BOOK ONE. Not knowing, Cresconius, when my writings could reach you, I nevertheless in no way despaired that they would reach you, since your writings too — though long after you wrote them — were yet at some time able to reach me: those in which it seemed good to you that you ought to write against the things which I, as I could, briefly answered in part on behalf of our side, against Petilianus, bishop of Cirta, your fellow, who was striving to establish the repetition of baptism and was accusing our communion, not by the weight of proofs, but by the levity of curses. For not the whole of his epistle had then come into my hands, but only a small former part. Why this happened, what need is there to inquire, since, when the whole afterward came to us, it did not irk us to answer the whole?
If therefore I were not to write back to these your letters which you sent to me, you would perhaps think it insulting; but that I do write back, again I fear lest you think it contentious.
But if you, upon finding letters of mine that were not addressed to you—merely because they seemed to refute the bishop of the party of Donatus, or the party of Donatus itself—judged that it belonged to your office to take up and put forth a rebuttal, since you were conscious of possessing a certain ability, because you belong to that communion, even though you are bound by no clerical function: how much less was it permitted to me, in view of the duty of my burden, to keep silent either against Petilian or against you yourself, when he was assailing the Church for which I do battle, and you, in a similar undertaking, went so far as to compose, publish, and address to me by name a discourse! In its opening sections you laboured to make eloquence appear suspect to men.
For, as if praising my manner of speaking, and again as if fearing that by this manner I might deceive you or anyone else by persuading them of falsehoods, you proceeded to accuse eloquence itself, adducing even a testimony against it from the Holy Scriptures, where you suppose it is said: 'From much eloquence you shall not escape sin'—whereas it was not said 'from much eloquence,' but 'in much talking.' Now much talking is superfluous speech, a fault, that is, contracted through love of speaking. For very often even those who do not know what they are saying, or how they are saying it—whether as regards the soundness of their opinions or as regards the correct sound and order of words that is learned through the art of grammar—love to talk.
But eloquence is the faculty of speaking which fittingly sets forth what we perceive, and it must be used when we perceive rightly. In this way the heretics did not use it. For surely, if they had perceived rightly, there would have been not only nothing evil, but even something good which they might have set forth eloquently. In vain, therefore, by the recital of these examples have you accused eloquence. For neither is a soldier for that reason not to be armed for his fatherland, because some have taken up arms against their fatherland; nor ought good and learned physicians for that reason to refrain from using surgical instruments for health, because even the unlearned and the most wicked misuse these for destruction.
For who does not know that, just as medicine is useful or useless according as the things sought are useful or useless, so eloquence, that is, the skill and faculty of speaking, is useful or useless according as the things spoken are useful or useless? I do not think that even you are ignorant of this. But, I believe, when you saw that I was reckoned eloquent by some, in order to deter the eagerness of the reader or hearer away from me, you thought eloquence ought to be accused, so that whoever, terrified by you, should judge me to be speaking eloquently, might for that very reason deem me to be guarded against and shunned, and so should no longer attend to what I said.
See therefore lest what you have done belong to that evil art which, as you recalled concerning Plato, some have rightly judged should be banished from the city and from the fellowship of the human race. This is not eloquence—would that it had come to me for setting forth what I perceive as much as I desire!—but a certain sophistical and malicious profession, which sets before itself to speak not from the heart, but out of contentiousness or self-interest, for all things and against all things. Of this the Holy Scripture says: 'He who speaks sophistically is hateful.' From this, it seems to me, the apostle Paul forbids the youth of Timothy, where he says: 'Do not strive about words; for it is useful for nothing but the subversion of the hearers.'
And lest he be thought to have forbidden him the faculty of speaking rightly, he immediately added: 'Give diligence to present yourself approved unto God, a workman that needs not to be ashamed, rightly handling the word of truth.' No doubt, then, this disposition of mind crept upon you, that out of a zeal for contradiction—not because you so believed, but in order to turn away from us the attention of one desiring to learn—you declared us to be eloquent and disparaged eloquence. For how should I believe that you did this from the heart, when I know how you are wont to extol the eloquence of Donatus, of Parmenian, and of others of yours? Than which what would be more useful, if in so full a stream it flowed forth for the peace of Christ, for unity, truth, and charity? But why should I speak of others?
In your own self did you not disclose how you were a disparager of eloquence not from the heart but out of contentiousness, when you tried both to persuade of the other things you wrote by means of eloquence, and to accuse that very same eloquence eloquently? For as to what you say—that you are both unequal to us in the art of speaking, and utterly uninstructed in the examples of the Christian law—to what purpose, I beg you, is this? Did I in any way compel you to write back against my writings, and is this therefore the voice of one refusing and excusing himself? If, then, you are utterly uninstructed, why do you not rather keep silent, or so speak that you may desire to be instructed?
You say that I am always urging and challenging that your people should dispute with me for the discerning of the question of truth, but that your people act more prudently and patiently, who in the church teach the people only those things which are commanded in the law, and do not care to answer us, knowing that, if the divine law and so many documents of the legal Scriptures cannot persuade us what is better and what is truer, human authority could never recall us, once our errors were discussed, to the rule of truth. What then seemed good to you, that while they are silent you should speak against us? For if they do well, why do you not imitate them; if ill, why do you praise them?
You say that I believe, with intolerable arrogance, that I alone can settle what to others has seemed as it were insoluble and therefore has been left to God the judge—though a little earlier you had said that I wish to settle this after so many years, after so many judges and arbiters, a matter which, before princes and with so many learned men from the bishops of both parties disputing, could not be settled. Am I really the only one who busies himself in this? Am I really the only one who desires this question to be settled by disputation? For I think that, if you had wished to blame only our men for having attempted this, you would not have confessed that your men too were engaged in that attempt. Since, then, you cannot now reprove that attempt, that will and insistence—at least on account of your own men—I refuse to be a stranger to so good a work. What do you allege, what do you censure?
Or do you envy? This must not be rashly believed of you. It remains, therefore, that out of a zeal for contentiousness you blame this in me which you are compelled to praise even in your own men. But, you say, since it has not been settled among so many and such men, it is intolerable arrogance to presume that it can be settled by one man alone. Do not, I pray, think that this ought to be attributed to me alone; we are very many who insist that this be settled—nay rather, that it become known to have been already settled. For those said it was not settled who refused to consent to that same settlement and concealed it from you, so that you too, deceived by their authority, might believe it has not been settled.
But our men, from the time it was settled, at no time whatever ceased—in whatever way they could, publicly and privately—to work that the settlement itself should become known, lest anyone persisting in a most pernicious error should in the last judgment complain of the negligence of God's ministers toward him. We do not, therefore, wish to treat anew a cause long since settled, but to demonstrate how it has been settled, chiefly on account of those who do not know this, so that, when the defenders of error are convicted, either they too, being corrected, may be set free, or at least, when these are refuted and remain in open obstinacy, those who are more desirous of truth than of contention may see what to follow. Nor is this done without fruit, as you suppose.
For if you could see how far and wide this error had pervaded Africa, and how few remnants of it have not yet crossed over, corrected, into the catholic peace, you would in no way judge the insistence of the champions of Christian peace and unity to be fruitless and vain—although even, wherever the diligence spent on this medicine does not profit, it suffices, for the giving of an account to God, that it has not ceased to be spent. For just as a malicious tempter to sin, even if he does not persuade, deservedly incurs the punishment of a deceiver, so a faithful preacher of righteousness, even if he is rejected by men, God forbid that with God he should be defrauded of the reward of his office. For the matter becomes certain unto an uncertain thing; and by uncertain I mean not the reward of the doer, but the mind of the hearer.
For it is uncertain to us whether he to whom the truth is preached will assent, but it is certain that even to such the truth ought to be preached, and it is certain that a fitting recompense awaits those who faithfully preach it, whether they be received or spurned, or even suffer on that account any temporal adversities whatsoever. The Lord says in the Gospel: 'When you have entered, say: Peace be to this house. If they that are there be worthy, your peace shall rest upon them; if not, it shall return to you.' Did he make them certain that those to whom they should preach it would receive their peace? Yet he made them certain that they should preach it without hesitation. The apostle Paul also:
'The servant of the Lord,' he says, 'must not wrangle, but be gentle toward all, apt to teach, patient, in meekness correcting those who think differently, lest perhaps God grant them repentance unto the knowledge of the truth, and they may recover themselves out of the snares of the devil, having been taken captive by him unto his will.' Observe how him whom he forbade to wrangle he nevertheless willed to correct in meekness those who think differently, lest the servant of God should suppose the prohibition of petulance to be an occasion for sloth. But because many bear it grievously and burdensomely—even that correction which is done with meekness—whether favouring their own sins, or not finding what to answer yet not acquiescing in the truth, they call those who deal earnestly with them and do not dissemble in convicting them of their error
call litigious and contentious. For falsehood, which fears to be laid bare and refuted, accuses the diligence of truth under the name of those vices which truth condemns. Yet ought we for that reason to desist from this insistence? See how the same apostle binds Timothy, lest on account of men to whom the preaching of truth is unwelcome, any sloth of preaching should creep upon him: 'I charge you,' he says, 'before God and Christ Jesus, who shall judge the living and the dead, by his manifestation and his kingdom: preach the word, be instant in season and out of season, reprove, exhort, rebuke, in all longsuffering and doctrine.'
