the Amorite and the Perizzite and the Canaanite and the Hivite and the Jebusite, seven nations great and many and stronger than you—and the Lord your God delivers them into your hands and you strike them, you shall utterly exterminate them. You shall make no covenant with them, nor shall you have mercy on them, nor shall you join in marriage with them; your daughter you shall not give to his son, and his daughter you shall not take for your son," and the rest. Accordingly, by these and other passages of the Scriptures it is often shown that the children of Israel received the lands of these seven nations as an inheritance in such a way,
that they should dwell there not together with those who held those same lands, but in their stead. Yet nevertheless in Genesis not only these seven nations, but eleven, are promised to the seed of Abraham. For thus it is read: "On that day the Lord God disposed a covenant to Abraham, saying: To your seed I will give this land, from the river of Egypt to the great river, the river Euphrates: the Kenites and the Kenizzites and the Kadmonites and the Hittites and the Perizzites and the Rephaim and the Amorites and the Canaanites and the Hivites and the Girgashites and the Jebusites." This question is resolved thus, that we understand this prophecy to have gone before, that Solomon would extend and enlarge his kingdom to those bounds, of whom it is thus written:
"And every purpose of Solomon, which he had determined to build in Jerusalem and in Lebanon and in all the land of his dominion: all the people who were left of the Hittite and the Amorite and the Perizzite and the Hivite and the Jebusite, who were not of Israel, of their sons who remained after them in the land, whom the children of Israel had not consumed, these Solomon subjugated to tribute until this day." Behold, the remnants of the peoples who were to be warred down and altogether destroyed by God's command, Solomon subjugated to tribute—those whom, according to God's command, he ought indeed to have destroyed; yet nevertheless, subjugated as tributaries, they were possessed. But a little after it is read thus:
"And he was ruling over all the kings from the river even to the land of the Philistines and to the borders of Egypt." Behold where was fulfilled what God, speaking to Abraham in Genesis and promising, had foretold. For "from the river" is here understood as "from the Euphrates"; for the great river in those places can be understood even without its proper name being added. Nor can this be taken of the Jordan, since the Israelites had held lands both on this side of the Jordan and beyond the Jordan even before the reign of Solomon. Therefore from the river Euphrates, from the parts of the east, up to the borders of Egypt, which was for them the part on the west, the Scripture of Kings said the kingdom of Solomon was extended. Then, therefore, more was subjugated than those seven nations held;
and by this then were reduced into servitude not seven but eleven nations. For as to what is written in the books of Kings, "even to the borders of Egypt from the river," since the Scripture wished to show from the east to the west how far the kingdom was extended, this same thing in Genesis, when it was defined from the west to the east, was said: "from the river of Egypt to the great river, the river Euphrates." For the river of Egypt, which is the boundary separating the kingdom of Israel from Egypt, is not the Nile, but is another, not great, river which flows through the city of Rhinocorura. Whence, turning now toward the east, the land of promise begins.
Thus, then, it had been appointed for the children of Israel, that they should inhabit the lands of the seven nations, those nations being exterminated and destroyed, but should rule over others, made subject and tributary, up to the river Euphrates. And although in this they had not obeyed God, because even of those whom they ought to have exterminated they had made some obedient, God nevertheless in the times of Solomon fulfilled the faithfulness of His promise. Now, then, in the book of Joshua son of Nun, what we have undertaken to consider, how it will be true: "And the Lord gave Israel all the land which He had sworn to give to their fathers; and they inherited it?" How, while Joshua was still living, did He give all the land, when they had not yet overcome even the remnants of those seven nations? For what follows:
'And they took it for an inheritance' — this is true, because they were there and had settled there. Then what is added: 'And the Lord gave them rest round about, as he had sworn to their fathers' — this is true, because while Joshua was still living the remnants of those nations did not indeed yield to them, yet none of them dared to provoke to war those who had settled in the lands. For this reason it was said, and what is then added: 'Not one stood before their face out of all their enemies.' But what follows: 'But the Lord delivered all their enemies into their hands' — he willed these to be understood as the enemies who dared to go out to meet them in battle. Then what he says: 'There fell not one of all the good words which the Lord had spoken to the children of Israel' —
'they all came to pass' — this is how he wishes it to be understood: that although those men had already acted against the Lord's command by sparing some of those seven nations and making them subject, still these remained safe among them. Therefore, when he had said 'of all the words,' he added 'good,' because the curses appointed for despisers and transgressors had not yet come. It remains, then, that what he says: 'The Lord gave to Israel all the land which he had sworn to give to their fathers' should be understood in this sense: that even though there still remained of those nations some to be crushed and exterminated, or of others as far as the river Euphrates to be either subjugated
if they did not resist, or to be destroyed if they did resist — nevertheless they were left for their use, that in them they might be exercised, lest, being weak through carnal affections and desires, they should be unable to bear so sudden and great a prosperity of temporal things with moderation and to their benefit, but being lifted up should perish the more quickly; this will be shown in due place in another passage. All the land, therefore, was given to them, because even that portion which had not yet been given into their possession had already been given for a certain usefulness of exercise. As to what he says:
'Not one stood before their face out of all their enemies' — it may be asked how this can be true, since it was written earlier concerning the tribe of Dan that their enemies did not permit them to go down into the valley and prevailed against them in the mountains. But what we said — when Scripture had recorded the twelve sons of Jacob as born in Mesopotamia, where Benjamin had not been born — is to be understood here also: that for the whole people eleven tribes are reckoned by that rule which has become sufficiently known to us in other passages of the Scriptures.
But if the reason is asked why this tribe, in the lot which fell to it, did not obtain sufficient lands and was afflicted by those who held them, it must be believed to lie in the secret counsel of God. Yet nevertheless, when Jacob blessed his sons, he said such things concerning this Dan that from that very tribe the Antichrist is thought to be destined to arise; on which we have not undertaken to say more now. This question can also be resolved thus: that 'not one stood before their face out of all their enemies' when they waged war together under the command of a single leader, before the several tribes were assigned their places to be defended. 'And in the sacrifices of our peace-offerings.'
Because 'sacrifices' is said in the plural, 'peace-offerings' also is in the plural. Here it must be more carefully noted how it is customary to say 'sacrifice of salvation,' since, if we take it of Christ — because he himself was called 'the salvation of God' — it does not appear how this word can be understood in the plural: for our Lord Jesus Christ is one. Although 'anointed ones' are spoken of through his grace, as is read in the psalm: 'Touch not my anointed ones'; yet whether they can be called 'saving ones' or 'salvations' is not to be lightly ventured, for he alone is the Saviour of the body. As to what Joshua says concerning his approaching death: 'But I run back the way, as also all who are upon the earth' — in that interpretation which is from the Hebrew we find: 'I go the way.'
Thus, then, is to be understood what the Septuagint said, 'I run back,' just as it was said to man: 'Until you return to the earth from which you were taken,' so that it may be understood as said with reference to the body. But if we should wish to take it with reference to the soul, in the way it is put in Ecclesiastes: 'And the spirit shall return to God who gave it,' I do not think it can be said of all, but of those who have so lived that they deserve to return to God as to the Author by whom they were created. For neither can this be rightly understood of those of whom it is said: 'A spirit going forth and not returning.' But if this holy man Joshua son of Nun had not added: 'as also all who are upon the earth,' there would be no question;
for we would believe nothing else concerning him than what we read him to be worthy of. But since it was added: 'as also all who are upon the earth,' it is remarkable whether this word, which the Latin translator rendered 'I run back,' ought not rather to be rendered 'I run through' or 'I run out,' if this can be said of what the Greek has, apotrechō. For all run through or run out the way of this life when they have come to its end. But because this word was used where Rebecca's parents say to Abraham's servant: 'Behold Rebecca; take her and run back; and let her be wife of your master's son,' therefore here too this word was so translated. As to what the seventy translators have:
'And I took your father Abraham from beyond the river and led him into all the land' — the interpretation which is from the Hebrew has: 'And I brought him into the land of Canaan.' It is remarkable, then, if the Septuagint wished to put 'all the land' for 'the land of Canaan' — unless it was looking to prophecy, so that it might rather be taken, out of God's promise, as though already accomplished, what was most certainly foretold as to come in Christ and in the Church, which is the true seed of Abraham, not in the children of the flesh but in the children of the promise. 'And those who dwelt in Jericho warred against you.' It may be asked how this is true, since with their gates shut they only protected themselves within the circuit of their walls. But it was rightly said, because even to shut one's gates against an enemy pertains to war.
For they did not send envoys to sue for peace. Hence, if it had been said: 'They fought against you,' it would be false. For war does not consist of continual fighting, but sometimes of frequent, sometimes of rare, sometimes of no fighting at all. Yet it is war when there is, in a manner, armed dissension. What is the meaning of this, that among the other things which Joshua son of Nun records the Lord to have done for the Israelites, he says: 'He sent hornets before you and drove them out from your face'? This is also read in the book of Wisdom, and yet nowhere is it found to have actually happened in the things which were done.
Or did he perhaps, using the word 'hornets' figuratively, wish to be understood the sharpest stings of fear, by which — as though by flying rumours — they were goaded so as to flee; or the airy hidden spirits, of which he says in the psalm: 'through evil angels'? Unless perhaps someone should say that not all things which were done have been written down, and that this too was done visibly, so that he would have real hornets understood. What is the meaning of what Joshua said to the people: 'You will not be able to serve the Lord, for God is holy'? Was it because to be in a manner made conformable to his holiness by a perfect service is impossible to human frailty? On hearing this they ought not only to have chosen his service but also to have presumed upon his help and mercy:
which he understood who says in the psalm: 'Enter not into judgment with your servant, for in your sight shall no living man be justified.' But these men chose rather to presume upon themselves, that they could serve God without any offense, so that they might begin even then. This the Apostle expressed concerning them: 'For being ignorant of God's righteousness, and wishing to establish their own, they have not been subject to the righteousness of God.' Thus the law was already entering in among them, so that the offense might abound, and afterwards grace might much more abound through the Lord Christ, who is the end of the law unto righteousness to everyone who believes. What is the meaning of what the same Joshua says, speaking to the people: 'And now put away the strange gods which are among you, and direct your hearts to the Lord God of Israel'?
For it is not to be believed that they still had among them any idols of the nations, since he had earlier praised their obedience; or indeed, if they did have them, that after such threats of the law those prosperous things would follow them, when such vengeance had been taken upon them because one of them had committed theft from the accursed thing. Moreover, Jacob said this to those who had gone out with him from Mesopotamia, where idols were so worshipped that even Rachel stole her father's; but after Jacob's admonition they gave up what they had: whence it appeared that this was said to them in such a way because he who had spoken knew that they had them. But now, after this admonition of Joshua son of Nun, no one produced any such thing. Nor, however, is it to be thought that he gave this command in vain; for he does not say:
'And now put away the strange gods, if there are any among you,' but altogether as one who knows there are such, he says: 'which are among you.' Accordingly the holy prophet discerned that in their hearts there were thoughts of God alien to God, and he admonished that these themselves be put away. For whoever thinks of God such as God is not, certainly carries a strange and false god in his thought. But who is there who thinks of God such as he is?
And by this it remains for the faithful, so long as they journey away from the Lord, to put away from their heart the vain phantasms which rush in and thrust themselves upon those who think, as though God were such or such as he certainly is not, and to direct their heart to him faithfully, so that — in what manner and to what degree he knows to be profitable for us — he may himself make himself known through his Spirit, until every lie is consumed (whence it is said: 'Every man is a liar') and, not only impious falsehood but even the mirror and the riddle itself being done away, we may know face to face, even as we are known, as the Apostle says: 'We see now through a mirror in a riddle, but then face to face; now I know in part, but then I shall know even as I am known.'
'And Joshua made a covenant with the people in that day, and gave them law and judgment in Shiloh before the tabernacle of the Lord God of Israel. And he wrote these words in the book of the laws of God; and Joshua took a great stone and set it up under a terebinth before the Lord. And Joshua said to the people: Behold, this stone shall be to us for a testimony, because it has heard all the things which were said by the Lord, whatever he spoke to you today; and this shall be to you for a testimony in the last days, when you shall have lied to the Lord your God.'
Those who hear these words not merely on the surface but search them out somewhat more deeply ought by no means to think so great a man so foolish as to have believed that a lifeless stone heard the words of God which he spoke to the people; for even if it had been fashioned by a craftsman into the likeness of a man, it would surely be reckoned among those of whom it is sung in the psalm: 'They have ears and shall not hear.' For not only do the nations' idols of gold and silver not hear, but even if they be of stone, do they hear? But through this stone he assuredly signified him who was 'a stone of stumbling' to the unbelieving Jews and 'a rock of offense,' who, when he was rejected by the builders, was made the head of the corner.
Him also that rock prefigured which, being struck with wood, poured forth drink for the thirsting people, of which the Apostle says: 'And they drank of the spiritual rock that followed them; and the rock was Christ.' Hence too this excellent leader circumcised the people with knives of stone; which stone knives were even buried with him, that they might show to posterity a profound mystery to be of profit. So then this stone also, though set up visibly, we ought to receive spiritually as a testimony to come against the unbelieving Jews — that is, the lying ones — of whom the psalm says: 'The enemies of the Lord have lied to him.'
For not without reason, although the servant of God Moses — or rather God through him — had already made a covenant with the people, which was in the ark that is called the ark of the covenant, and although in the books of the law so great a manifold variety of sacraments and precepts had been written, yet here too it was said: 'Joshua made a covenant with the people in that day.' For the repetition of the covenant signifies the new covenant; which Deuteronomy also signifies, which is interpreted 'the second law'; which the tablets renewed, after the former were broken, also signify. For in many ways that had to be signified which in one way was to be fulfilled. And now, as to the stone being set up under a terebinth, this signifies the same as the rod to the rock, that water might flow forth.
For neither here was the stone set up without wood. And it was set 'under' the tree, because he would not have been exalted on the cross unless he had first been subjected in humility; or because at that time, when Joshua son of Nun was doing this, the mystery still had to be kept in shadow. The terebinth wood also exudes a medicinal tear; this tree was placed here by the seventy translators, although according to other translators 'oak' is read. It is indeed remarkable that even in his very last words, in which Joshua the man of God addressed the people, he in no way rebuked them for having spared those nations which the Lord had commanded to be destroyed even to utter extermination with the curse. For thus it is written:
'And it came to pass, after the children of Israel had grown strong, that they made the Canaanites subject, but did not utterly destroy them with destruction.' For at first Scripture testified that they could not do it; but now, after they had prevailed so as to make them obedient, that they did not also utterly destroy them was surely done against the Lord's command — which was done by no one while Joshua led the army. Why, then, did he not rebuke them in his final address, that in this they had neglected the Lord's precepts?
Or was it perhaps because Scripture first said that they could not do it — surely before they had prevailed — that even when they had prevailed they are to be believed to have feared lest, if they should refuse to spare those who were ready to obey, they might drive them out of very desperation to fight the more fiercely against them, and might not be able to overcome them? This human fear, then, the Lord was unwilling to impute to them, even though a certain slight defect of faith appears in it: for if their faith had been strong in them, those things would have followed which followed Joshua himself when he warred. But because there was not so great a faith in them, even when they had prevailed over their adversaries, out of fear they did not dare to fight with them even to their utter destruction.
This fear, as I have said, coming not from malice nor from pride nor from contempt of the Lord's precept, but from weakness of soul, the Lord was unwilling to impute to them, when he spoke to them through the last words of the laws. Whence the Apostle also says: 'Alexander the coppersmith showed me much evil; the Lord will repay him according to his works.' But concerning those who had deserted him in his peril not from malice but from fear, he spoke thus: 'At my first defense no one stood with me, but all forsook me; may it not be imputed to them.' BOOK SEVEN. QUESTIONS ON JUDGES. QUESTION I. At the end of the book of Joshua son of Nun, the narrator briefly extended the history up to the point where the children of Israel turned aside to worship strange gods;
but in this book he returns to the order, telling how the events followed in sequence after the death of Joshua son of Nun. The book, therefore, does not begin from that time when the people slipped away to worship idols, but from earlier interposed times, in which those things were done, after which it comes to that point. 'And it came to pass, after Joshua died, that the children of Israel inquired of the Lord, saying: Who shall go up with us against the Canaanite as leader, to war against him? And the Lord said: Judah shall go up; behold, I have given the land into his hand.' Here it is asked whether some man was called Judah, or whether he so named the tribe itself, as is customary. But those who inquired of the Lord were seeking a leader after the death of Joshua son of Nun:
whence it is thought that the name of a single man is expressed. But because Scripture is not accustomed to name leaders when they are appointed without also recording the origin of their parents, and since it is established that after Joshua the people of Israel had leaders — of whom the first is Othniel son of Kenaz — it is more rightly understood that by the name of Judah the tribe of Judah was signified. For the Lord willed the crushing of the Canaanites to begin from that very tribe. And when the people had inquired about a leader, the Lord's response availed to this, that they might know God did not will war to be waged against the Canaanites by the whole people. He said, therefore: 'Judah shall go up.' And Scripture follows, narrating: 'And Judah said to Simeon his brother' — namely, tribe to tribe.
For those sons of Jacob who were called Judah and Simeon, named among their other brothers by their proper names, were no longer living; but the tribe of Judah said to the tribe of Simeon: 'Go up with me into my lot, and let us war against the Canaanite, and I too will go with you into your lot.' It is clear that the tribe of Judah asked the help of another tribe for itself, which it would repay when those too began to have need in their own lot. 'And Caleb said: Whoever shall strike the City of Letters and take it first, to him I will give my daughter Achsah for a wife.' This was already recorded in the book of Joshua son of Nun; but whether it was done while Joshua was living and is now repeated by recapitulation, or after his death — since it was said:
'Judah shall go up,' and Judah began to make war on the Canaanites, in which war all these things are narrated to have been done — this is rightly asked. But it is more credible that it was done after Joshua's death, and there recorded by prolepsis, that is, by anticipation, as also other things. For now, when the deeds done against the Canaanites by the tribe of Judah were being set forth, the order of the narrative thus holds together, among the other warlike deeds of Judah, concerning whom after Joshua's death the Lord had said: 'Judah shall go up.' 'And afterwards the children of Judah went down to fight against the Canaanite who dwelt in the hill country and the south and the lowland.'
'And Judah went against the Canaanite who dwelt in Hebron, and Hebron came out to meet him — now the name of Hebron before was Kiriath-arba (Sepher) — and he struck Sheshai and Ahiman and Talmai, the sons of Anak. And they went up thence to those who dwelt in Debir. Now the name of Debir before was City of Letters. And Caleb said: Whoever shall strike the City of Letters and take it first, to him I will give my daughter Achsah for a wife.' It is established, then, from this so clear an order of the events that were done, that this took place after Joshua's death. But then, when the cities given to Caleb himself were being recorded, the narrator, advancing as occasion offered, anticipated what was done afterwards.
Yet I think it was not without purpose that Scripture wished to record twice this matter of Caleb's daughter given as a reward to the victor. Another question arises concerning Caleb's daughter, because in the book of Joshua son of Nun it is said of her thus: 'And it came to pass, as she was going in, that she took counsel with him, saying: I will ask my father for a field; and she cried out from the ass,' and so on, where she asks a field of her father and it is granted; but here it says: 'And it came to pass, as he was going in, Othniel urged her to ask a field of her father.' But in that it was there said, 'as she was going in,' and here it is said, 'as he was going in,' there is nothing contrary; for they were going in on the road together. As to what was there said:
'She took counsel with him' — that is, with her husband — 'saying: I will ask my father for a field; and she cried out from the ass,' and she asks — in that she took counsel there she was urged to ask: of which the one was said there, the other here. Both, however, might thus be stated: 'And she took counsel with him, saying: I will ask my father for a field; and he urged her. And she cried out from the ass.' Moreover, whereas there she is reported to have asked a field, and the name of that field is not passed over in silence, here, when she had been urged by her husband to ask a field, she is said to have asked, not a field, 'crying out from the beast of burden' — which was there said 'from the ass' — but the redemption of water, because she had been given over into the land of the south; and Scripture added:
'And Caleb gave her, according to her heart, the redemption of the high places and the redemption of the low places' — what this means is obscure; unless perhaps the field itself was asked for this reason, that she might have from its fruits wherewith to redeem water, of which there was scarcity in those regions to which she was being led as a bride. But 'Caleb gave her the redemption of the high places and the redemption of the low places' — I do not see what we should understand except 'of the streams,' of the high places evidently in the hill country, of the low places in the plains or in the valleys. 'And Judah did not inherit Gaza and its border, and Ashkelon and its border, and Ekron and its border, and Ashdod and its adjacent parts. And the Lord was with Judah.'
'And he inherited the mountain, because he could not inherit those who dwelt in the valley, because Rechab withstood them, and they had iron chariots.' When in the book of Joshua son of Nun I was treating that passage where it is written: 'And the Lord gave to Israel all the land,' although they did not yet possess many parts of it, I said that 'all the land was given' can be understood thus, because that which was not given into possession was given for a certain usefulness of exercise: this appears here much more evidently, since the cities which Judah did not inherit are recorded, and it is said: 'And the Lord was with Judah. And he inherited the mountain, because they could not inherit those who dwelt in the valley.'
For who does not understand that this very thing also pertained to that, that the Lord was with Judah, lest by suddenly obtaining everything he should be lifted up? For what he adds: 'because Rechab withstood them, and they had iron chariots' — which chariots he feared, it was said: not the Lord who was in Judah, but Judah himself. But if it is asked why he feared, with whom the Lord was, this is what must be prudently understood: that God, being propitious, checks even in the hearts of his own the excesses of too much prosperity, so that he may turn enemies to their use, not only when the enemies are conquered but also when they are feared — the one to commend his own bounty, the other to repress their exaltation.
For surely the enemy of the saints is the angel of Satan, whom nevertheless the Apostle says was given to him to buffet him, lest he should be exalted by the greatness of the revelations. 'And they gave Hebron to Caleb, as Moses had spoken; and he inherited thence the three cities of the sons of Anak, and took away thence the three sons of Anak.' This was already said in the book of Joshua son of Nun, since it was done while he was living; but here it is recorded by recapitulation, when Scripture was speaking of the tribe of Judah, from which Caleb was. It is asked how it was said: 'And the children of Benjamin did not inherit the Jebusite dwelling in Jerusalem;'
'and the Jebusite dwelt with the children of Benjamin in Jerusalem until this present day,' when earlier it is read that the same city was captured and burned by Judah, the Jebusites in it having been slain. But it must be recognized that this city was common to two tribes, Judah and Benjamin, as the very division of the lands shows, which was made by Joshua son of Nun. For it is the same Jebus which is Jerusalem. Therefore these two tribes remained by the temple of the Lord, when the others — except Levi, which was priestly and did not receive lands in the division — separated themselves from the kingdom of Judah with Jeroboam.
It is to be understood, then, that the city was indeed captured by Judah and burned, those being slain who were found there, but that not all the Jebusites were destroyed — either because they were outside that city, or because they were able to flee: and that the remaining Jebusites were admitted by the children of Benjamin — with whom, together with Judah, that city was common — to dwell there together. Therefore what was said, 'the children of Benjamin did not inherit the Jebusite,' is to be understood to mean that they could not, or would not, make them tributaries. Or certainly 'he did not inherit the Jebusite' was said because he did not hold, without him, the land which was possessed by him. 'And Manasseh did not inherit Beth-shan, which is the city of the Scythians.' This is today said to be called Scythopolis.
But it may cause perplexity how in those parts, so far different from Scythia, there could be a city of the Scythians. But similarly it may cause perplexity how, so far from Macedonia, Alexander the Macedonian founded the city of Alexandria — which indeed he did by waging war far and wide. So too, when the Scythians at some time advanced far in warfare, they were able to found this city. For it is read in the history of the nations that the Scythians at one time held almost all of Asia, when those who had of their own accord declared war upon them went out to meet the king of the Egyptians, at whose coming he, being terrified, withdrew into his own kingdom. 'And Manasseh did not inherit Beth-shan, which is the city of the Scythians, nor its daughters.'
By 'its daughters' he means the cities which it, as a mother-city, had established. 'And it came to pass, when Israel prevailed, that they put the Canaanite to tribute, and driving out did not drive him out.' Something of this kind was already said in the book of Joshua son of Nun in almost the same words. Accordingly, either it is said here by recapitulation, or it was said there by prolepsis — that is, either here by recounting again, or there by anticipating. 'And the Amorite pressed hard upon the children of Dan in the mountain, because he did not permit them to go down into the valley.' This too likewise was either recorded in the book of Joshua son of Nun by anticipation, or here by recapitulation. 'And the angel of the Lord went up over Clauthmon (the Place of Weeping).' The writer of the book called the place by this name because he wrote afterwards;
for when the angel of the Lord went up over it, it was not yet so called. It received its name indeed from weeping, because in Greek klauthmos means 'weeping.' For there the people wept, when they had heard from this angel the words of the Lord taking vengeance upon them, because they had been disobedient, in that they had not exterminated the peoples according to his command — the peoples over whom they prevailed — choosing rather to make them tributaries than to slay and destroy them, as the Lord had commanded.
And whether they did this from contempt of God's command or from fear, lest they should force the enemy to fight the more fiercely against them for the obtaining of their own safety than for the not-paying of tribute, without doubt they sinned — either by spurning what was divinely commanded, or by not presuming that he who had commanded could help them. And this the Lord was unwilling to say to them through Joshua — if indeed it had already been commanded to be done while he was yet living, and had not rather been recorded by anticipation as beginning to be done after his death — because he willed to reproach all with this through the angel; but not yet had all done it while Joshua was living, even if perhaps some had already begun.