Who, hearing these things, if he faithfully serves God, if he is not a deceitful workman, would rest from this diligence and insistence? Who under so great an adjuration would dare to be slothful? Let not your eloquence, therefore, clamour against us in this cause. We altogether preach, with the help of the Lord our God, the usefulness, the piety, the holiness of Christian unity; we preach to the willing in season, to the resisting out of season, and with all the strength we can we show that this question between us and the party of Donatus—and for whom, and against whom, we are able—was long ago settled. Let those recognize in themselves the name and the crime of contentious animosity who either by obstinate cunning furnish patronage to falsehood, or by envious boasting minister a herald's proclamation to the truth.
Both these kinds of contentious men the apostle Paul expressed: the first in Alexander, of whom he says: 'Alexander the coppersmith did me much evil; the Lord will render to him according to his works; whom do you also avoid, for he strongly withstood our words.' The other in those of whom he says: 'Some indeed out of envy and contention preach Christ, not sincerely, thinking to raise up tribulation for my bonds.' For these without doubt were announcing that very same thing which Paul announced, yet not with that mind, not with that will, not out of charity but out of envy, as he said, but out of contention, wishing with a proud sense to excel in that same preaching and to be preferred before the apostle Paul.
But he, not taking this grievously—nay rather even rejoicing that he saw preached by them that which he desired to become more widely known—says: 'What then? Only that in every way, whether in pretense or in truth, Christ be preached.' For not with the truth of their heart, since not with sincere intention but with rivalrous contention, they nonetheless preached the truth, that is, Christ. You therefore, since you cannot be the judge of the inward parts of our heart, attend only to this: whether we resist the truth, or whether we desire to refute those who resist the truth.
For without doubt, if we persuade the truth and refute error—even if we do it not with the truth of a proper intention, but seeking the gain of this world and human glory—the lovers of truth ought to rejoice, because on this occasion too the truth is announced, just as the apostle who says: 'And in this I will rejoice.' But if—which is most fully known to God, and which could have been known even to you yourself, as far as human capacity allows, had you lived with us—we are engaged in the labour of this dispensation out of the pious solicitude of charity, I think our ministry is by no means justly reproved, if with fervent spirit we contend for the truth against any adversaries of the truth whatsoever.
For if by you anyone is held contentious, or animose, and a preparer of brawls, whoever takes care either to bring against or to return to any man a wrangling of discourse, see what you think concerning the Lord Jesus Christ himself and his servants, the prophets and apostles. For surely the Lord himself, the Son of God—did he have discourse concerning the truth only with his disciples or with the crowds who believed in him, or did he not also have it with enemies who tempted, detracted, questioned, resisted, and reviled? Did it irk him even with a single woman to dispute concerning the question of prayer, against the opinion or heresy of the Samaritans? But he foreknew, you say, that she would believe. What of it?
How many things did he speak, so many times, to the very faces of the Jews, Pharisees, and Sadducees, who not only were by no means going to believe, but were even going most of all to contradict and persecute him! Did he not, of his own accord, when he willed, inquire of them what he willed, in order to convict those men by their own answer? Did he not, to those craftily questioning in temptation, reply without any ambiguity to the things by which, refuted, they should be struck dumb? And though he did this, none of these is read to have been converted to following him. And surely he knew, because he was foreknowing, that he would profit nothing toward their salvation when he said these things to them, or against them, or in their presence.
But perhaps he strengthened us by his example—we who are unable to foreknow men's future faith or perfidy—lest, if ever we should have spoken to the too hardened and too perverse without fruit of their salvation, we might fail and desist from the insistence of preaching, since it had irked us to labour in vain. What of the fact that even the devil himself—whom now not only God, but not even men can doubt
is in no way going to be converted to righteousness—yet the Son of God, when it insidiously tempted him and set before him the snares of questions from the Holy Scriptures, convicted it by replying from the Holy Scriptures; nor did Christ judge it unworthy to hold converse with Satan concerning the divine oracles. What indeed did he foresee, except that what profited nothing for the Jews and the devil would profit the Gentiles who were going to believe? We read also that prophets were sent to men so disobedient that God himself, who was sending the prophets, foretold concerning those to whom he was sending them, that they would not obey their words.
I pass over the fact that by the prophetic spirit, by which they discerned things to come, they too could surely have known this—that those men were going to despise their words—to whom nevertheless they did not keep silent, but spoke with vehement insistence. Most plainly the Lord says to the prophet Ezekiel: 'Go and enter into the house of Israel and speak my words to them; for you are not sent to a people of an unknown tongue, but to the house of Israel; not to many peoples speaking with diverse or difficult tongues, whose words you could not hear. And if I had sent you to such, perhaps they would have heard you; but the house of Israel will not hear you, because they will not hear me. For the whole house of Israel is of a restless and hard heart.'
'But I have made your face strong against their face, and I will strengthen your struggle against their struggle.' Behold, the servant of God is sent and bidden to speak to those who were not going to hear him, with the Lord himself who was sending and bidding him speak foretelling that they were not going to hear. For what cause, for whose good, with what fruit or what effect is he sent to the struggle of preaching the truth against those who would struggle against it and would not obey? Will anyone dare to say that the holy prophets of God incurred the reproach cast at me by you, when you said: 'If you know that the matter of which you treat cannot be settled by you, why do you take up useless labour, why do you spend vain effort, why do you contend superfluously and without fruit?'
Or is it not a great error to will what you cannot accomplish, since the law too admonishes, saying: 'Seek not things too high for you, and search not out things too mighty for you'; and again: 'A passionate man prepares strifes, and a wrathful man heaps up sin'? Certainly you would not say these things to Ezekiel, who is sent with the word of God to bring struggle upon men who would not obey, would be minded against it, would speak against it, would act against it. For if you should say them, he would perhaps answer you what the apostles answered those same Jews: 'Whom ought one to obey? God rather, or men?' This I too would answer you.
Here, if you press me to show where God has also commanded me to do that which you forbid, remember that the apostolic epistles were written not only to those who at the time when they were written were listening, but also to us—for it is for no other reason that they are recited in the church. Attend also to that which the apostle says: 'Do you wish to receive a proof of him who speaks in me, Christ?' And recall now, not what Paul, but what through him Christ spoke, which I mentioned a little before: 'Preach the word, be instant in season and out of season,' and so forth. Attend also to how, to Titus, when he was explaining what kind of man a bishop ought to be, he said he ought also to be persevering according to the doctrine of the faithful word:
'that he may be able,' he says, 'both to exhort in sound doctrine and to convict the gainsayers. For there are many unruly, vain talkers and seducers of minds, especially those of the circumcision, who must be refuted.' He does not say that only those of the circumcision are such, but that these especially are such; yet by an undoubted precept he established that vain talkers and seducers of minds ought to be convicted and refuted by the bishop in sound doctrine. Whence I recognize that this too has been commanded me; this I do according to my strength; upon this work, as much as he himself who commanded it helps, I perseveringly insist. Why do you oppose, why do you clamour, why do you forbid, why do you censure? Ought one to obey you, or God?
Unless perhaps you think that these testimonies, which have been brought forward by me from the Holy Scriptures, are to be so taken that—what you praised your men for practicing—the peoples should be taught in the church only those things which are commanded in the law. For there perhaps you think that those who think differently ought to be corrected and convicted, so that each teacher should amend the error only of his own people by disputing and preaching; but if anyone should undertake to deal thus with those who are outside, then he ought to be held animose, then contentious or litigious—because, you say, even Ezekiel himself and the other prophets were sent with the words of God to their own people, Israelites, that is, to Israelites. To these things too I answer you.
Indeed I have already recalled above that the Lord Jesus himself, who offered himself to his disciples to be imitated, did not disdain to assert the truth and to answer concerning the law not only to Jews, but even to Pharisees and Sadducees and Samaritans, and to the devil himself, the prince of all deceits and errors. But lest you think that this was permitted to the Lord, yet is not permitted to his servants, receive what is read in the Acts of the Apostles: 'Now a certain Jew named Apollos, an Alexandrian by race, came to Ephesus, mighty in the Scriptures. This man had been instructed in the way of the Lord, and being fervent in spirit he spoke and taught most truly the things concerning Jesus, knowing only the baptism of John; this man also had begun to act boldly in the synagogue.'