It is nonetheless more credible that nothing of the sort began to happen while Joshua was alive, and that under him the children of Israel held only as much land as sufficed for them to settle in, although within their allotted portions they had ground where, by growing and gaining strength, they might yet drive out their adversaries. Accordingly, after the death of Joshua, once they had prevailed so that they were able to do this, they chose rather to keep them as tributaries according to their own will than to slay and destroy them according to the will of God; and it was on this account that an angel was sent to rebuke them.
But as for what is recorded in the book of Joshua, I rather think it was recorded by way of anticipation — something which, if that book was written by the very Joshua who is so named, he already knew by the prophetic Spirit would come to pass after his death; or, if it was written by another, that writer already knew had come to pass after Joshua's death, and recorded it in that book by way of anticipation. What is the meaning of the angel of the Lord saying, among other words of divine threatening: 'I will no longer bring across the people whom I said I would cast out; I will not take them away from before your face; and they shall be to you distresses, and their gods shall be to you a stumbling-block' — save that we are to understand that certain sins also come from the anger of God?
For that the gods of the nations, among whom the Israelites chose to dwell rather than to have them exterminated, should be to them a stumbling-block — that is, should cause them to be scandalized in the Lord their God, and to live in a manner offensive to him — this is what God, indignant, threatened; and it is surely manifest that this is a great sin. 'And Joshua dismissed the people; and the children of Israel departed, each one to his own house, and each one to his inheritance, to inherit the land.' There is no doubt that this is repeated by way of recapitulation. For the death of Joshua himself is also mentioned in this book, so that all things may be briefly set forth as from the beginning — from the time when the Lord gave them the land, and how they lived under those same judges, and what things they suffered;
and then the narrative returns again to the order of those very judges, beginning from him who was first appointed. 'And there arose another generation after them, who knew not the Lord nor the works which he had done for Israel.' It explained in what sense it said 'they knew not the Lord' — namely, in those illustrious and marvellous works by which it had been brought about, in the sight of their forefathers, that Israel should know the Lord. 'And they served Baal and the Astartes.' It is commonly said that Baal is the name among the peoples of those parts for Jupiter, and Astarte for Juno, which the Punic tongue too is thought to show. For the Punic people seem to say 'Baal' for 'lord'; whence 'Baalsamen' they are understood to say for 'lord of heaven,' since 'Samen' among them is the name for the heavens. Juno, without doubt, is called Astarte by them.
And since these languages do not differ much from one another, it is rightly believed that Scripture here says of the children of Israel that they served Baal and the Astartes, meaning Jupiter and the Junos. Nor need it disturb us that it did not say 'Astarte,' that is, Juno, but, as though there were many Junos, set down this name in the plural. For it wished the sense to be referred to the multitude of images, since each single image of Juno was called a Juno; and thus it meant that there were understood to be as many Junos as there were images. But I think the reason for the variation was that it wished to mention Jupiter in the singular and the Junos in the plural; for by the same reason of the plurality of images, the Jupiters too might be spoken of in the plural.
This, that is, the plural name 'Junos,' we find in the Greek copies according to the Septuagint, but in the Latin ones it stood in the singular. Among these, in that copy which did not have the Septuagint translation but was from the Hebrew, we read 'Astaroth,' and not 'Baal' but 'Baalim.' But if perchance in the Hebrew or Syriac tongue these names signify something else, it is nonetheless established that they were other gods, and false ones, whom Israel ought not to have served. 'And he sold them into the hand of their enemies round about.' It is often asked why it said 'he sold,' as though some price were understood to have been given. But in the Psalm too it is read: 'Thou hast sold thy people without price'; and in the prophet: 'Ye were sold for nothing, and ye shall not be redeemed with silver.'
Why then 'sold,' if 'for nothing' and 'without price,' and not rather 'given away'? Or is it perhaps a manner of speaking in the Scriptures, so that even one who is given away may be said to be 'sold'? But the best sense here lies in what was said, 'Ye were sold for nothing,' and, 'Thou hast sold thy people without price': namely, because those to whom thou didst hand over the people were impious, and did not, by worshipping God, deserve to have that people handed over to them, so that the very worship should be regarded as a price. But as for what was said, 'Neither shall ye be redeemed with silver,' it did not say 'nor with a price,' but 'nor with silver,' that we may understand the price of redemption to be such as the apostle Peter speaks of: 'For ye were not redeemed with silver and gold, but with the precious blood, as of a lamb without blemish.'
For by 'silver' the prophet signified all money, when he said 'Ye shall not be redeemed with silver,' since indeed they were to be redeemed by the price of the blood of Christ, yet not by a monetary price. As to what the Lord says: 'And I also will not go on to take away a man from before them, of the nations which Joshua the son of Nun left; and he left them to try Israel by them, whether they observe the way of the Lord to walk in it, as their fathers kept it, or not. And the Lord left these nations, so as not to take them away swiftly, and delivered them not into the hand of Joshua' — the reason is sufficiently shown why Joshua did not destroy all those nations by warfare: because, if this were done, there would be none in whom these people might be tested.
But these nations could serve to their advantage, if, when tested by them, they were not found reprobate; and once found to be such as the Lord had commanded them to be, then those nations would be taken away from before them — provided they lived thus, and there would be no need for them to be exercised by wars. For the words of the Lord are to be taken only thus far: 'Because this people has forsaken my covenant so greatly, which I commanded their fathers, and have not obeyed my voice, I also will not go on to take away a man from before them' — that is, an adversary. But the remaining words are the writer's, explaining in what sense the Lord said that he would not take away a man from the nations which Joshua the son of Nun left.
Then, adding for what cause he had left them, he says: 'and he left them to try Israel by them, whether they observe the way of the Lord to walk in it, as their fathers kept it, or not' — wishing us to understand that the fathers had kept the way of the Lord, those namely who were with Joshua, that is, at the time when he was alive. For above he related that another generation had arisen after those who lived with Joshua, and that from these had begun the transgressions which offended the Lord: for the trying, that is, the testing, of whom the nations had been left and not exterminated through Joshua. Then, lest it should be thought that Joshua had done this by his own counsel as though a human one, namely that those nations should be left, Scripture adds:
'And the Lord left these nations, so as not to take them away swiftly; and he delivered them not into the hand of Joshua.' Then it follows: 'And these are the nations which Joshua left, to try Israel by them, all who had not known all the wars of Canaan, but to teach the generations of the children of Israel war.' This, then, was the reason in their testing, that they might learn to make war — that is, that they might make war with as great piety and obedience to the law of God as their fathers, who pleased the Lord God even in warring — not because war is anything to be desired, but because piety is praiseworthy even in war. And as to what follows:
'but those who before them had not known them' — what else does it mean us to understand but the nations, whom those who lived before these had not come to know by warring, for the trying, that is, the testing, of whom they were left? Then, recounting what they are, it says: 'the five satrapies of the foreigners,' which it sets forth more plainly in the books of Kingdoms. Now they are called 'satrapies' as being small kingdoms, over which satraps presided: which name in those parts is, or was, a mark of a certain honour. 'And every Canaanite,' it says, 'and Sidonian, and Hivite dwelling in Lebanon, from Mount Hermon as far as Lebo-hamath. And it came to pass, that Israel was tried by them' — as though it said: this came to pass, that Israel might be tried by them, to know whether they would hearken to the commandments of the Lord;
not that God, the knower of all things, including things to come, might know, but that they themselves might know, and by their own conscience either glory or be convicted, whether they would hearken to the commandments of the Lord, which he commanded their fathers by the hand of Moses. Since therefore it had been made manifest to themselves that they had not obeyed God in the matter of these nations, which had been left for their trying — that is, for their exercising and testing — for this reason God said either those things in which an angel was openly sent and spoke more expressly, or a little before, where he says: 'Because this people has forsaken my covenant so greatly, which I commanded their fathers, and have not obeyed my voice, I also will not go on to take away a man from before them.'
But it was said in Deuteronomy, in the person of God speaking about these adversary nations: 'I will not cast them out in one year, lest the land become desert and the wild beasts be multiplied against thee; little by little I will cast them out, until ye be multiplied and increase and inherit the land.' The Lord could have kept this promise of his toward the obedient, so that the extermination of those nations should take place as the Israelite portions grew, since their multitude would not suffer the lands, from which the adversaries were being exterminated, to be desert. But as for what he says, 'lest the wild beasts be multiplied against thee,' it would be no wonder if he meant to be understood, in a certain manner, the bestial desires and lusts, which are wont to arise from the sudden success of earthly prosperity.
For God was not able to exterminate men and yet unable either to destroy the beasts, or rather to not permit them to be born. 'And the Lord raised up a saviour for Israel, and he saved them.' Then, as though it were asked what saviour, it says, 'Othniel the son of Kenaz.' For we ought here to take it as an accusative case, as though it were said 'Othniel.' Now it is to be noted that it calls a saviour even a man, through whom God brings salvation. For 'the children of Israel cried unto the Lord; and the Lord raised up a saviour for Israel, and he saved them, Othniel the son of Kenaz, the younger brother of Caleb himself, and he heard them.'
Now among those figures which are called 'hyperbata,' this is a rare kind, since it also has that which the Greeks call 'hysteroproteron' (the latter placed first). For what it says afterward, 'and he heard them,' if it be placed first, the discourse becomes clearer. For the order is: 'And the children of Israel cried unto the Lord, and he heard them, and the Lord raised up a saviour for Israel.' Then what is here interposed, 'and he saved them,' and afterward said, 'Othniel' — as though 'Othniel (accusative)' — 'the son of Kenaz': if it were so said, it would become plainer: 'And the Lord raised up a saviour for Israel, Othniel the son of Kenaz, and he saved them.' Scripture testifies that the land of promise rested from wars for forty years under Othniel the judge:
as long a period of peace as the beginnings of the Roman empire were able to enjoy under Numa Pompilius, and under him alone as king. It may be asked whether Ehud the judge lied when he slew Eglon, king of Moab. For when, being alone, he lay in wait for the man who was alone, that he might strike him, he said this to him: 'I have a secret word for thee, O king,' that Eglon might remove from himself all who had been with him. And when this had been done, Ehud again said: 'I have a word of God for thee, O king.' But this may not be a lie, since Scripture is wont to call even a deed by the name of 'word'; and in truth it was so. But as for what he said,
'a word of God' — it is to be understood that God had commanded him to do this, God who had raised him up as a saviour for his people, just as in those times such things ought divinely to come about. It is rightly asked how King Eglon was 'very lean' and yet 'the fat closed over the wound' when he was struck. But it is to be understood as said by that manner of speaking which is wont to be understood by its contrary; as a grove (lucus) is so called because it least shines (luceat), and one is answered that a thing 'abounds' which does not exist, and 'he blessed the king' is said for 'he cursed,' as it is written in the book of Kingdoms concerning Naboth. For in that translation which is not according to the Septuagint but from the Hebrew, we find it thus: 'Now Eglon was exceedingly fat.'
'And Ehud went out to the porch, and passed by the guards, and shut the doors of the upper chamber upon him, and made it fast.' This is said by way of recapitulation, having been passed over. For it is to be understood that he did this first, and thus came down from the upper chambers and passed by the guards. How the servants of King Eglon opened with a key what Ehud had not locked with a key may cause perplexity; or, if he had locked it with a key, how he did not carry it away with him, so that they could not open it with a key either. Accordingly, either another key was brought, or it was such a kind of fastening as could be shut without a key and yet not be opened without a key. For there are some such things, like those that are called 'bolted.'
Under the judge Ehud, Israel had peace in the land of promise for eighty years — double, that is, the time that was memorable among the Romans under King Numa Pompilius. 'And after him arose Shamgar the son of Anath, and he smote of the foreigners six hundred men, besides the calves of the oxen, and saved Israel.' How, after Ehud, this man fought for Israel and is said to have saved Israel may be a question; for they had not again been taken captive nor bound under the yoke of servitude. But it is to be understood that 'he saved' was so said, not because the enemy did any harm, but lest he be permitted to do harm: whom we are to believe he began to make trial of by war, and who was driven off by this man's victory. But what he means by adding 'besides the calves of the oxen' is obscure.
Did he perhaps also make a slaughter of the oxen in fighting, and so it is said that he slew six hundred men besides that which he did in the killing of the cattle? But why 'calves'? Or is it a custom of Greek speech to call even those 'calves' which are full-grown? For it is reported that people commonly speak thus in Egypt, just as among us the chickens (pulli) of a hen of any age are so called. But the translation from the Hebrew does not have 'besides the calves of the oxen,' as does this one which is according to the Septuagint; just as the one from the Hebrew has 'having slain six hundred men with a ploughshare,' which this one does not have. What is the meaning of Barak's answer to Deborah when he says:
'If thou wilt go, I will go; and if thou wilt not go with me, I will not go, for I know not the day on which the Lord prospereth the angel with me' — as though he could not have heard the day from the prophetess? Nor did she answer him the day, but she went with him. And what is 'the Lord prospereth the angel with me'? Is it here shown that the acts even of angels are prospered, that is, are aided by the Lord, so that they turn out happily? Or is it a manner of speaking, 'he prospereth the angel with me,' that is, 'he maketh prosperous things with me through the angel'? 'And the Lord terrified Sisera and all his chariots.' Behold how Scripture commends that God works in hearts, to give to matters the outcome which he has appointed. For assuredly he terrified, or struck with amazement, Sisera, so as to deliver him up.
Where Jael, the woman who slew Sisera, had spoken to Barak who was seeking him, it is written of that same Barak that 'he entered in unto her': it is to be observed that it does not follow that, when Scripture says of a man that 'he entered in unto some woman,' it is therefore to be believed that he also lay with her. For Scripture continually speaks thus, 'he entered in unto her,' meaning nothing to be understood except that he had intercourse with her. Here, therefore, it is said properly, 'he entered in unto her,' that is, he entered into her house, not so that intercourse should be understood by these words. In the song of Deborah it is said: 'They that dwelt in Israel failed, they failed, until Deborah arose, until a mother arose in Israel. They chose new gods like barley bread;
then they took by storm the cities of the princes.' Here the intermixed order of the words causes obscurity and raises a question. For how is it to be understood: 'They chose new gods like barley bread; then they took by storm the cities of the princes'? — as though God favoured them for storming the cities of the princes at the time when they chose new gods like barley bread. But in other passages of the Scriptures we have already often learned how hyperbata come about, by whose setting-straight, when the words return to their order, the sense is made plain. This, therefore, is the order: 'They that dwelt in Israel failed, they failed; they chose new gods like barley bread, until Deborah arose, until a mother arose in Israel; then they took by storm the cities of the princes.'
It may be asked how it was said, 'They chose new gods like barley bread,' since barley bread, although it is to be rejected in comparison with wheaten bread, nevertheless itself also nourishes and is a life-giving food; whereas the new gods, whom those who fell away from the living God are said to have chosen, cannot be reckoned among the nourishments of the soul, but rather among the poisons.
Or is the comparison to be taken only so far as it holds good, so that it is understood to have been said for this reason alone: because, just as it often happens through fastidiousness that things to be chosen are rejected and things to be spurned give delight, so, by the fault of a depraved will as by the languor of loathing — although their God was the true God — they chose in false gods nothing else but novelty, truth being scorned; and thus they chose deadly food as though it were barley bread, not thinking they would perish thereby, but that they would even take from it life, as from harmless though baser fare? The comparison, therefore, is set down according to their opinion and the languor of their mind, not according to the truth. For those new gods are to be compared with no life-giving foods.
'And it came to pass, when the children of Israel cried unto the Lord because of Midian, that the Lord sent a man, a prophet, unto the children of Israel, and said unto them.' Why the name of this prophet is not given — which is very unusual in the Scriptures — the cause is hidden; yet I do not think it is none. But because, after the words with which he reproached the people for their disobedience, Scripture goes on to say, 'And the angel of the Lord came, and sat under the oak which was in Ophrah,' it is not absurdly understood that this angel was signified by the name of a man, so that, after he had spoken these words, he came to the aforesaid oak and there sat down.
For it is well known that angels are wont to be called by the name of men; although it does not readily or evidently occur to us that one who was an angel was called a prophet, whereas we do read that one who was a prophet was called an angel. But if the prophetic sayings of angels are well known — that is, those by which they foretold things to come — why can an angel not be named by the name of prophet? Yet, as I have said, express and manifest testimony on this matter does not present itself. As to what the angel says to Gideon, 'The Lord is with thee, mighty in strength,' it is the nominative case, not the vocative; that is, 'The Lord mighty is with thee,' not 'thou mighty one.' It is to be observed that the angel spoke, as it were, out of the Lord's authority, 'Have I not, behold, sent thee?' when he was speaking to Gideon.
For who sent him, save he who sent the angel to him? But Deborah did not say to Barak, 'Have I not commanded thee?' but she said, 'Hath not the Lord God of Israel commanded thee?' Here, however, it is not said, 'Behold, hath not the Lord sent thee?' but, 'Behold, have I not sent thee?' Where Gideon answers the angel, 'In me, Lord' — that is, 'attend to me' — 'wherewith shall I save Israel? behold, my thousand are the humbler ones in Manasseh?' — it is understood that he had been set over a thousand men, whom Scripture in Greek calls 'chiliarch.' Or is it something else? It is to be noted that Gideon did not say to the angel, 'I will offer thee a sacrifice,' but he said, 'I will offer my sacrifice and set it before thee.' Whence it is to be understood that he wished to offer the sacrifice not to the angel, but through the angel.
And the angel himself plainly showed this, who did not take the sacrifice from him as though for himself, but said to him: 'Take the flesh and the unleavened cakes and lay them upon that rock, and pour out the broth.' And when Gideon had done this, the angel of the Lord stretched forth the top of the staff which was in his hand, and touched the flesh and the unleavened cakes; and fire was kindled from the rock and consumed the flesh and the unleavened cakes. Thus the angel himself, in the sacrifice which Gideon offered, fulfilled the office of a minister; for a human minister, as a man, would have applied fire without a miracle, which this one, as an angel, applied miraculously. Finally, then Gideon knew that it was the angel of the Lord; for Scripture immediately subjoined this: 'And Gideon saw that it was the angel of the Lord.'
For at first he was speaking as though with a man — a man of God, however, whom he believed him to be — so that he wished to offer sacrifice before him, as though he were to be aided by the presence of his holiness. It may be asked why Gideon dared to offer sacrifice to God apart from the place where God had commanded. For God had forbidden that sacrifice be offered to him apart from his tabernacle — the tabernacle to which the temple afterward succeeded. But at the time when Gideon lived, the tabernacle of God was in Shiloh; and therefore there only could sacrifice lawfully be offered. But it is to be understood that he had at first thought that angel to be a prophet, and had consulted him as though a man of God about offering sacrifice: which, if he had forbidden it, it would assuredly not have been done;
but since he approved and gave assent that it should be done, Gideon in doing it followed the authority of God. For God so established those lawful ordinances that he gave the laws not to himself but to men. Whence whatever he himself commanded beyond those ordinances is to be understood as fulfilled not by transgressors, but rather by the pious and obedient: as Abraham in the matter of sacrificing his son. For thus also Elijah sacrificed outside the tabernacle of the Lord, to confound the priests of the idols: which he is to be understood to have done by the command of the Lord, who ordered him to do it as a prophet, by revelation and inspiration.
Although so great a custom of sacrificing apart from the tabernacle had grown up that even Solomon is found to have sacrificed in the high places, nor was his sacrifice rejected. And yet those kings are marked out who, among their praiseworthy works, did not destroy the high places, where contrary to the law of God the people had been accustomed to sacrifice; and he who did destroy them is praised with greater commendation. Thus God endured rather than forbade the custom of his people, whereby they nevertheless offered, apart from his tabernacle, not to strange gods but to the Lord their God, even so hearing those who offered. But as to this which Gideon did, who does not understand that it was brought about through the angel so that it might be done prophetically, in which prophecy that rock might be commended?
To that rock, indeed, no sacrifice was offered, but from it fire is recorded to have gone forth, by which the sacrifice was consumed. For whether by the water which the smitten rock poured forth in the desert, or by fire, the gift of the Holy Spirit is signified, which the Lord Christ most richly poured out upon us. For in the Gospel too this gift is signified by water, where the Lord himself says: 'If any man thirst, let him come and drink. He that believeth in me, as the Scripture saith, out of his belly shall flow rivers of living water'; where the evangelist subjoined: 'But this he spake of the Spirit which they that believed in him should receive.' It is signified also by fire, where, when he came upon the assembled ones, it is read:
'There appeared unto them cloven tongues, as it were of fire, which also sat upon each one of them'; and the Lord himself says: 'I am come to send fire upon the earth.' 'And the number of those who lapped with their hand, with their tongue, was three hundred men.' Most of the Latin codices do not have 'with their hand,' but only 'with their tongue,' since they thus understood what was said above, 'like dogs'; but the Greek has both, 'with their hand, with their tongue,' so that it may be understood that they threw with their hand the water they had snatched into their mouth. And this was like dogs drinking, which do not draw the water they drink with the mouth applied, as oxen do, but snatch it with the tongue into the mouth — as these men also are understood to have done, yet while throwing the water with the hand into the mouth, which they caught with the tongue.
For the translation from the Hebrew too has this more plainly in these words: 'And so the number of those who had lapped water, throwing it with the hand into the mouth, was three hundred men.' For men are not wont to drink in such a way that, without the work of the hand, the tongue draws up water as dogs do; nor indeed had these men been commanded to do this. But when they had come down to the water to drink, many drank with the knee fixed, which was done more easily and with less labour; but a few, because they did not bend the knee, stooped down, as dogs drink, but with the water thrown by the hand into the mouth. Whose number, because they were three hundred, insinuates the sign of the cross, on account of the Greek letter T (tau), by which this number is signified.
By which it was also prefigured that the gentiles rather would come to believe in the Crucified — because it is a Greek letter. Whence the apostle signifies all the gentiles by the name of the Greeks, when he says, 'to the Jew first, and to the Greek,' and 'to Jews and Greeks,' often mentioning thus the circumcision and the uncircumcision, because among the tongues of the gentiles the Greek so excels that by it all are fittingly signified. This number is also to be observed in Abraham's home-born servants, through whom he freed his brother from the enemies, when Melchizedek blessed him in a great mystery. For that there are eighteen over and above there — for they are recorded to have been three hundred and eighteen — seems to me to have signified at what time also it should come to pass, that is, in the third age, which was to be under grace.
For the first age is before the law, the second under the law, the third under grace. But the several ages are signified by the number six, on account of perfection; for three sixes are eighteen. Whence also that woman had been eighteen years in her infirmity, whom the Saviour, when he had found her bowed down, raised up and loosed from the bond of the devil, as the Gospel indicates. For that these men were tested in such a way, through whom Gideon should conquer, that they were said to be like dogs in drinking, signifies that the Lord chose the contemptible and ignoble things; for a dog is held in contempt. Whence he says, 'It is not good to take the bread of the children and to cast it to dogs'; and David, to cast himself down as though contemptible, called himself a dog, speaking to Saul.
What is the meaning of what is written concerning Gideon: 'He himself went down, and Phurah his servant, into the part of the fifty who were in the camp'? — which certain Latin codices have as 'into that part in which were the fifty guards in the camp,' but others as 'into the fiftieth part in the camp'; for the obscure wording has produced several opinions of the translators. But either that was a part of the camp which fifty guards were keeping, or, if we are to understand fifty guarding on every side, these men went down into one part where there were fifty.
As for the fact that the man who told his neighbour the dream — which Gideon heard, that he might be confirmed concerning the future victory — said that he had seen a cake of barley bread rolling in the camp and striking the tent of Midian and overturning it, I judge this to be understood in the same way as the matter of the dogs: because through the contemptible things of the world — which the cake of barley bread signifies — the Saviour was to confound the proud. As for the fact that Gideon commanded to be cried out by his three hundred, 'A sword for the Lord and for Gideon' — that is, 'for this Gideon' — this signifies that the sword was to work that which should please the Lord and Gideon. It is commonly asked what an 'ephud' or 'ephod' is.
Now if indeed this ephod is a priestly vestment, as most say, or rather an over-garment—which in Greek is called endyma, or epomis, which in Latin can better be rendered 'that which is worn over the shoulders'—then it rightly raises the question how Gideon made it out of so great a quantity of gold. For it is written thus: 'And the weight of the golden earrings which he had requested was a thousand seven hundred shekels of gold, besides the bracelets and the collars and the purple coverings which were upon the kings of Midian, besides the collars which were on the necks of their camels. And Gideon made it into an ephod and set it up in his own city, in Ophrah. And all Israel went a-whoring after it there, and it became a stumbling-block to Gideon and to his house.'
How then could this vestment be made from so great a quantity of gold? For the mother of Samuel too, as we read, made for her son an 'ephud bar,' which some have interpreted as 'a linen ephod,' when she gave him to the Lord to be reared in the temple; and here it appears more clearly that this is a kind of garment. Or was it said, 'he set it up in his own city,' precisely so that from this it might be understood to have been made of gold? For it does not say 'he placed it,' but 'he set it up,' since it was so solid and strong that it could be set up—that is, stand upright once placed. So then, when Gideon had done this unlawful thing, all Israel went a-whoring after it—that is, by following it against the law of God.