'When Aquila and Priscilla had heard him, they took him and expounded to him more accurately the way of the Lord. And when he wished to go into Achaia, the brethren, having exhorted him, wrote to the disciples to receive him. When he had come, he helped much those who had believed there; for he vehemently confuted the Jews publicly, showing by the Scriptures that Jesus was the Christ.' What do you say of this man, what do you think? Would you not perhaps have charged him with being contentious and animose, an inciter and preparer of brawls, were you not pressed by so great an authority of the sacred book?
Or was it because he was a Jew who had believed in Christ, that he therefore ought publicly to confute the Jews who resisted the Christian faith and denied that Jesus was the Christ—whereas we, because we were never of the party of Donatus, therefore ought not to confute the party of Donatus that resists Christian unity? Was the apostle Paul ever a worshipper of idols, or ever in the heresy of the Epicureans or the Stoics, with whom nevertheless he was neither ashamed nor irked to hold discourse concerning the question of the living and true God? Receive what is written of this matter in the same book: 'Now Paul, while he waited for them at Athens, his spirit was stirred within him, seeing the city given over to idols.'
'He disputed therefore in the synagogue with the Jews and with the devout, and in the marketplace every day with those who were present. But certain of the Epicurean and Stoic philosophers conferred with him, and some said: What does this sower of words wish to say? But others: He seems to be a proclaimer of foreign demons.' Behold, the apostle Paul did not refuse to confer with himself the Stoics and Epicureans—heresies diverse not only from him but even adverse to one another—disputing with them not only outside the church, but even outside the synagogue; nor, terrified by their revilings as though shunning strifes and contentions, did he cease from preaching the Christian truth. For see what Holy Scripture next testifies:
'And having laid hold of him,' it says, 'they led him to the Areopagus, saying: Can we know what these things are which are spoken by you? For you bring certain strange things to our ears; we wish therefore to know what these things mean.' Now the Athenians and the visiting strangers had leisure for nothing else than to tell or to hear something new. And Paul, standing in the midst of the Areopagus, said: 'Men of Athens, in all things I perceive you to be too superstitious. For as I passed by and considered your images, I found also an altar on which was written: To the unknown God. Whom therefore you worship in ignorance, him I announce to you'—and the rest, which it would be long to recall in full.
But as much as suffices for the question we are now discussing, attend, I beseech you, to the apostle of Christ, a Hebrew of the Hebrews, standing and discoursing not in the synagogue of the Jews nor in the church of the Christians, but in the Areopagus of the Athenians—that is, of the most contentious and most impious of the Greeks. For there arose the most loquacious heresies of the philosophers, of which some, like these very Stoics who are here recalled, contend more about the adversity of words than of things—which the apostle forbade to Timothy, saying it is useful for nothing but the subversion of the hearers. For of these, as you know, Tullius says: 'For a controversy of words has long tormented those little Greeks, more desirous of contention than of truth.'
Yet our Paul undertook to address and correct these, not terrified by the name of the very place—which resounds as derived from Mars, whom they say is the god of wars—there he spoke undauntedly, peaceable, to those who would believe; there, girded with spiritual arms, he stormed pernicious errors, and feared neither the contentious as the gentlest of men, nor the dialecticians as the most simple. For you know how greatly dialectic flourished especially among the Stoics—although the Epicureans themselves, who were not only not ashamed of unskillfulness in the liberal disciplines but even delighted in it, boasted that they rather both held and taught certain rules of disputing, by which whoever used them would least of all be deceived. For what else is dialectic than skill in disputing?
This I thought ought to be disclosed, because you wished to cast even this at me, as though it did not befit Christian truth, and therefore your teachers, forsooth, judged that I, as a dialectical man, ought rather to be fled and guarded against than refuted and confuted. Since they did not persuade you of this—for it did not irk you to dispute against us even by writing—you nevertheless charged dialectic against me, that you might deceive the unskilled and praise those who had refused to engage with me in disputation. But surely you do not use dialectic when you write against us! Why then did you throw yourself into so great a peril of disputing, when you do not know how to dispute?
Or if you do know, why do you, a dialectician, make a crime of dialectic—thus either rash or ungrateful, so as either not to restrain the unskillfulness by which you are vanquished, or to accuse the doctrine by which you are helped? I inspect your discourse, that very one which you wrote to me; I see you set forth certain things copiously and ornately, that is, eloquently, but discuss certain things subtly and acutely, that is, dialectically. And yet you reprehend eloquence and dialectic. If they are harmful, why do you do these things? If they are not, why do you censure them? But lest a controversy of words torment us too—since the matter itself is understood, less labour need be spent on what men have been pleased to call it.
Accordingly, if he is to be called eloquent who speaks not only copiously and ornately, but also truthfully, and likewise if he is to be called a dialectician who discusses not only subtly, but also truthfully, then you are neither eloquent nor a dialectician—not because your diction is meagre and unadorned, nor because your disputation is blunt and gross, but because you misuse that very fluency and skill for the defence of falsehood. But if not only in truth alone, but even when a bad cause is pleaded eloquently or vigorously, it can rightly be named eloquence or dialectic, then you are both eloquent and a dialectician, because you both fluently speak vanities and acutely dispute falsehoods. But of you I shall see later. The Stoics certainly were most of all dialecticians.
Why did the apostle Paul not most cautiously avoid the Stoics, lest they should confer with him?—and yet you praise your bishops for being unwilling to hold discourse with us as with dialecticians. Or if Paul too was a dialectician, and therefore did not fear to let the Stoics confer with him—because he not only disputed acutely as they did, but also truthfully, which they did not—then beware of casting dialectic against anyone as a crime, since you confess that the apostles used it. For when you cast this at me, I do not think you are deceived by unskillfulness, but that you deceive by cunning. For the word 'dialectic' is Greek, which, if usage admitted it, might perhaps be called in Latin 'disputatoria,' just as men most learned in both tongues have called 'grammar' in Latin 'litteratura.'
For just as grammar takes its name from letters, since in Greek letters are called grammata, so dialectic received its name from disputation, since in Greek disputation is called dialoge or dialexis. And just as by the ancients a grammaticus was called in Latin a litterator, so he who in Greek is called a dialecticus is much more usually and tolerably called in Latin a disputator (a debater). I think you will now not deny that the Apostle was a debater, even if you deny he was a dialectician. To disapprove, then, in a Greek word what you are forced to approve in a Latin one — what else is this than to set a snare for the unlearned and to do an injury to the learned?
Or if you deny that the Apostle was even a debater — he who so constantly and so excellently debated — then you know neither Greek nor Latin; or, what is more credible, in the Greek word you deceive those who do not know Greek, and in the Latin word those who do not even know Latin. For what is there, I will not say more ignorant — for you are not unacquainted with these things — but altogether more deceitful, than this: that when you hear and read so many and so manifold discourses of the Apostle asserting the truth and refuting falsehood, you deny that he was accustomed to debate, when this cannot be done except by debating? But if you admit that this was habitually done by him — because you are compelled by his own writings to admit it — yet contend that these should be called not disputations but discourses or epistles, why should I deal with you at such length in this way?
so that those who are ignorant of these matters may approve of whichever of us they wish, and disapprove of whichever they wish? Concerning those very divine writings, to which you must needs yield, I teach this: I bring forward the very words themselves, the very names of things. You have in this same testimony, which I cited from the Acts of the Apostles, concerning Paul himself put thus: 'He debated therefore with the Jews in the synagogue, and with the Gentiles and the devout in the marketplace.' You have in another place, although he was dealing with a Christian people, the brethren being gathered in the church, thus written: 'But a certain young man named Eutychus, sitting in a window, being borne down by a deep sleep, while Paul debated.' You have also in the book of the Psalms: 'May my debate be sweet to him.' You have too in the prophet Isaiah:
'Come, let us debate together, says the Lord.' And in many other passages of the divine Scriptures, read where you find this word, and examine the Greek codices in these same testimonies of the holy Scriptures, and you will see whence dialectic got its name — lest, in that very thing which all the righteous do even with God, to whom it is said, 'Come, let us debate together, says the Lord,' you fail to imitate them with wise piety, but accuse them with tasteless rashness. For he who debates discerns by debating what is true from what is false.
But those who cannot do this, yet wish to seem dialecticians, by insidious questions catch the assent of the unwary, so that from their answers they may conclude something — whereby they either laugh at them as deceived in manifest falsehood, or persuade the deceived of a hidden falsehood, which for the most part they themselves also suppose to be the truth.
But he who is a true debater — that is, a discerner of truth from falsehood — first does this within himself, lest, discerning wrongly, he himself be deceived; and this he cannot accomplish unless helped by God. Then, when he brings forth to teach others that which he has worked out within himself, he first observes what certainties they already know, so that from these he may lead them to the things they did not know or were unwilling to believe, showing that these follow as consequences from what they already held by knowledge or by faith; so that through those truths on which they perceive themselves to agree, they may be compelled to approve other truths which they had denied; and thus the truth which was before thought false may be discerned from the false, when it is found to be consistent with that truth which was already held.
If that true debater does this at length and with fullness, he does it eloquently, and is then reckoned by another term as well, and honored, so that he is called an orator (dictor) rather than a debater — as when the Apostle amplifies and expands that passage copiously: 'In all things,' he says, 'commending ourselves as ministers of God, in much patience, in tribulations, in distresses, in stripes, in imprisonments, in tumults, in labors, in watchings, in fastings, in chastity, in knowledge, in longsuffering, in kindness, in the Holy Spirit, in love unfeigned, in the word of truth, in the power of God; by the armor of righteousness on the right hand and on the left, through glory and dishonor, through evil report and good report;
as deceivers, yet truthful; as unknown, yet well known; as dying, and behold we live; as chastened, and not killed; as sorrowful, yet always rejoicing; as poor, yet making many rich; as having nothing, and yet possessing all things.' What indeed could you easily find richer and more ornate — that is, more eloquent — than this apostolic style? But if he speaks compactly and concisely, they are wont to call him a debater rather than an orator — as when the same Apostle deals with the circumcision and uncircumcision of father Abraham, or with the distinction between the law and grace; which certain men, not understanding, or rather slandering, falsely accused him of saying: 'Let us do evil, that good may come.'
But whether one be an orator or a debater, neither is oratory without debate — since even in the very breadth of eloquence truth is discerned from falsehood — nor can debate be without speech. For assuredly it is by words and by the tongue that the very compactness of discourse is expressed, whether one uses continuous speech, or, by questioning the one with whom he deals, compels him to answer what is true, and from this leads him to another truth which was being sought — where dialectic is said most of all to reign. For when anyone is convicted by his own answers, if he has answered badly, he has no one to blame but himself, not the debater; and if he has answered well, he blushes to resist further — not the debater, but himself.
In this kind of thing the Lord frequently acted against the Jews, and convicted them when they were caught and cornered by their own answers; yet they had not heard you, nor learned from you to revile — for perhaps they would more gladly and more spitefully have called him a dialectician than a Samaritan. For how do you suppose they were twisted and confounded, when, wishing to catch him in his word, they first asked whether it was lawful to pay tribute to Caesar — plainly laying a snare with a two-headed dilemma, so that whichever he chose, he would be caught: if he answered that it was lawful, as though he were guilty against the people of God; but if he said it was not lawful, as though he were an adversary of Caesar, to be punished?
Whereupon he demanded that a coin be shown to him, and asked whose image and inscription it bore. And when they had answered, 'Caesar's' — for the open truth compelled them to answer this — at once the Lord, drawing them bound and caught by their own answer, said: 'Render to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and to God the things that are God's.' I beseech you: were those men dialecticians, who by the snares of a treacherous question strove to overcome by deception; or rather was he, who from the very thing they asked, by the prudence of his questioning drew out their true answer, and compelled them to confess that very truth which they thought was dangerously spoken by him? If you say those men were dialecticians because deceitfully,
maliciously, spitefully desiring to catch him in his word by questioning — for such indeed you wish us also to seem — why then did the Lord answer them? Why did he lead them, by rendering an account, all the way to the confession of the truth? Why did he say to them, 'Why do you tempt me, hypocrites?' and not add 'dialecticians'? Why did he demand that a coin be shown to him, that he might express his truthful judgment even out of the mouth of deceivers, and not rather say: 'Depart; for one must not even speak with you, since you propose captious questions, since you wish to deal with me dialectically'?
He said no such thing, nor did he set us such an example against captious questioners and cunning snarers of our words; but rather that we should compel them — even the enemies of truth — by vigilant questioning and by unconquered reasoning to bear witness to the truth. Let your men do this to us, if we are malicious and dialecticians. Or do they show that they are afraid, lest we rather should do this to them? But if you should call Christ a dialectician, you will be praising dialectic, which you had cast at me as a reproach. And lest you do this, I see what you will perhaps be going to say: that neither those men nor he did anything dialectically in that conversation.
If, then, neither those who converse captiously and insidiously, so as to deceive in a word those with whom they deal, nor those who convict such men by their own answer, act dialectically — then tell us at last what dialectic is, and how much evil it has, how much harm it does. Teach how it is to be shunned, whose name you spitefully thrust upon the ignorant; show the crime to those who inquire. You are unwilling to admit that he acts dialectically who, skillfully and rightly questioning men averted from the truth, leads them from their answers to the truth — lest you should have to admit that Christ too dealt dialectically with the Jews;
likewise you are unwilling to allow that those act dialectically who, laying snares by captious questions, contrive to deceive the one answering — lest it be shown to you that the Jews so dealt with Christ, whom nevertheless he did not evade by keeping silent, but rather overcame by speaking; and so you should be compelled to admit that your bishops, whom you think learned and wise, are not right in refusing to hold discourse even with dialecticians, by which they might teach the unconquered truth. I see that you suffer great turmoil in how you may define a dialectician: so that he be neither a skilled debater — lest you be forced to praise what you have censured — nor an insidious snarer of words — lest it be said to you: 'As Christ dealt with such men, so let a Christian deal with this one.'
Therefore, if it please you to be freed from this trouble, define him to be a dialectician with whom those learned in the law of the party of Donatus are unwilling to hold conversation. For what else should be suggested to you, a man who casts dialectic at us as a reproach, and therefore praises his own bishops because they are unwilling to hold discourse with us? But concerning the Jews you perhaps find something to say — that, however cunningly and craftily they proffered the deceits of their questions, they were not dialecticians. About the Stoics, at least, nothing can be said; for they were not only dialecticians, but in this art or faculty even surpassed the other sects of philosophers.
For that Chrysippus was a Stoic — as you recall along with me — of whom the Academic Carneades held this opinion: that when he had to debate with him, he judged his heart must be purged with hellebore, whereas the rest he easily overcame even after a full meal. If, then, the books of the Stoics have taught us to debate dialectically, let your bishops bring forth the teaching of Paul against us. Yet let them suffer us to confer with them, just as Paul then did not repel the Stoics themselves. For this art, which they call dialectic, which teaches nothing else than to demonstrate consequences, whether true things from true or false things from false, Christian teaching never fears — just as the Apostle did not fear it in the Stoics, whom, when they were willing to confer with him, he did not reject.
For it too admits — and it is true — that no one is drawn by a debater by valid inference to a false conclusion, unless he has first consented to the false premises by which that same conclusion is necessarily produced. And through this, whoever takes care lest, as he speaks, false things he does not wish should follow, let him willingly beware of the false things that go before. But if he holds fast to true premises, then whatever consequences he perceives — things he had thought false, or about which he was in doubt — let him, being admonished, embrace them, if he is more a friend to the most peaceable truth than to the most contentious vanity. I would have accomplished too little, unless I show what I am saying in this very conversation of ours which is at issue between us.
Behold, in that very question about baptism, you put forward, asking of me where it would be fitting for you to be baptized, whether among us or in the party of Donatus. And because your intention is that a man ought rather to be baptized in the party of Donatus, you attempted to prove this intention from the fact that we too do not deny that baptism is there. You surely see that you wished to do this: that from what we concede we might be dragged to what we did not concede — that is, that because we concede baptism is there, we should be compelled to concede also that a man ought to be baptized there. Consider carefully whether this follows, and answer yourself.
For I think that, this being now set before your eyes, you discern, according to the liveliness of your talent, how you gather things not consequent as though they were consequent. For in truth we say that baptism is there also, but we do not say that it also profits — nay rather, we say that it even harms. But when it is asked where each one ought to be baptized, I believe it is asked because of that which the Lord says: 'Unless a man be born again of water and the Spirit, he shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven.' Since, therefore, baptism is to be received for the sake of this benefit, when it is asked where it is to be received, it is not asked where it is, but where it is useful for attaining the kingdom of heaven.
But it would follow that it is to be received wherever it is established to be, only if all who have anything good were taught to have it also for their good. But since so many have so many good things to their own harm, who does not see that, when it is asked where something is to be received, it is not asked where it is, but where it profits? For how — if you were to concede to me that gold is good,
you would concede too that robbers also have gold — you would not, I think, wish that from these two concessions I should conclude that he who wishes to have gold ought to be in the society of robbers. So, since I too concede that baptism is good, I concede also that the Donatists too have baptism; you ought not from these two concessions, as though it followed, to conclude that he who wishes to have baptism ought to be in the society of the Donatists. Now from this too I do not doubt that many things occur to you yourself: things which, although they are good and instituted for some useful purpose, are yet not useful to all who have them, but only to those who use them well. For with the same light both sound eyes and diseased eyes are flooded; to the former it is a help, to the latter a torment;
the same food nourishes some constitutions and harms others; the same medicine cures these and weakens those; the same weapons defend some and hinder others; the same garment is a covering to some and an entanglement to others. So too baptism avails for some unto the kingdom, for others unto judgment. Here I see what may perhaps move you. For perhaps you say that in all these things I have made mention of no sacrament: but baptism is a holy sacrament, and therefore it does not follow that, if it could be proved of gold, light, foods, weapons, garments, that they are fitting for some who have them and unfitting for others — though they be good and instituted for some useful purpose — that therefore baptism too straightway profits some who have it and harms others.