Here it is not vainly asked: since it was not an idol—that is, not an image of any false and alien god, but an ephod, that is, one of the sacred things of the tabernacle belonging to the priestly vestment—how does Scripture speak of the fornication of a people that pursued and venerated these things? Namely for this reason: because apart from God's tabernacle, where these things were which God had commanded to be made there, it was not lawful for anything similar to be made outside. Therefore Scripture goes on and says:
'And it became a stumbling-block to Gideon and to his house'—that is, so that he departed from the God he had offended; because this too was in some manner a certain kind of idol: namely that anything whatever made by hand outside God's tabernacle should be worshipped in place of God, whereas those very things that were commanded to be made in the tabernacle were to be referred rather to the worship of God, and none of them was to be held as an object to be worshipped in place of God or in place of an image of God. Although, through 'ephud' or 'ephod,' by that manner of speech which signifies the whole by a part, one may understand all the things that Gideon set up in his own city as though for the worship of God, in imitation of God's tabernacle.
And therefore by this—because this ephod is a badge of priestly honour, which Scripture often mentions—the sin of Gideon is this: that outside God's tabernacle he made something similar, where God should be worshipped. Not that he set up the ephod of solid gold as an object of adoration, but that from the very gold, which came from the spoil, he made those things that pertained to the ornaments or instruments of the sanctuary, all of which are signified by the ephod, on account of the excellence, as I have said, of the priestly vestment. For not even the ephod itself was commanded to be made of gold alone, if this is the shoulder-piece of the priestly vestment; nevertheless it does have some gold too, for it was divinely commanded to be made of gold and blue and purple and scarlet and fine linen.
But because the Seventy translators set it down thus—that, after mentioning all that Gideon had received from the spoils, they add: 'And Gideon made it into an ephod'—it seems to be said as though it were believed that this was made out of the whole of what was mentioned; although even there one may understand a manner of speech which signifies the part by the whole, so that what is said, 'he made it into an ephod,' may be understood as 'he made an ephod from it' or 'he made an ephod out of it.' That is, not consuming the whole of it in the ephod, but expending as much of it as sufficed. For in that translation which is from the Hebrew it is read thus: 'And Gideon made an ephod out of it.' For what among the Septuagint is written 'ephud' is reported in the Hebrew to be called 'ephod.'
Not all the priests, however, used such a shoulder-piece as was made of gold and blue and purple and scarlet and fine linen, but the high priest alone. Hence that which we mentioned as having been made for Samuel by his mother was certainly not of such a kind, since when he was given to be reared he was surely not, as a boy, the high priest. Hence, as has been said, it is called 'ephud bar,' or rather 'ephud bat,' as those who know the Hebrew tongue assert, and it is interpreted 'a linen ephod.' But I judge that Gideon made that which was the chief garment and ornament of the high priest, through which the other works of the sanctuary also were signified, and which he had set up in his own city apart from God's tabernacle.
And on account of this sin it became a stumbling-block to him and to his house, so that thus perished—as Scripture afterward relates—so great a multitude of his sons. There arises a question not to be passed over: how the land had rest for forty years in the days of Gideon, when after the victory by which he had freed the Hebrews he made an abomination out of the gold of the spoils, and after it all Israel went a-whoring, and it was a stumbling-block to him and to his house.
How then, after so great a wickedness, which both Gideon and the people committed, did the land have rest for forty years—when Scripture is wont to show that, when the people went a-whoring from the Lord God, they then rather lost peace than acquired it, and were subjugated to enemies, not fortified against the enemies' assault? But it must be understood that Scripture, as is its custom, spoke by prolepsis, that is, by anticipation, in saying that Gideon made the ephod against God's law out of that gold which had been taken from the conquered and overthrown enemies; because it wished to state in one place both whence the gold came and what was made of it.
But afterward, at the end of Gideon's days, this sin was committed, when there also ensued the evils which Scripture then wove into the narrative, after it had mentioned how many years the land had rested in the days of Gideon—which years it mentioned by way of recapitulation, that is, returning to the order which it had earlier passed over by speaking first of that stumbling-block which was done last of all. 'And it came to pass, when Gideon was dead, that the children of Israel turned away and went a-whoring after Baalim, and they set up for themselves Baal-berith as a covenant, that he might be to them a god.' And Baalim and Baal-berith are to be understood as idols.
A greater transgression and fornication, therefore, was committed by the people after Gideon's death than while he lived, on account of the ephod; since that ephod, even though it had been unlawfully made, was nevertheless of the sacred things of the tabernacle; but this fornication after idols has not even a false defence of ancestral religion. Hence, even if that ephod was made not at the end of Gideon's time but before, God bore it patiently, so that peace endured in the land, because, although a thing had been done which He had forbidden, yet there had been no far departure from Him who had commanded such a thing to be made in His own tabernacle and for His own honour. But now He willed that the graver deeds and the most open fornication of the people after idols should not go unpunished.
As for the bramble being introduced—that is, a certain kind of thorn-bush—saying, by way of parable, to all the trees agreeing to it that it should reign over them: 'If in truth you anoint me to reign over you, come, put your trust in my protection; and if not, let fire come out of the bramble and devour the cedars of Lebanon'—the sense is obscure, but a distinction once found makes it plain. For it is not to be read thus: 'and if let not fire come out of the bramble,' but there must be a sub-distinction, 'and if not,' and then the addition, 'let fire come out of the bramble.' That is: 'And if you do not put your trust in my protection,' or, 'and if you do not in truth anoint me to reign over you, let fire come out of the bramble and devour the cedars of Lebanon.'
For these are the words of one threatening what it could do, if they should be unwilling for it to reign over them. But because it does not say, 'fire will come out of the bramble and will devour the cedars of Lebanon,' but says, 'let it come out and let it devour,' it has been made more obscure than if the distinction alone lay hidden. Moreover it is a more vehement threat, and in a manner one of more present efficacy, if one says: 'If you will not do what I wish, let my anger rage against you'—that is, let it rage now, why should I hold it back?—than if one says, 'it will rage,' threatening a future penalty in a promissory manner. 'And God sent an evil spirit between Abimelech and the men of Shechem.' Whether this expression signifies God commanding or permitting cannot easily be determined.
For what is here rendered 'he sent' the Greek has as 'exapesteilen,' which is also in the Psalms, where it is read: 'Send forth thy light.' Although in certain places our translators, even where in the Greek there is 'exapesteilen,' have rendered 'he sent,' not 'he sent forth.' It can therefore be understood in this way too, that God, as it were, sent forth the evil spirit which was itself willing to go among them—that is, He gave power to the evil spirit to disturb their peace. And it has seemed not absurd that an evil spirit is even sent by the Lord for the sake of justice in taking vengeance, so much so that some have rendered what is 'exapesteilen' as 'he sent forth.' The words which Zebul, the ruler of the city of Shechem, sent to the messengers of Abimelech have this too:
'And now rise by night, you and your people with you, and lie in wait in the field. And it shall be in the morning, as soon as the sun rises, you shall make early haste and stretch out against the city.' Where certain Latin copies have 'maturabis' (you shall hasten early), but some 'manicabis,' the Greek has what could be expressed in more than one word: 'at dawn you shall rise.' And perhaps 'maturabis' is said from this, from the morning (matutino) time, although it is also wont to be said at other times of hastening a matter. But 'manicabis' does not occur to me as a Latin word. But that troubles me: that when it had said 'as soon as the sun rises,' it added 'at dawn you shall rise,' whereas dawn itself, which in Greek is called 'orthros,' signifies the time before the sun, which is now very commonly spoken of as when it has begun to grow light.
Thus therefore it is to be understood, that what is set down as 'morning' is itself to be understood as dawn. But there was added, 'as soon as the sun rises,' so as to express that it was to be done not when the sun had already risen, but when the radiance of the rising sun should appear. For dawn grows light from no other source than when the light of the sun, returning toward it, begins to touch that part of the sky which we see in the east. Hence it is that even in the Gospel one and the same event one evangelist says was done at dawn, while it was yet dark, another at sunrise; because even that light of dawn, however slight, came about by the sun rising—that is, coming toward its rising and casting its own radiance from the nearness of its presence.
Which light certain ignorant persons have thought not to be of the sun, but to be that light which was first created, before God on the fourth day created the sun. 'And after Abimelech there arose, to save Israel, Tola the son of Puah, the son of his father's brother, a man of Issachar.' It called the son of his uncle 'the son of his father's brother,' although it would have been said more properly and more usually and more clearly, 'the son of the brother of his father'; for he was the son of his uncle, as is found more evidently in that translation which is from the Hebrew. Therefore what is said, 'of the father's brother,' is not declined from what is in the nominative 'father of a brother,' but from that which is 'the brother of a father'; for this is the uncle. For whether it be put in the nominative:
'this father of a brother' (hic pater fratris), or it be put 'this brother of a father' (hic patris frater), it makes the genitive 'of this father's brother' (huius patris fratris). But another question arises: how was the uncle of Abimelech a man of Issachar, that is, a man of the tribe of Issachar, since Abimelech had as father Gideon, who Gideon was of the tribe of Manasseh? How then were Puah and Gideon brothers, so that Puah could be the uncle of Abimelech, whose uncle's son Tola succeeded, according to this narrative, Abimelech himself? Gideon and Puah, then, could have had one mother, from whom they were born of different fathers and were brothers—sons of one mother, not of one father. For women used to marry from other tribes into other tribes.
「此乃兄弟之父」(hic pater fratris),或置作「此乃父親之兄弟」(hic patris frater),其屬格皆作「此父親之兄弟的」(huius patris fratris)。但另一個疑問興起:亞比米勒的叔伯怎會是以薩迦人,就是以薩迦支派的人,既然亞比米勒的父親是基甸,而這基甸是瑪拿西支派的人?那麼普阿和基甸怎會是弟兄,以致普阿能作亞比米勒的叔伯,其叔伯的兒子陀多按這敘事繼承了亞比米勒本人?所以基甸和普阿可能有同一個母親,由這母親從不同的父親所生,因而是弟兄——是同母的兒子,而非同父。因為當時婦女慣於從別的支派嫁到別的支派去。
Hence Saul too, though he was of the tribe of Benjamin, gave his daughter to David, a man of the tribe of Judah; and the priest Jehoiada, certainly a man of the tribe of Levi, married the daughter of King Jehoram, a man of the tribe of Judah. Hence it came about that we read in the Gospel of Elizabeth and Mary as kinswomen, though Elizabeth was of the daughters of Aaron. From which it is understood that some woman of the tribe of Levi and of the daughters of Aaron married into the tribe of Judah. Whence that kinship arose between the two, so that the flesh of the Lord was propagated not only from a royal but also from a priestly stock. Among the other things which Jephthah sends by messengers to the king of the children of Ammon, he also says this:
'Are not the things which Chemosh thy god gave thee to inherit, these thou shalt inherit; and all the things which the Lord our God gave to inherit before your face, these we shall inherit?' Which certain Latins thought should be interpreted so as to say: 'Are not the things which Chemosh thy god gave thee in inheritance, these thou shalt possess?' Where Jephthah may seem to have confirmed that this god, who is called Chemosh, was able to give something in inheritance to his worshippers. But some have it thus: 'Are not the things which Chemosh thy god possessed, these thou shalt possess?' And this sounds as though he could possess something. Or was it perhaps said according to this, that the nations were placed under angels, according to the canticle of Moses the servant of God?
Was that angel, then, under whom were the children of Ammon, called Chemosh? Who would dare to affirm this, when it can be understood to have been said according to his (the king's) opinion, because he thought his god possessed this or had given it to him in possession? But this sense shines forth more in these words which the Greek has: 'Are not the things which Chemosh thy god gave thee to inherit, these thou shalt inherit?'—so that in the word 'thee' it may be understood to have been said as if it were said: 'as it seems to thee.' For 'he gave thee to inherit' who thinkest this, not that he (Chemosh) could give anything to inherit. Finally, in what follows, 'and all the things which the Lord our God gave to inherit,' he did not say, 'gave us to inherit,' as though he were saying:
'as it seems to us,' but 'He truly gave to inherit before your face,' since He took away from them and gave to these: 'these,' he says, 'we shall inherit.' Concerning the daughter of Jephthah, that her father offered her to God as a burnt offering—since in the war he had vowed, if he should conquer, that he would offer as a burnt offering whoever should meet him first coming out of his house; and when he had vowed this, he conquered, and, his daughter meeting him, he rendered what he had vowed—this is wont to be a great question and most difficult to judge, both for certain persons who, desiring to know, piously inquire what this may mean for them, and for certain persons who, with unskilled impiety, oppose these holy Scriptures, above all bringing this as a charge: that the God of the Law and the Prophets was pleased even with human sacrifices.