It remains, then, still to inquire whether even those good things which pertain to the law of God do not all profit all who have them. This question being proposed, our contention is that not even all these profit all who have them. See how we prove this contention of ours from your own agreements. For you concede that in all things the Apostle Paul is to be believed — I hold to that one point; you concede also that the same Apostle said, 'The law is good, if a man use it lawfully': from these two it is made out that the law is good, but for those who use it lawfully. If, then, anyone has used it unlawfully, it does not itself become evil, but it will surely harm the wicked. Perhaps you will say that no one can both be in the law and use the law badly;
for by this very fact, that he lives against the law, he is shown not to be in the law. But I say, on the contrary, that it can happen that anyone should both be in the law and not use it lawfully. This too I prove by your own concessions. For you concede that the aforementioned Apostle set down a testimony from the Psalms against those who gloried in the law and lived against the law: 'As it is written,' he says, 'that there is none righteous, not one; there is none that understands, none that seeks after God; all have turned aside, together they have become unprofitable; there is none that does good, no not one. Their throat is an open sepulchre; with their tongues they have dealt deceitfully; the poison of asps is under their lips; whose mouth is full of cursing and bitterness.
Their feet are swift to shed blood; destruction and misery are in their ways; and the way of peace they have not known; there is no fear of God before their eyes.' And lest they should think these things were said against those who were not in the law, he immediately added: 'Now we know that whatsoever the law says, it says to those who are in the law, that every mouth may be stopped and all the world may become guilty before God.' Likewise in another place he says: 'What then shall we say? Is the law sin? God forbid; but I had not known sin except through the law; for I had not known concupiscence, unless the law said, Thou shalt not covet. But sin, taking occasion, wrought in me through the commandment all manner of concupiscence.' Likewise a little after:
'Sin,' he says, 'taking occasion through the commandment, deceived me, and through it slew me. So the law indeed is holy, and the commandment holy and just and good. Was then that which is good made death to me? God forbid; but sin, that it might appear sin, wrought death in me through that which is good.' Do you observe how, while praising the law, he reproves those who are in the law — as many as, by using it badly, had evil through the good? Likewise the Apostle himself says that a certain knowledge from the law, which he said both he and others had, is yet without charity useless and harmful: 'Concerning things sacrificed to idols,' he says, 'we know that we all have knowledge. Knowledge puffs up, but charity edifies.'
Accordingly, this knowledge too, although it pertains to the law of God, if in anyone it be without charity, puffs up and harms. What of this? Concerning the very body and blood of the Lord, the one sacrifice for our salvation — since the Lord himself says, 'Unless a man eat my flesh and drink my blood, he shall not have life in him' — does not the same Apostle teach that this too becomes pernicious to those who use it badly? For he says: 'Whosoever shall eat unworthily and drink the cup of the Lord unworthily, shall be guilty of the body and blood of the Lord.' Behold how divine and holy things harm those who use them badly; why not baptism too in this way? Why are not good heretics in good baptism, just as good Jews are not in the good law?
Now surely I have proved, with you conceding — since you concede that you believe Paul and that Paul said the testimonies which I have set down from the Scriptures — now, then, I have proved by your own concessions that certain good and lawful things nevertheless harm those who have and use them unlawfully; why not likewise baptism, though good and lawful, yet does not profit all who have it?
Why did you conclude, as though it were most certain and most consequent, that a man is to be baptized in the party of Donatus, because we concede that baptism is there too, and did not attend that we can say that there is indeed there the baptism of Christ — righteous, holy, and good — but penal, adverse, and pernicious to the enemies of the body of Christ, which is the Church, which according to the divine promises is spread abroad among all nations?
Will you here find anything to say, except that baptism is not to be counted among those good things pertaining to the law of God which men can both have and not be good — but that the law itself, and knowledge, and the sacrifice of the body and blood of Christ, are indeed such good things as men can both have and be evil, whereas baptism is such a good that whoever has it is necessarily good? But if you should wish to say this, you will say what is false; and therefore attend to what other falsehood follows. This I will call to mind, not that from that falsehood of yours I may lead you on to other falsehoods, but so that, when you have recognized this consequence to be false, you may, in order to free yourself from it, correct that which precedes. What, then, precedes?
That, according to you, all who have good baptism are good. This is an evident falsehood, from which it would follow that those were good who made schisms, saying: 'I indeed am of Paul, but I of Cephas, but I of Christ' — whom the Apostle reproving says: 'Is Christ divided? Was Paul crucified for you, or were you baptized in the name of Paul?' But it is false that these were good, excepting those who said, 'But I of Christ'; and yet they had been baptized with the holy baptism of Christ. This falsehood, therefore, why did it follow? Because a falsehood went before: that all who have good baptism are good.
Let both, therefore, be rejected, let both propositions be corrected, so that, since it is manifest that those who made schisms were not good, and yet had been baptized with good baptism, it may also be manifest that not all who have good baptism are good. And through this we are not bound to concede that anyone is to be baptized in the party of Donatus, because we concede that the party of Donatus, which we call evil, has good baptism. Again, that from that agreement you might detain me toward that to which I do not agree, you laid down that it is written: 'One Lord, one faith, one baptism, one incorrupt and true Catholic Church.' All of which I concede, even if they are written somewhat otherwise. But what is that to the point, since I concede all these, as I have said?
But what you attempt to make out from these does not follow — namely, that those who are not in the one Church cannot have the one baptism; which is altogether most false. And it is better because you yourself laid it down, whence I can remind you of what I wish. For certainly you proposed these things among my concessions, from which you might lead me to your intention: that there is one God, one faith, one baptism, one incorrupt and Catholic Church. Since these things agree between us, you think that from them that which does not agree can be shown — that among those who are not in this one Church this one baptism cannot exist.
But I say that it can — if it be not changed, if this same thing be observed — and that it does not thereby come about that there is not one baptism, because it exists also among those who are not in one Church. And this I prove from those things which you set down in the same sentence concerning one God and one faith. For we find that the same God is worshipped outside the Church by those who are ignorant of him, and it does not thereby come about that he is not himself God; and the faith by which it is believed that Christ is the Son of the living God, we find that even those who do not belong to the members of the Church confess it, and it does not thereby come about that there is not one faith. So too, when we find that the same baptism is observed by those who are outside the Church in baptizing men, we ought not thereby to suppose that it is not that same baptism.
Perhaps to this you say that it cannot be that even outside the Church the same one God is worshipped, or that the same faith by which we confess Christ the Son of God — whereby Peter was called blessed — is found even in those who are not in the Church. This, then, it remains for me to prove. You have, in this very discourse of blessed Paul, which I cited above from the Acts of the Apostles, where he was speaking of God — because he had found inscribed on an altar 'To the unknown God' — 'Whom you,' he says, 'worshipping in ignorance, him I declare to you.' Did he say: 'Because you worship outside the Church, he whom you worship is not God himself'? But he said:
'Whom you worshipping in ignorance, him I declare to you' — desiring to bestow what upon them, except that the same God, whom apart from the Church they worshipped ignorantly and unprofitably, they might worship in the Church wisely and healthfully? So we too say to you: 'That baptism which you observe in ignorance, its peace we declare to you — not that, when you come to us, you should receive another, but that you should have to profit that which was already with you.' Concerning faith too, when the Apostle James was speaking against those who thought that what they had believed sufficed them and were unwilling to do good works: 'You believe,' he says, 'that there is one God? You do well; the demons also believe and tremble.'
Surely in the unity of the Church there are no demons; nor can we therefore say that it is something different which they believe, since they even said to the Lord Jesus Christ: 'What have we to do with you, Son of God?' Whence Paul the Apostle also: 'If I have,' he says, 'all faith, so that I could remove mountains, but have not charity, I am nothing.' But I do not suppose that anyone is so foolish as to believe that he belongs to the unity of the Church who does not have charity. As, therefore, one God is worshipped ignorantly even outside the Church, and yet is not thereby not himself; and one faith is held without charity even outside the Church, and yet is not thereby not itself; so too one baptism is held ignorantly and without charity even outside the Church, and yet is not thereby not itself.