To whose calumnies we first reply thus: that the God of the Law and the Prophets—and, to speak more expressly, the God of Abraham and the God of Isaac and the God of Jacob—was not even pleased with those sacrifices in which the burnt offerings of cattle were offered, but, because they were significative and certain shadows of things to come, He willed to commend to us the very realities which were signified by those sacrifices; but that there was also this useful reason why they were changed and are now not merely not commanded but forbidden to be offered: lest we should think that God, according to carnal affection, is truly pleased with such things. But whether even future things ought to have been signified by human sacrifices is rightly asked:
not that we ought in this matter to shudder at and dread the deaths of men who are one day to die, if those who accepted such things being done to themselves gladly were commended to God for an eternal reward. But if this were true, this kind of sacrifice would not displease God; and that it does displease God the same Scripture testifies plainly enough. For although He willed all the firstborn to be dedicated to Himself and to be His, and so commanded, yet He willed the firstborn of men to be redeemed from Him, lest they should believe that their sons, whom they had first received when born, were to be immolated to God. Then He speaks more openly thus, that God so disapproves of human burnt offerings that He forbids them, detesting them in other nations and commanding His own people not to dare to imitate.
'But if,' He says, 'the Lord thy God shall destroy the nations into whose land thou art entering to inherit it, from before thy face, and thou shalt inherit them and dwell in their land, take heed to thyself, lest thou seek to follow them after they have been destroyed from before thy face, lest thou seek their gods, saying: As the nations do to their gods, so will I also do. Thou shalt not do so to the Lord thy God; for the abominations which the Lord hates they did to their gods, since they even burn their sons and their daughters in the fire to their gods.' What can be shown more evidently than by these testimonies of holy Scripture—to omit others of this kind—than that God,
by whom this Scripture was imparted to the human race, not only does not love but even hates such sacrifices, in which men are immolated? Those He plainly loves and crowns: when any just man, suffering iniquity even unto death, contends for the truth, or is slain by enemies whom he has offended for justice' sake, repaying them good for evil—that is, love for hatred. Such just blood the Lord calls it, 'from the blood of Abel to the blood of Zechariah.' But above all, because He Himself shed His blood for us and offered Himself as a sacrifice to God; and thus indeed He offered Himself, so as to be slain by enemies for justice' sake.
Imitating Him, thousands of martyrs contended unto death for the truth and were immolated by raging enemies. Concerning whom Scripture says: 'As gold in the furnace He tried them, and as a burnt-offering victim He received them.' Whence the Apostle also says: 'For I am now being offered.' But Jephthah did not thus make of his daughter a burnt offering to the Lord, but as it had been commanded that cattle be offered and forbidden that men be immolated. That which Abraham did seems more like this: which the Lord specifically commanded to be done, not by a general law commanding that such sacrifices at some time be made to Him; nay rather, He forbade them to be made at all.
This, then, which Jephthah did differs from the deed of Abraham, since Abraham, being commanded, offered his son, but Jephthah did what was both forbidden by the Law and commanded by no special order. Then, not only afterward in His own Law, but even then, in Abraham's very son, God showed how little He was pleased with such sacrifices: when He forbade the father—whose faith He had proved by commanding—from the slaying of his son, and set beside him a ram, by which the sacrifice might lawfully be completed according to the custom of the ancients suited to those times.
But if this troubles anyone—how Abraham could piously have believed that God was pleased with such sacrifices, if these are unlawfully offered to God—and for this reason he thinks that Jephthah too rightly believed that such a sacrifice could be acceptable to God, let him first consider that it is one thing to vow of one's own accord, another to obey one who commands. For if something contrary to custom, instituted in a house by the master, is commanded to a servant, and he does it with laudable obedience, he is not therefore to be punished; but if he should presume to do this of his own accord, he is.
Then Abraham had that which he might believe: that on account of the divine command he should not spare his son—not believing that God gladly accepts such victims, but that He had commanded this for the reason that He might raise up the slain and thereby demonstrate something, as a wise God. For this too is read of him even in the epistle which is inscribed to the Hebrews, and his faith is praised, because he believed this of God: that He could raise up his son. But Jephthah, with God neither commanding nor demanding, and against His lawful precept, of his own accord vowed a human sacrifice. For thus it is written: 'And Jephthah vowed a vow to the Lord and said:'
'If Thou wilt indeed deliver the children of Ammon into my hand, then whoever comes forth from the doors of my house to meet me on my returning in peace from the children of Ammon shall be the Lord's, and I will offer him up as a burnt offering.' He certainly did not by these words vow any animal, which according to the Law he might offer as a burnt offering; for it is not, nor was it, the custom that cattle should come to meet leaders returning with victory from war. But as regards dumb animals, dogs are wont to run to meet their masters, sporting with fawning servility: of which he could not think in his vow, lest to the injury of God he should be seen to have vowed something not only unlawful but even contemptible and, according to the Law, unclean. Nor did he say:
'Whatever (neuter) comes forth from the doors of my house to meet me, I will offer it up as a burnt offering,' but he said: 'Whoever (masculine) comes forth, I will offer him up.' Where beyond doubt he thought of nothing other than a human being; yet perhaps not his only daughter. And yet who, in such great paternal glory, could go before her, unless perhaps his wife? For as to his saying not 'whatever female,' but 'whoever comes forth from the doors of my house,' Scripture is wont to put the masculine gender for either sex; just as it is said of Abraham: 'rising from the dead,' when it was his wife who had died. Since therefore concerning this vow and deed Scripture seems to have passed no judgment, as it most openly judged concerning Abraham when he offered his son at command,
but seems only to have left it in writing to be judged by readers—just as concerning the deed of Judah the son of Jacob, when he went in unknowingly to his own daughter-in-law, but as far as in him lay committed fornication, because he thought her a harlot, Scripture neither approved nor reproved this, but left it to be estimated and weighed by consulting justice and the law of God—since therefore concerning this deed of Jephthah the Scripture of God has pronounced sentence on neither side, so that our understanding might be exercised in judging, we could now say that such a vow displeased God and was brought to that vengeance, that his only daughter should above all meet the father—which, if he had hoped for it and had been unwilling, he would not straightway, as he saw her, have rent his garments and said:
'Alas, my daughter, thou hast hindered me; thou art become an obstacle in my eyes'—then, a delay of sixty days so long having been granted to his daughter, the Lord, when He did not forbid him from the slaying of his dearest only child, as He forbade Abraham, until, by fulfilling what he had vowed, he should strike himself with the gravest bereavement, yet by no means appease God by the immolation of a human being; and therefore that to such a father this penalty was repaid, lest an example of such a vow should be left unpunished, so that men should either think they vow something great to God—
when they should vow human victims and, what is more horrible, of their own children; or lest those same vows should be not true but rather feigned, when, as by the example of Abraham, those who had vowed should hope that God would forbid such vows to be fulfilled. We could, I say, say these things, were it not that from this opinion two testimonies especially of the divine Scriptures hold us back, so that we should more diligently, as far as the Lord helps, and more cautiously scrutinize this deed—done and committed to memory in books of such great authority—lest we should pronounce a rash judgment to either side. One is that in the epistle to the Hebrews this Jephthah is mentioned among such men, so that we should fear to blame him, where it is thus written: 'And what more shall I say? For time fails me to tell of Gideon,
Barak, Samson and Jephthah and David and Samuel and the prophets, time would fail me—who through faith conquered kingdoms, wrought righteousness, obtained promises.' The other is that, where these things are narrated of him—that he vowed such a vow and fulfilled it—Scripture premised, saying: 'And the Spirit of the Lord came upon Jephthah; and he passed over Gilead and Manasseh, and passed the watch-tower of Gilead, and from the watch-tower of Gilead to beyond the children of Ammon. And Jephthah vowed a vow to the Lord,' and the rest pertaining to this very vow. So that all the things which were done thereafter may seem to be understood as works of the Spirit of the Lord, who came upon him. These testimonies compel us rather to inquire why it was done than easily to disapprove what was done.
But first, that which I mentioned from the epistle which is to the Hebrews: among those praiseworthy men who are there recounted, there is not only Jephthah but also Gideon, of whom Scripture likewise says: 'And the Spirit of the Lord strengthened Gideon.' And yet his deed—that from that gold of the spoil he wrought an ephod, and all Israel went a-whoring after it, and it became a stumbling-block to the house of Gideon—we not only cannot praise, but even, because Scripture has here most openly judged it, we in no way doubt to reprove; nor yet does any injury arise from this to the Spirit of the Lord, who strengthened him, so that he overcame the enemies of His people with such great ease.
Why then is he mentioned among those who through faith conquered kingdoms, working righteousness, unless because holy Scripture, whose faith and righteousness it truthfully praises, is not hereby hindered from truthfully noting also their sins, if it knows of any and judges it fitting? For even in that which the same Gideon did—asking a sign, as he himself spoke, he tempted with the fleece—I do not know whether he did not transgress the precept whereby it is written: 'Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God.' Yet even in his tempting the Lord showed what He wished to foretell: namely, by the fleece being wetted and all the ground round about being dry, to figure first the people of Israel, where the saints were with heavenly grace, as with spiritual rain;
and afterward, the ground being wetted while the fleece was dry, to figure the Church spread throughout the whole world, having the heavenly grace not in the fleece as under a covering, but in the open, while that former people was, as it were, alienated and dried up from the dew of that same grace. Nor yet did he vainly, among the faithful and those working righteousness, on account of a good and faithful life—in which he is to be believed to have died—merit such a testimony in the epistle to the Hebrews. But whether, because after it was said, 'the Spirit of the Lord came upon Jephthah,' these things followed—that he vowed that vow and conquered the enemies and rendered what he had vowed—all things are to be attributed to the Spirit of the Lord, so that this sacrifice too may be reckoned as though the Lord had commanded it to be done, as He did to Abraham:
I would not easily say, since certainly from Gideon this difference can be adduced: that after the sin which he committed, when he made the ephod, after which the whole people went a-whoring, no prosperity of his is recorded. But after Jephthah vowed his vow, that notable victory of his ensued, for the obtaining of which he had vowed, and which being obtained he paid what he had vowed. Yet again it must be considered that Gideon, even if not after he made the ephod, nevertheless after he tempted the Lord—which certainly is a sin—by the great slaughter and overthrow of the enemies acquired salvation for the people. For thus it is written: 'And Gideon said to the Lord: Let not thine indignation be angry against me.'
'And I will speak yet once more, and I will make trial yet once more with the fleece.' For indeed he feared the wrath of God, because he knew that in putting God to the test he was sinning, a thing which God most plainly forbids in His law. Yet upon this sin of his there followed both the evidence of a marvellous sign and the great prosperity of victory and the deliverance of the people. For God had already resolved to come to the aid of the afflicted people; and He made use of the mind of this leader, whom He had taken up for this work, a mind not only faithful and devout but also somewhat failing and erring, both to foretell the things He willed and to bring to pass the things He had spoken.
For not only through these men, who, even if they sinned, are nevertheless numbered among the just, but also through Saul himself, who was rejected in every way, did God grant many things to His people; upon Saul too the Spirit of God rushed and he prophesied — not when he acted justly, but when he raged against the holy and innocent David. For the Spirit of the Lord works both through the good and through the wicked, both through those who know and through those who know not, whatever He knows and has determined must be done: He who even through Caiaphas, the Lord's most bitter persecutor, not knowing what he said, brought forth a notable prophecy, that it was expedient that Christ should die for the nation.
For who was it that acted, if not the Spirit of the Lord taking care to foretell things to come, so that into the mind of the judge Gideon — who wished to test the Lord and did not believe that which had already been spoken to him by the Lord's own hand concerning the salvation of the people — there should come this above all: that the fleece should first be soaked and afterward dry, and the threshing-floor first dry and then wet? So that, insofar as he fell short of faith, it should be reckoned to his weakness and fault; but insofar as God used even such a disposition of his mind for that which had to be signified to the human race, it should be understood as pertaining to His mercy and marvellous providence.
But if anyone says that Gideon did and said all these things knowingly, by prophetic revelation, in order that such signs might be shown through him, and that he did not fall short of faith nor fail to believe what the Lord had already promised him, but that by a prophetic action he wished to make trial by means of the fleece, and that thus his testing was blameless, like the guile of Jacob; and that when he said to the Lord, 'Let not thy indignation be kindled against me,' he did not say it because he feared His wrath, but because he trusted that He would not be angry when he did those things which, as a prophet, he perceived must be done at the dictation of His Spirit — let him say so, as it seems good to him, provided only that, whatever that deed of the ephod (which Scripture itself blamed) may signify, he does not presume to excuse it from being a sin.