For there is one God, one faith, one baptism, one incorrupt Catholic Church — not that in which alone one God is worshipped, but in which alone one God is worshipped devoutly; nor that in which alone one faith is held, but in which alone one faith is held with charity; nor that in which alone one baptism is had, but in which alone one baptism is had healthfully. Accordingly, one God, one faith, one baptism, one incorrupt and Catholic Church, you proposed with us consenting; but not only did you not accomplish from these what you wished, but you even greatly helped us, so that from these we might admonish you of what we wished.
See, therefore, how probable a reasoning we follow, we who correct those things which the schismatics or heretics have corrupted, when they come to us from thence, but the things which they have held just as they received them, we acknowledge and approve — lest, moved by human faults, we should beyond justice do any injury to divine things; since we see that the Apostle too, even on the altar of the Gentiles, by whom idols were worshipped, rather confirmed than denied that the name of God was found there.
For the royal mark upon a man is not to be changed or disapproved on that account, if he obtains from the king pardon for his error and enrolment in military service, merely because a deserter branded that same mark upon himself in order to gather henchmen around him; nor are the sheep's brands to be changed when they are joined to the Lord's flock, merely because a runaway slave stamped the Lord's mark upon them. But if you dread these examples as though they misled you, on the ground that they are not drawn from the Church—although you know that comparisons taken from sheep and from soldiers are set down in the Scriptures—I wish to say something from the prophetic writings which are called those of the Old Testament, since in the books of the New Testament no instance of this matter is found either by us or by you.
You certainly do not dare, I think, to deny that circumcision of the foreskin was observed by the ancients as a figure of the baptism of Christ that was to come. Could a man circumcised among the Samaritans, if he then wished to become a Jew, be circumcised again? Would not that man's error be corrected, while the seal of faith, once recognized, would be approved? And even now there are certain heretics who call themselves Nazarenes, though by some they are named Symmachians, who have both the circumcision of the Jews and the baptism of Christians; and therefore, just as, if one of them should come over to the Jews, he cannot be circumcised again, so when he comes over to us he ought not to be baptized again. To this you will say: 'The circumcision of the Jews is one thing, the baptism of Christians another.'
But since that was a shadow of this truth, why could that circumcision of the Jews exist even among heretics, while this baptism of Christians cannot exist among heretics? Produce, then, some instance from the canonical Scriptures of one coming from the heretics who was baptized anew. For the fact that the apostles ordered certain men to be baptized in Christ after John's baptism is an entirely different case. For John was no heretic, but that friend of the Bridegroom, than whom none greater has arisen among those born of women. The case, therefore, is quite different.
Otherwise, if Paul baptized after John, since both were in the unity of Christ, how much more ought your bishops—since they say that they are in the unity of Christ—to baptize after their colleagues, in whom they rightly reprove certain morals, when Paul did this who could reprove nothing in John! Therefore that is another case, another reason, about which it would be long to discourse now, and concerning which we have already said much in our other little works. Prove, then, from the canonical Scriptures that one coming from the heretics was baptized anew. For we too cite what was said to Peter: He who has once been washed has no need to be washed again. But you also say:
'Peter had not been baptized among heretics.' Accordingly, since neither can you produce from the Scriptures—whose authority is common to us both—an instance of one coming from the heretics who was baptized anew, nor can we produce one so received (as far as this matter is concerned), the case stands equal between us. Yet we have shown that many things pertaining even to the law of God are found among those who are not in the Church—which none of you dares to deny; but why you should refuse to admit baptism to be something of this kind, I do not at all see, nor do I trust that you can demonstrate it. In this matter, indeed, we follow the most certain authority of the canonical Scriptures.
For it is not to be regarded as of small moment that, when among the bishops of an earlier age—before there began to be the party of Donatus—this question was in flux and the colleagues held various opinions among themselves while the unity was preserved, it was resolved that throughout the whole Catholic Church, which is spread over all the world, that should be observed which we hold. For you too produce the council of Cyprian, which either was never held, or was rightly overruled by the other members of unity, from whom he was not divided.
For we are not on that account better than Bishop Cyprian, if indeed he judged that heretics should be baptized anew, merely because we rightly do not do this—just as we are not better than the Apostle Peter because we do not compel the Gentiles to Judaize, which he is shown to have done, as the Apostle Paul attests and corrects him, when among the apostles a question about circumcision similarly wavered with no small difficulty, just as afterward the question about baptism did among the bishops.
Accordingly, although no certain instance of this matter is produced from the canonical Scriptures, nevertheless the truth of those same Scriptures is upheld for us even in this matter, since we do what has now pleased the universal Church, which the authority of the Scriptures themselves commends; so that, since Holy Scripture cannot deceive, whoever fears to be deceived by the obscurity of this question may consult that same Church concerning it, which Holy Scripture points out without any ambiguity.
But if you doubt that this Holy Scripture commends the Church, which is spread abroad through all nations in most abundant number—for if you did not doubt, you would no longer be in the party of Donatus—I will burden you with many and most manifest testimonies brought forward from that same authority, so that from your own concessions, if you are not too obstinate, you may even be brought to this: after I have first shown that to my letter, which you chose to answer in opposition, you were able to answer nothing that pertains to the truth. For the present let this suffice, that on account of men's excessive obstinacy I have judged that much must be said against those who, having a fundamentally bad cause, wish by a technical objection to turn the judges away from examining it.
For they say that they must by no means hold discourse with us. I have proved, both from the Holy Scriptures and by reasoning as clear as I could make it, that neither eloquence, however great, nor dialectic, of whatever kind, is to be feared by the defenders of truth, so as to prevent them from convincing the defenders of falsehood by disputing with them and refuting them. There too I have demonstrated that very thing by which, apart from my letter, you said you were moved—namely, how it does not follow that, if we grant that there is baptism in the party of Donatus, we should at the same time grant that anyone ought to be baptized in that same society; because, just as the reprobate people of the Jews could have a good law, so the reprobate society of heretics can have a good sacrament.
But what is properly given in the Church, which is by no means given outside her, will be shown in its own place without difficulty. For we should not deal rightly with the heretics—whom we confess to have baptism—by urging them to come by all means to the Catholic Church, unless by coming they received something which they could not receive elsewhere, and which, unless they receive it, they possess in vain and to their ruin.
Whatever other things, however good and pertaining to the law of God, they could receive anywhere—for whatever this is that, according to the Scriptures and most certain reason, can be found to be given or received nowhere save in the Holy Church, this will pertain to the sealed fountain, the well of living water, the paradise with the fruit of the orchard, of which, as you were able, you made mention, but showed that you did not understand what it was, since you suppose that this was said of visible baptism.
Although this (baptism) is holy and by no means to be omitted, since it excels in a most sacred signification, yet, since many receive it—not only the good, who are called according to His purpose and are conformed to the image of the Son of God, but also those who shall not possess the kingdom of God, among whom, as the apostle says, both the drunkards and the covetous are numbered—I think that, if you lay aside your stubbornness and reflect, you will yourself easily answer that I speak the truth to you: namely, that you should not seek the sealed fountain and the well of living water except where those who displease God are by divine appointment not permitted to approach. BOOK TWO.
By the so lengthy discourse of the previous volume I think that we have at last, sooner or later, persuaded you that your bishops are not to be praised in this matter nor approved—in that, concerning the cause of the dissension which sunders our communion, they refuse to hold conference with us.
For by this technical objection, as it were, they think themselves most safe in a most evil cause—an objection which, unless I am mistaken, I have utterly cut away, both by true and certain reasons and, above all, by examples from the divine Scriptures; by which I have taught most clearly that discourse was held by the holy preachers and defenders of the truth even against its adversaries who were present—and not only against those who were of the same people as they, but even against foreigners and strangers, and (whence chiefly you cast vain terrors upon the untaught) against those who chiefly professed dialectic—lest the most diligent preacher be reckoned most contentious, and lest the tireless disputant be thought a wrangler, being instant, according to the apostle's precept, in season and out of season, that by sound doctrine the gainsayers may be refuted, the vain talkers confounded, the unquiet reproved, the fainthearted comforted, the weak upheld, while against all who resist, the word of gospel salvation is defended with patience.
…it is preached without diffidence. I have also shown how little you ought to think that a man is to be baptized among you because we too agree that baptism can both be possessed and given by you, since we also say that it is possessed to ruin and given to ruin; for those holy things, which even the wicked can use, the holier they are, the more uselessly and the more to their own punishment are they handled by them. Hence, when they come to the holy Church, they themselves must be corrected, and those things must not be violated by the good which were not even changed by the wicked.
Hear then, Cresconius, while I briefly demonstrate this too—that in your whole letter you said nothing whereby you might refute mine, except perhaps that you taught me to derive or decline names, so that from 'Donatus' I should say 'Donatians' rather than 'Donatists'; yet you grant that this at least is a Greek declension, namely that the Donatists are named from Donatus as the evangelists are from the gospel—a thing in which you say you take delight, that from a like source the declension of the word should be borrowed for your preachers of the gospel. See, then, lest perhaps they themselves first wished to be so called, because they hold Donatus in place of the gospel.
For just as these men, from Donatus, so all the saints refuse to depart from the fellowship of the gospel, and therefore they delight to be called Donatists as evangelists; and you rather do them an injury when you write, approving in Latin speech nothing but the Latin rule, that they are better called Donatians from Donatus, just as Arians and Novatians from Arius and Novatus. For as for me, when I was writing, this name already sounded in my ears as propagated by I know not whom, and I did not trouble to change it, since I judged that even this was sufficient enough for the distinction I intended.
For if Demosthenes, the most illustrious of orators—men who took as great care of words as our own authors took of matters—nevertheless, when Aeschines charged him with a certain unusualness of expression, denied that the fortunes of Greece depended on whether he used this word or that, and stretched out his hand this way or that: how much less ought we to labor over the rules of deriving names, when, whether we say the one or the other, what we say is understood without ambiguity—we whose greater concern lies not in the polishing of speech but in the demonstration of truth! But if any of our people first inflected this name, in no way, it seems to me, did he look to the parallel by which the evangelists are named from the gospel;
but because through Donatus—not only him of Carthage, who is said to have most strengthened this heresy, but also the greater Donatus of Casae Nigrae, who first set up altar against altar in the same city—a great scandal was caused, therefore perhaps he wished to call them Donatists from Donatus as one might call them 'scandalists' from scandal. But for my part, in a matter in which nothing of our cause is diminished, I show myself most accommodating; and when I deal with you I now say 'Donatians,' but when I deal with others, I rather follow custom, which rightly rules over these sounds.
Only do you remember that I, to whom you have attributed such great eloquence, do not yet know how to decline names, and announce to your people their security, lest they should any longer fear me as a dialectician, seeing that you find me still in need of a grammarian.
But if the discipline of disputation—whether you wish to call it dialectic or something else—nevertheless teaches soberly enough that, when the matter is settled, one need not labor over the name: just as I do not care whether that very discipline be called dialectic, yet I do care, so far as I am able, to know and to be able to dispute, that is, to distinguish truth from falsehood in speech (because unless I take care of this I shall err most ruinously)—so I do not care whether you be more skillfully and more learnedly declined as 'Donatists' or 'Donatians,' nor, finally, whether the name should be assigned to you (when we speak, for the sake of distinction) from Donatus—either the one who first sacrificed outside the Church, or the one who chiefly strengthened this dissension—or from Majorinus, who was first ordained a bishop of your party against Caecilianus.
Yet that you are heretics, and therefore, lest you deceive, most carefully to be shunned, I shall incur no small guilt of negligence, as the burden of my office requires, unless I take diligent care to demonstrate it. However, you judge that what has arisen between us ought rather to be called a schism than a heresy, and—what dialecticians rarely dare to do—you even distinguish these things by definitions; wherein I shall not be able to show sufficiently how much you help me, unless I insert your own words from your letter. 'What is it,' you say, 'that you mean, when you say: the sacrilegious error of the heretics?'
'For heresies are not wont to arise except among those who follow different things, nor is a heretic anything but a worshipper of a contrary or otherwise-interpreted religion, such as are the Manichaeans, Arians, Marcionites, Novatians, and the rest, whose divergent opinion stands among themselves against the Christian faith. But among us, for whom the same Christ was born, died, and rose again, one religion, the same sacraments, nothing divergent in Christian observance—there is said to be a schism, not a heresy; since heresy is the sect of those following different things, but schism is the separation of those following the same things. Wherefore in this eagerness for accusation too you see how far you have fallen into error, when you call a heresy what is a schism.' These, to be sure, are your words, which I have set down from your letter.
Now then attend, if you are not obstinate, by how easy a compendium you yourself have settled the matter that was in dispute between us. For if to us and to you the same Christ was born, died, and rose again, one religion, the same sacraments, nothing perverse in Christian observance, is it not perverse to rebaptize? For you set down three things, of which if you had set down but one, it would have more than sufficed. But, as though you were acting faithfully against the Donatians, lest anyone, however overly acute, should try to interpret otherwise what you had said once and briefly, you took care to press and drive your opinion in even upon dull ears and hearts: 'one religion,' you say, 'the same sacraments, nothing divergent in Christian observance.'
And still we labor against one another. Now at last, sooner or later, restrain your dissension, mend the tear, end the strife, love peace. What do you reject, what do you blow away, why do you rebaptize? There is one religion, the same sacraments, nothing divergent in Christian observance. For if there is not one baptism for us and for you, how is there one religion? But you said 'one religion'; therefore also one baptism. If there is not the same baptism for us and for you, how are there the same sacraments? But you said 'the same sacraments'; therefore also the same baptism. Likewise, if for us and for you baptism is divergent, how is nothing divergent in Christian observance?
But you said 'nothing divergent in Christian observance'; therefore baptism too is not divergent. Since these things are so, we rightly neither disapprove, nor blow away, nor repeat what is one and the same and not divergent, but we acknowledge, take up, and accept it; you, however, impiously refuse to acknowledge, decline to take up, are unwilling to accept what is one and the same and not divergent, but you choose to disapprove, dare to blow away, do not fear to repeat it. And whereas in this very thing—that we take up those things which have not been changed between us, while you reject them; that we judge to be valid, if they were given by you; while you demand again, as though not given, what has been given by us—since you follow things so divergent, you disdain to be called heretics.
Attend diligently to what you say, to what I say. You certainly defined and said: 'Heresy is the sect of those following different things, but schism is the separation of those following the same things.' Likewise you said that for us and for you there is one religion, the same sacraments, nothing divergent in Christian observance. If there is one religion, the same sacraments, nothing divergent in Christian observance, why then do you rebaptize a Christian? But if, in the fact that you rebaptize a Christian while I do not rebaptize, we assuredly follow different things, why are you unwilling to be called a heretic? I think that we recognize by no small sign that they are heretics, who—while they profess that for themselves and for us there is one religion,
the same sacraments, nothing divergent in Christian observance—yet are unwilling to acknowledge us as baptized. Or do you contend with such obstinacy, do you resist the truth with such dissension, that you separate baptism from religion, from the sacraments, from Christian observance? If you do this, herein you are heretics, in that you refuse to admit that baptism pertains to religion, to the sacraments, to Christian observance. But if you do not do this, herein you are heretics, in that those who have with you one religion, the same sacraments, nothing divergent in Christian observance—since you confess that baptism too pertains to religion, to the sacraments, to Christian observance—you nevertheless rebaptize.
For attend diligently to your own definition, in which you said: 'Heresy is the sect of those following different things,' and see whether you do not follow different things—either by separating baptism from the religious observance of the Christian sacraments, with which we join it among great things, or by rebaptizing those with whom, in one religious observance of the Christian sacraments, even baptism is one—which we detest.
How I could wish, if I were able, when your men receive some deceived one from among our faithful to be destroyed by their abominable snares—when they say that one already baptized among us has not even begun to be a Christian, when they blow upon him as though a pagan, when they make him a catechumen in order then to prepare him for re-dyeing, or rather for extinguishing—suddenly to appear from somewhere with this letter of yours, and, reading out in the very midst of their audacious deeds this very passage of it, to hold it forth and cry out: What are you doing? Behold, hear, see, read: 'One religion is ours and yours, the same sacraments, nothing divergent in Christian observance.'
First ask in whose name this man was baptized, and then, if you name a better one in your baptism, give it.' Then perhaps they, if they did not tremble at the very evidence of the facts, would forthwith put forward their plan—great, no doubt, and shrewd—and say: 'Who is this fellow to us, whose letter you carry? He is a layman of ours; for us he would conquer, for himself he is conquered.' Then I, if I were present, turning to you would say: 'Do you at least, I beg, tell us what these men are doing. Behold, they arrange to rebaptize one baptized among us. Surely, then, we and you have one religion, the same sacraments, nothing divergent in Christian observance?' Or would you answer:
'But the baptism of Christ is not religion, is not a sacrament, is not Christian observance'? May God turn away this madness from your mind. What then would you answer me, pressing and saying: 'One religion is ours and yours; but those for whom baptism is not one do not have one religion; therefore ours and yours is one baptism. The same sacraments are ours and yours; but those for whom baptism is not the same do not have the same sacraments; therefore ours and yours is the same baptism. Nothing is divergent between us and you in Christian observance; but those for whom baptism is divergent assuredly do not have nothing divergent in Christian observance; therefore ours and yours baptism is not divergent.
Why is that which is one disapproved, why is that which is the same blown away, why is that which is not divergent repeated?' While I was thus acting in the present situation, thus pressing, to what evasions would you take refuge? Doubtless, in your letter, those men would despise the grammarians; in ours, you would accuse the dialecticians; but the truth from both sides would overcome the heretics, showing that this alone in them is divergent from us, which is established to be perverse—because we recognize our sacraments and correct another's error, while you, on the other hand, confess the same sacraments, which you nevertheless repeat as though they were nothing, disapproving with great divergence what you concede is not divergent.