For that too — that the three hundred men, corresponding by their very number to the sign of the cross, took earthen pitchers and enclosed burning torches in them, and that, when these pitchers were suddenly broken, the lights flashing in great number terrified so vast a multitude of the enemy — Gideon seems to have done as of his own choice; for Scripture does not say that the Lord admonished him to do this. And yet who, save the Lord, inspired his mind and counsel to perform so great a sign? — He who prefigured that His saints would hold the treasure of the Gospel's light in earthen vessels, as the Apostle says: 'But we have this treasure in earthen vessels';
in whom, in the passion of martyrdom, as in little vessels broken, the greater brightness of their glory flashed forth, which by the unexpected splendour of Christ overcame the impious enemies of the Gospel's preaching. Whether therefore through those who knew or through those who knew not, the Spirit of the Lord in prophetic times wrought the prefiguring and foretelling of things to come, it is not on that account to be said that their sins were not sins, because God, who knows how to use even our evils for good, made use even of their very sins to signify the things He willed. Accordingly, if for this reason it was no sin either to vow or to render up any human slaughter whatever, or even a parricidal sacrifice, because it signified something great and spiritual —
then God forbade such things in vain and testified in vain that He hated them, since even those things which He commanded to be done are surely referred to some signification of spiritual and great realities. Why then would He forbid those things, since they could no less lawfully be done, for the sake of that same signification of those same realities, for the sake of which these other things were being done lawfully? Unless it be because things signifying nothing such as it is fitting to believe about human sacrifices did not please God, when a man is not slain for the sake of righteousness by his enemies — because he wished to live rightly or refused to sin — but a man is offered up by a man as a chosen victim, after the manner of a beast. What then?
If, someone says, since the victims of cattle, by the very fact that they had become customary — although these too were referred by those who rightly understood to the signification of spiritual things — nevertheless made men less intent upon seeking out the great sacrament of Christ and the Church, therefore God, wishing by a notable and unexpected thing to rouse as it were the sleeping minds of men all the more (in that He had forbidden such sacrifices to be offered to Him), took care that something of this kind should be offered to Him, so that the very astonishment might beget a great question, and the great question might raise up the zeal of a devout mind to search out a great mystery, and the mind of man, devoutly searching, might lift up the depth of prophecy — the Lord Christ Himself — like a fish on a hook, out of the deep of the Scriptures:
To this reasoning and consideration we do not object. But it is one question concerning the mind of the one who vows, and another concerning the providence of God who makes the best use of his mind, whatever it may be. Wherefore, if the Spirit of the Lord, which came upon Jephthah, altogether commanded him to make this vow — which indeed Scripture did not disclose — yet, if He commanded it, whose commands it is not lawful to despise, then not only is it not to be blamed for folly, but obedience is even to be praised. For this — even if a man should slay himself, which it is certainly wicked to do by human will and counsel — must assuredly be understood to be done obediently rather than criminally, if it is commanded from heaven: on which question we have disputed sufficiently in the first book of The City of God.
But if Jephthah, following human error, thought that a human sacrifice must be vowed, his sin indeed was justly punished in his only daughter — which he himself too seems sufficiently to show by his own words, where he says, 'Alas, my daughter, thou hast hindered me; thou art become a stumbling-block in my eyes,' rending also his garments — yet even here his error has some praiseworthiness of faith, whereby he feared God, so as to render what he had vowed, and did not decline the sentence of the divine judgment upon himself, whether hoping that God would forbid it, as He did with Abraham, or resolving rather to do His will, understood even though He did not forbid, than to despise it.
Although here too it may with reason be asked whether it is more truly understood that God did not will this to be done, and that He would rather have been obeyed in this — namely, if it were not done — since He had shown that He did not will it both in the case of Abraham's son and in the lawful prohibition. Nevertheless, if for this reason Jephthah had not done it, he would have seemed rather to have spared himself in his only child than to have followed the will of God. Rather, therefore, he understood, in the fact that his daughter met him, that God was an avenger, and he faithfully submitted himself to a just penalty, fearing a fiercer vengeance, as it were, for shrinking back. For he believed that the soul even of a good and virgin daughter would be well received, because she had not vowed herself to be sacrificed, but had not resisted her father's vow and will, and had followed the judgment of God.
For death, just as it is neither to be inflicted upon oneself of one's own accord, nor upon anyone else of one's own accord, so, when God commands, it is not to be refused; by His appointment it must be undergone at whatever time; nor does anyone who declines to suffer it labour that it may be altogether avoided, but only that it may be deferred. Now let us seek — as much as God helps — and briefly set forth what the Spirit of the Lord prefigured in this deed done, whether through Jephthah unknowing or knowing, whether through his imprudence or his obedience, whether through his offence or his faith. For this passage of the holy Scriptures admonishes us and in a manner urges us to think of a certain man mighty in valour. For such is Jephthah called, whose name is interpreted 'Opening';
but the Lord Christ, as the Gospel indicates, opened the understanding of His disciples, that they might understand the Scriptures. This Jephthah his brethren rejected and drove out from their father's house, casting up against him that he was the son of a harlot, as though they themselves were born of a lawful wife. This also the chief priests and scribes and Pharisees did against the Lord, who seemed to glory in the observance of the law — as though He dissolved the law and therefore were, as it were, not a legitimate son. And although He had indeed taken a body of the holy Virgin, which is known to the faithful, yet His mother, so far as pertains to the nation, may even be called that Jewish synagogue.
Let whoever wishes turn over the prophetic books and see how often and with what severity of word and indignation of the Lord that nation, like an unchaste woman, is reproved for its fornications. Whence there is also that most recent instance in this book, both when, after the ephod which Gideon made, all Israel is read to have gone a-whoring, and that they went after the gods of the nations by which they were surrounded. Whence the divine wrath was stirred up against them, so that for eighteen years they were ground down by the sons of Ammon. But were not those priests and scribes and Pharisees also born of that same nation of Israel — those whom we have said were prefigured in these men, who persecuted and drove out Jephthah, as those others did the Lord Christ, as though not a legitimate son?
But in this the likeness is shadowed forth: that these men, as I said, being as it were observers of the law, deemed themselves to have rightly cast out one who seemed to act contrary to the precepts of the law — as legitimate sons casting out one not legitimate. For according to this that people was said to fornicate, in that, not keeping the precepts of the law, it did not show fidelity, as to a husband. Now thus it is written of Jephthah: 'And the sons of the wife grew up and cast out Jephthah.' The word which is set down, 'grew up,' signifies figuratively 'prevailed': which was fulfilled in the Jews, who prevailed over the weakness of Christ, because He so willed, that He might bear from them, by suffering, the things He had to bear — as, signifying this same thing, Jacob prevailed over the angel, with whom he wrestled that he might portend this very thing.
They said therefore to Jephthah: 'Thou shalt not inherit in the house of our father, because thou art the son of a harlot woman' — as though they were saying what the Gospel relates: 'This man is not from God, who thus looseth the sabbath'; while they, as though boasting themselves legitimate sons, said to the Lord: 'We are not born of fornication; we have one Father, even God.' And Jephthah fled from the face of his brethren and dwelt in the land of Tob. He fled, because he hid how great he was; he fled, because he lay hidden from them in their raging — for had they known, they would never have crucified the Lord of glory; he fled, because they saw the weakness of the dying, but did not see the power of the rising. And he dwelt in a good land, or, to speak more expressly, the best.
For what in Greek is called 'agathon,' this in Latin is called 'the best'; and this is what 'Tob' is interpreted. Here, it seems to me, His resurrection from the dead is to be understood. For what land is more 'best' than the earthly body clothed with the excellence of immortality and incorruption? But as for what is said of Jephthah — that, after he had fled from the face of his brethren and dwelt in the land of Tob, there were gathered to him robber men, and they went about with him — although even before His passion it was cast up against the Lord that He ate with publicans and sinners, when He answered that the healthy have no need of a physician but the sick; and He was reckoned among the wicked, when He was crucified among robbers and translated one of them from the cross into paradise:
nevertheless, after He rose again and began to be, according to what we set forth above, in the land of Tob, there were gathered to Him wicked men on account of the remission of sins, who walked with Him, because they lived according to His precepts. Nor does this cease to be done even now, and thereafter, so long as the wicked flee to Him, that He may justify the ungodly who turn to Him, and that the unjust may learn His ways. Now that — the fact that those who had cast out Jephthah (he was also a Gileadite) turned to him and sought him out, through whom they might be delivered from their enemies — with how clear a prefiguring does it signify that those who cast out Christ, being turned again to Him, find salvation in Him!
whether those be understood whom the Apostle Peter, when he had reproved them for that very crime, as is read in the Acts of the Apostles, and had exhorted them to turn to Him whom they had persecuted, were pricked in their heart, and desired salvation from Him whom they had estranged from themselves — for what is it to be delivered from enemies but from sins? For thus he said to them: 'Do penance, and be baptized every one of you in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ; and your sins shall be forgiven you' — or whether that rather be signified which is hoped for at the end, the calling of the nation of Israel. For indeed this itself seems more to appear in that which is said: 'And it came to pass after days,' which surely signifies after a time;
and through this it intimates that not that is to be understood which is at the recent passion of the Lord, but that which is to be afterward. To this also seems to pertain the fact that the elders of Gilead came to Jephthah, so that by the aged years the later and last times are to be taken. Now Gilead is interpreted 'Casting away' or 'Revelation.' Each of these fits this matter aptly enough, because first they cast away the Lord Christ, and to them afterward He shall be revealed.
But as for the fact that Jephthah was sought as leader against the sons of Ammon, upon whose being conquered they might be delivered — they who under him as leader desired to war against them — since Ammon is interpreted 'Son of my people' or 'People of sorrow,' assuredly either those enemies are signified who, out of that very nation, were foretold to persevere in unbelief, or altogether all who are predestined to Gehenna, where there shall be for them weeping and gnashing of teeth, as for a people of sorrow. Although a people of sorrow may also not inaptly be understood as the devil and his angels, either because they procure eternal misery for those whom they deceive, or because they themselves too are appointed to eternal misery.
Elegantly indeed, to express the prophecy much more evidently, Jephthah answered the elders of Gilead: 'Did you not hate me and cast me out of my father's house and send me away from you? And what is it that you have come, now that you are in tribulation?' Something of this kind was figured in Joseph, whom his brethren, selling him, cast out, and when they were afflicted with famine, they turned to his help and mercy. But here the signification of things to come shines forth much more fully, in that not those very brethren who cast out Jephthah came to him, but the elders of Gilead, on behalf of that whole people, supplicating him. Just as the same nation is called Israel, whether in those who then were and rejected Christ, or in those who afterward returned to His help.
For to the people, hostile whether in its ancestors or in its posterity — a people drawing out and preserving its long hatreds, and at length converted in those who are then to be converted — it is said: 'Did you not hate me and cast me out of my father's house?' For this seemed good to those who persecuted, that they cast Christ out of the house of David, in which of His kingdom there shall be no end. And the elders of Gilead said to Jephthah: 'Not so; now have we come to thee' — as though the Jews, converted to Christ, were saying: 'Then we came that we might persecute; now we come that we may follow.' They profess also that He shall be to them a head against their enemies. He answers that, if He shall conquer their enemies, He shall be to them a prince — which Gideon refused, since the Israelites had not willed it.
For he answered them: 'The Lord shall be your prince.' For a king is signified by the name of prince: which that nation did not yet have in the time of the judges. But they began to have Saul, and thereafter his other successors, who are read of in the books of Kings. For in Deuteronomy, when it is enjoined upon them what manner of king they ought to have, if this should please them, there he is not called king, but prince. But because this Jephthah figured Him who is the true King — which was also written in the title that was affixed to His cross, which Pilate dared not delete or amend — therefore it is to be believed that it was said: 'I will be to you a prince.' But they had said:
'Thou shalt be to us a head,' since the head of the man is Christ, and He Himself is the head of the body, the Church. Finally, after Jephthah had delivered them from all their enemies, he was not made king over them, that we might understand that what was said pertained rather to the prophecy concerning Christ than properly to Jephthah himself, of whom Scripture thus concludes the narration: 'And Jephthah judged Israel six years; and Jephthah the Gileadite died and was buried in his city, Gilead.' He judged Israel therefore like the other judges; he did not there reign as a prince, like those who are contained in the volumes of Kings.
Now indeed, as for the fact that, after the same Jephthah had been appointed leader over them, he first sent messengers to the enemy bearing words of peace, that shows what the Apostle says, in whom Christ was speaking: 'If it be possible, as much as is in you, having peace with all men.' But to treat of all the very words which Jephthah sent would be too long for us who are hastening; yet they seem to me to be understood thus, so far as pertains to the signification of things to come, that in them may be discerned the doctrine of Christ admonishing us how we ought to walk — that is, to live — among those who are not called according to His purpose: for the Lord knoweth who are His. Now indeed, as for the fact that, when he was about to make war on the enemy, the Spirit of the Lord came upon him,
there is signified the Holy Spirit imparted to the members of Christ. But as for the fact that he passed through Gilead and Manasseh, and passed by the watchtower of Gilead, and from the watchtower of Gilead over against the sons of Ammon, there are signified the members of Christ advancing to win the victory over their enemies. For Gilead is interpreted 'Casting away,' Manasseh 'Necessity.' Those casting away — that is, despising — must therefore be passed over by those advancing, and necessity too must be passed over, lest perchance, when he who advances has passed over, the despisers should yield to those who terrify; the watchtower of Gilead too must be passed over, since Gilead is also interpreted 'Revelation.' Now a watchtower is a height for looking out or looking down, that is, for looking from above.
The watchtower of Gilead therefore seems to me fittingly to signify the pride of revelation: whence the Apostle says, 'and lest I be exalted by the greatness of the revelations.' Therefore this too must be passed over, that is, one must not abide in it, because of the danger of falling. When these things have been passed through, the enemies are easily overcome: which he signifies by saying, 'and from the watchtower of Gilead over against the sons of Ammon,' of which enemies it has already been spoken above. And Jephthah vowed a vow and said: 'If Thou wilt indeed deliver the sons of Ammon into my hand, then it shall be that whosoever cometh forth from the doors of my house to meet me, on my returning in peace from the sons of Ammon, he shall be the Lord's, and I will offer him up as a burnt offering.'
Whomever Jephthah may have thought of in this place according to human reasoning, he does not seem to have thought of his only daughter; otherwise he would not have said, when he saw her come to meet him, 'Alas, my daughter, thou hast hindered me; thou art become a stumbling-block in my eyes.' For 'thou hast hindered me' is so said as though he indicated that he was hindered in this — that he might fulfil what he had thought of. But whom could he think of as first meeting him, who had no other children? Or did he think of his wife? And God willed both that this should come to pass, and that He should not leave it unpunished, lest anyone thereafter should dare it, and that by His great providence He might, even from this very thing which befell, figure the sacrament of the Church. From both, therefore, the prophecy was fitted together:
both from that which he thought of in vowing, and from that which befell him against his will. For if he thought of his wife — the wife of Christ is the Church; therefore 'a man shall leave his father and mother and shall cleave to his wife; and they shall be two in one flesh. This is a great sacrament,' says the Apostle, 'but I speak in Christ and in the Church.' But because the wife of this Jephthah could not be a virgin, in that his daughter rather met him and did not remain unavenged, both the forbidden sacrifice of the presumption of the one vowing, and the virginity of the Church, were figured. Nor is it foreign to the truth that by the name of daughter the same Church is signified; for whose type else did that woman also bear, to whom, when she had been healed after touching His hem, the Lord said, 'Daughter, thy faith hath made thee whole;
go in peace'? And certainly — a thing about which no one doubts — He Himself called His disciples the sons of the bridegroom, most plainly indicating Himself to be the bridegroom: 'The sons of the bridegroom cannot fast,' He says, 'so long as the bridegroom is with them. But days will come when the bridegroom shall be taken away from them, and then they shall fast.' The Church therefore shall be the burnt offering — she whom the blessed Apostle calls a chaste virgin — when, in the resurrection of the dead, there shall come to pass in the whole what is written: 'Death is swallowed up in victory'; then shall He deliver up the kingdom to God and the Father, which kingdom is the Church herself, whose figure that man who vowed was bearing. But because it shall come to pass then, when the sixth age of the world shall have been completed, therefore a respite of sixty days from her virginity was requested.
For the Church is gathered out of all the ages; of which the first is from Adam to the flood, the second from the flood — that is, from Noah — to Abraham, the third from Abraham to David, the fourth from David to the transmigration into Babylon, the fifth from that transmigration to the birth from the Virgin, the sixth from thence to the end of this world. Through these six ages, as through sixty days, the holy virgin Church bewailed her virginal things: because, although virginal, yet they had been sins to be bewailed; on account of which that whole virgin, spread throughout the whole world, says daily: 'And forgive us our debts.' But she preferred to call those same sixty days two months, as I judge, on account of two men:
the one through whom came death, the other through whom came the resurrection of the dead: on whose account also two testaments are spoken of. But as for the fact that it was made a precept in Israel, that from day to day they came together to lament the daughter of Jephthah the Gileadite four days in the year, I do not think it signifies anything after the fulfilment of the burnt offering, which shall be unto life eternal, but the past times of the Church, in which they were blessed that mourned. And by the four days is figured her universality, on account of the four parts of the world, through which she is spread far and wide.
But as to the proper sense of the history, I do not suppose the Israelites decreed this except because they understood that in that matter the judgment of God had been brought forth rather to smite the father, lest anyone thereafter should dare to vow such a sacrifice. For why should mourning and lamentation be decreed, if that vow was one of joy? But if that too — the fact that the people of Ephraim was afterward subdued by the same Jephthah — is to be referred to the judgment of God which shall be at the end, as the Lord Himself says: 'Those who would not have me to reign over them, bring hither and slay before me,' then neither there are the forty-two thousand who fell commemorated with an idle number.
For just as those two months, on account of the sixty days, signify the number six of the six ages, so there too the sevenfold taken six times figures this same thing, so far as pertains to the six ages of the world; for six times seven are forty-two. Nor was it in vain that Jephthah himself judged the people six years. It may be asked how the angel said to the mother of Samson, when he announced to her a son to come, because she was barren: 'And now observe, and drink not wine and strong drink, and eat not anything unclean.' For what is unclean? — unless perhaps the dissolution of discipline, which had begun to be in Israel, had weakened them even to the eating of those things which God had forbidden among the kinds of animals.
For why should it not be believed that they could much more readily do this too — they who were even transgressing to the worship of idols? As for the fact that the mother of Samson, indicating to her husband how the angel had announced to her a son to come, said: 'And I asked him whence he was, and his name he did not announce to me,' it may be asked whether she spoke truly, since it is not read, when the angel spoke to her. But it is to be understood that Scripture there was silent about this, but here recorded what it had there passed over in silence. That too — that she did not say, 'I asked him what he was called, and his name he did not announce to me,' but said, 'I asked whence he was' — seems inconsistent with what she added: 'and his name he did not announce to me.'
For she had not asked his name, when she asked whence he was, but the place or the city, since she thought him a man. For she called him even a man of God, though in appearance or bearing similar to an angel — that is, because she saw one so illustrious, as she herself related. But if it be so distinguished: 'And I asked him whence he was and his name,' so that 'I asked him' is supplied, and afterward is inferred, 'he did not announce to me,' then there is no question; for what she says, 'he did not announce to me,' can be referred to both — that is, neither whence he was, nor his name. Likewise, as for what the same woman says was told her by the angel, that 'the boy shall be a Nazarite of God from the womb even to the day of his death,' it is not read to have been said by the angel. And as for what is read to have been said:
'he shall begin to save Israel out of the hand of the Philistines,' is not recorded by the woman. And so both she did not say something which she heard, and yet it is by no means to be believed that she said something which she did not hear; but rather that Scripture did not set down all the words of the angel, when it inserted him himself speaking to the woman into the narration. But it was said, 'from the womb even to the day of his death,' because those were called Nazarites in the law who had a vow for a time, according to those things which Scripture had commanded through Moses. Whence is this, that it was enjoined upon him that iron should not come up upon his head, and that he should not drink wine and strong drink.
For this Samson observed his whole life long, which those who were called Nazarites observed on certain days, vowing and rendering their vow. As for what Scripture says, that 'Manoah knew not that it was an angel of God,' it is manifest that his wife too believed him to be a man. Therefore what he said to him — 'Let us now constrain thee, and let us make ready before thee a kid of the goats' — he invited him as a man, but in such a way that he might feast on this with him, which sacrifice he had prepared. For to make ready a kid of the goats is not wont to be said except when a sacrifice is being made. Finally he too answered thus: 'If thou constrain me, I will not eat of thy bread' — wherein he showed that he had been invited to a feast. Then he added: 'And if thou make a burnt offering, thou shalt offer it to the Lord.'
He said 'if thou make a burnt offering' precisely because the other had said, 'let us make ready before thee a kid of the goats.' But not every sacrifice was a burnt offering; for of the burnt offering none was eaten, because the whole was burned, and therefore it was called a holocaust (whole-burnt). But the angel, though not about to eat, admonished that a burnt offering should rather be made — yet not to himself, but to the Lord; on this account especially, because the nation of Israel at that time had grown accustomed to sacrifice to whatever false gods; whence at that time too they had offended God, so as to be delivered to the enemy for forty years. What means this — that, after the angel who was speaking with them was made manifest to Manoah and his wife, the same Manoah said to his wife: 'We shall surely die, because we have seen God'?
This was of course from that saying of the Law, where it is written: 'No one can see my face and live.' They supposed, therefore, as men do, that they had seen God, since so great a miracle had been wrought, namely that he stood in the fire of the sacrifice, he who a little before had been speaking with them as though he were a man. But were they calling him God in an angel, or were they calling the angel himself God? For thus it is written: 'And Manoah took a kid of the goats and a meat-offering, and offered it upon a rock to the Lord who works wonders; and Manoah and his wife were watching. And it came to pass, as the flame ascended above the altar toward heaven, that the angel of the Lord also ascended in the flame. And Manoah and his wife were watching, and they fell on their faces to the ground.'
'And the angel of the Lord appeared no more to Manoah and to his wife. Then Manoah knew that it was the angel of the Lord; and Manoah said to his wife: We shall surely die, because we have seen God.' In these words, then, since he did not say, 'We shall surely die, because we have seen the angel of the Lord,' but 'We have seen God,' a question arises: whether they understood God in the angel, or whether they were calling that same angel God. For that third possibility—that they supposed him to be God who was an angel—cannot be maintained, since Scripture says most plainly: 'Then Manoah knew that it was the angel of the Lord.' But whence did they fear death? For Scripture had not said in Exodus, 'No one sees the face of an angel and lives,' but it said 'my face,' when God was speaking.
Or was it in this very fact—that Manoah had recognized God in the presence of the angel—that he was so disturbed as to fear death? Now as to what his wife answered him: 'If the Lord had wished to put us to death, he would not have received a burnt-offering and a sacrifice from our hand, nor would he have shown us all these things, nor indeed would he have made these things heard by us'—did they believe that the angel himself received the sacrifice, because they saw him stand in the flame of the altar; or did they by this understand that the Lord had received it, because the angel did this in order to show himself to be an angel? But whichever of these it may be, the angel had already said: 'If, however, you make a burnt-offering, you shall offer it to the Lord'—that is, not to me, but to the Lord.
The fact, then, that the angel stood in the flame of the altar should rather be understood as signifying that Angel of great counsel in the form of a servant, that is, in a man, whom he was to take upon himself—one who would not receive the sacrifice but would himself be the sacrifice to come. What is the meaning of the statement that Samson smote the foreigners 'leg upon thigh'? For who has a leg upon his thigh, since the leg is downward and extends only from the knee to the ankle? Then, if it were meant to signify the place of the body where he wounded them, could it be that all whom he struck had been wounded in one and the same place of the body? And if that were credible, we might perhaps suspect that he fought with the leg-bone of some animal as with a club, and struck them with it upon the thigh;
just as it is written of him that he slew a thousand men with the jawbone of an ass. But neither is that, as I have said, credible—that in fighting he watched for one single spot where he might strike them; and Scripture does not say, 'He smote them with a leg upon the thigh,' but 'a leg upon the thigh.' Doubtless, then, it is an unusual manner of speaking that produces the obscurity. For it is spoken as though one were to say: 'He smote them exceedingly wonderfully'—that is, so that, stupefied with amazement, they would set leg upon thigh; namely the leg of one foot upon the thigh of the other, as those are wont to sit who are stupefied with wonder. As if one were to say: 'He struck them hand to jaw'—that is, with such slaughter that in sad amazement they would set hand to jaw.
That this is indeed the sense, the translation which is from the Hebrew sufficiently teaches; for it reads thus: 'And he smote them with a huge blow, so that in their stupefaction they set calf upon thigh.' For it is as if it said: they set leg upon thigh, since the calf is indeed at the back, together with the leg. What is the meaning of Samson's words to the men of Judah: 'Swear to me that you yourselves will not kill me; and deliver me to them, lest perchance you fall upon me yourselves'? Some have interpreted this manner of speaking thus: 'lest perchance you come against me yourselves.' But that he said this so as not to be killed by them is shown by what is written in the Book of Kingdoms, when Solomon commanded that a man be killed, saying: 'Go, fall upon him.'
This is not understood, because it is not our custom to speak thus. For likewise, as to what military authorities say, 'Go, relieve him,' meaning 'kill him'—who would understand it, except one who knows the custom of that manner of speaking? It is also commonly said among us: 'He has shortened it for him,' which means 'he has killed him'; and no one understands this except one who is accustomed to hearing it. For this is the general force of all forms of speech: that just as the languages themselves are not understood unless they are learned by hearing or by reading. AMEN.