Accordingly, although between schism and heresy I rather approve that distinction by which schism is said to be a recent dissension of a congregation arising from some divergence of opinions—for neither can a schism come about unless those who make it follow something divergent—while heresy is an inveterate schism: yet what need is there that I should labor over this, since your definitions so greatly help me, that, if it were granted to me both by you and by others of your party, I would more gladly call you schismatics than heretics.
For if those make a schism who have, with those from whom they divide themselves, one religion, the same sacraments, nothing divergent in Christian observance, then from this your rebaptism is the more damnable, because in one religion, with the same sacraments, with nothing divergent in Christian observance, baptism cannot be another and divergent one. But since what you follow as divergent is neither nothing nor anything small—for, separated from the bond of unity, you also dissent from us concerning the repetition of baptism—it comes about that, according to that very definition of yours in which you said, 'Heresy is the sect of those following different things,' you are both heretics and appear to be defeated.
Heretics indeed, in that you are not only divided but also follow something divergent in rebaptizing; but defeated, because the baptism given through us you repeat as though it were not the same or as though it were nothing, which you confess to be one and the same and not divergent. For they are your own words, that for us and for you there is one religion, the same sacraments, nothing divergent in Christian observance. Wherefore, if the party of Donatus would subscribe to your letter, and then reflect upon these things which have been said by you and by me, without insane obstinacy or shamelessness, it would think and say nothing further against us. But since it is you to whom I reply, I now think that you yourself also see how it was not from any eagerness to accuse, but to refute a pernicious deceit, that I said:
'the sacrilegious error of the Donatist heretics.' Of which four words or names—since this pleases either you or the grammatical art—the first that is set down, 'Donatists,' I correct and change, and I say 'Donatians'; but the other three, since (as I think) you now perceive that they were most truly said, do you correct, do you change. Change, I say, and correct—be it 'of the Donatians' or by whatever other name you are to be called—yet still 'the sacrilegious error of heretics.'
For you are heretics both because you have remained in an inveterate schism, and, by your own definition, because you follow something divergent concerning the Church, which is the body of Christ, or concerning the repetition of Christian baptism; and sacrilegious error it is, not only the separation from Christian unity, but also the violation and rescinding of the sacraments, which, by your own confession, are one and the same. But if you correct and change this, how do we receive you such as you were?
Hence to no purpose have you spoken so many things; and, though you are of so acute a wit, you are dulled by the habit of hearing vanity, so that it seems to you that, when they come over to us from you, we receive them such as they were—because in them we approve the tradition of Christians, which neither did the estranged estrange nor the perverse pervert; which sacraments even you, although not such as we are, nevertheless could not confess to be otherwise than such—and not such as though they were other, similar things, but altogether the same.
I beseech you, tell me: how is a man such as he once was, when he now venerates the Church he used to blaspheme, holds the unity he did not hold, has the charity he did not have, receives the peace he used to reject, and approves the sacrament he used to blow away in scorn? Or are all things really so turned upside down in a false reckoning that those are said not to be changed in whom the things that had been different are corrected by the truth, while those are said to be changed in whom the things that had been alike, one and the same, are repeated in vanity?
Do not then in this matter continue to think not only carnally but even childishly, so as to suppose that your people are received by us just as they were. For by the conversion of the will—from error to truth, from division to unity, from dissension to peace, from enmities to charity, from human presumption to the authority of the divine Scriptures—they do not begin to be ours before they have ceased to be yours. This conversion of the will suddenly changed not only the sinner at the tax-booth but also the thief upon the cross;
unless you suppose that Christ would have willed a bloodstained and wicked man to be with Him in paradise, had not that conversion of the heart at once made him innocent, so that on that very day, from that very place, from that very wood, he passed to the immortal reward of faith, upon which he had received the punishment of death for his iniquity. For whether toward evil or toward good, the soul is changed in a brief moment, yet what it deserves is not therefore small. In bodily and temporal goods and benefits themselves, a single blow destroys an age of whatever length long nourished, and the Lord, as soon as He deigned to command it, healed a sickness of thirty-eight years. Believe in sure realities, not in empty words. Your people, once changed, cross over to us—far be it that they should be the same as they were—;
and would that you too would do this, and believe in yourself how true it is for you! You seemed to say something great by naming Candidus of Villa Regia and Donatus of Macomades, who from being your bishops became bishops even among us, and by their approved life attained to the more honorable merit of old age; as though the sacraments and the invocation of the name of God, which takes place among you, were themselves hostile to us—whereas even in those who are outside the Church, it belongs wholly to none but the Church. In this question, if I labored with my own words, I would be helped by yours. For if you thought that outside the Church nothing ecclesiastical could exist, you would not yourself have said that we and you have one religion, the same sacraments, and nothing different in Christian observance.
With these words of yours I do not agree entirely. For you lack the Christian Church; you do not have Christian charity. In you I indeed recognize the Christian sacraments, and in them I also disapprove and reject this one thing that is different: that although you have the same sacraments even in schism, you blow away in scorn those same sacraments in Catholics. The Church plainly recognizes in you all that is her own, and they are not less hers because they are also found among you. For among you they are alien; but when she receives you corrected, they become also, and healthfully, yours—those things which perniciously you were holding as things belonging to another. Discord possesses you under the title of peace; therefore let discord be driven out, let peace be brought in. What reason is there that the title should be laid aside?
'He is a bishop,' you say, 'you receive a bishop; a presbyter, you receive a presbyter.' You could also say this to me: 'He is a man, you receive a man'; for I recognize in him the Christian sacraments no less than the human members, and I care not by whom they were sown, but by whom they were created. If a man wills to use them badly, by that very thing he becomes bad, because he offends the Creator concerning His good things; but if he begins to use them well, he will correct himself, he will not change those things. And concerning the receiving of bishops or clerics there is indeed another question. For although, when they are ordained among you, the name of Donatus is not invoked over them but the name of God, yet they are received in such a way as seems to accord with the peace and usefulness of the Church.
For we are not bishops for our own sake, but for the sake of those to whom we minister the word and sacrament of the Lord; and therefore, as the necessity of governing them without scandal shall require, so ought we either to be or not to be that which we are not for our own sake but for others'. In short, some men endowed with holy humility, on account of certain stumbling-blocks in themselves by which they were piously and religiously moved, laid down the office of the episcopate not only without fault but even with praise. Would they in like manner lay down the Christian name and faith praiseworthily, and not rather damnably?
Just as in accepting these offices there can be just reasons why anyone should excuse himself from becoming a bishop, yet in like manner there can be no just reason why anyone should excuse himself from becoming a Christian. Why so, unless because without the episcopate or clericate we can be saved, but without the Christian religion we cannot? Accordingly, your bishops or any clerics whatsoever, as far as pertains to the ecclesiastical offices themselves, are received into Catholic unity in such a manner as seemed expedient for those to whose salvation provision was made through the exercising or the omitting of their office. Nevertheless, even concerning those who among us have administered the same honors—could you, just as you were able to say:
'He is a bishop, you receive a bishop'—could you likewise say: 'He is a heretic, you receive a heretic,' or: 'He is a schismatic, you receive a schismatic,' or: 'He is a Donatian, you receive a Donatian'? For by these names it is not a grade of honor above plebeian dignity, but the crime of error against Catholic truth, that is marked out. Accordingly, those things which are, as it were, ecclesiastical gifts, even when found among aliens, in the case of those who by leaving you and crossing over to us become ours, are either received or not received according to the benefit of the peoples whom by this dispensation we serve.
But those things that are faulty and properly your own are healed, corrected, changed, provided nevertheless that those sacraments, without which a man cannot become a Christian, are so handled even among heretics that, when they come to the Church, what was lacking may be added, what is recognized may be approved; lest, while we are too much offended by those evils which they have brought forth against the Church, we should persecute also the good things which they drew away in departing from the Church. For even a broken branch, if again, as the Apostle says, it is to be grafted in, has its root restored to it, not its form changed. But indeed—'because,' you say, 'you call our men heretics and sacrilegious, which is a nefarious and inexpiable crime'—ought such men, or can they, be pardoned without some expiation?
'Why then,' you say, 'do you not cleanse the one who comes, why do you not first wash and purify him, and so let him commune with you?' What of this—that from these words of yours another might much more fittingly say that such men now neither ought nor can be pardoned, and might show that you have spoken things contrary to yourself, since you said that such men are to be pardoned with some expiation, because that which is charged against them is inexpiable? How then is that expiated which is inexpiable? How shall I hope that you will hear what I say, you who so near at hand do not yourself hear what you say, when you immediately contradict yourself by judging that to be expiable which you called inexpiable? But we so call your heretical and sacrilegious error that we do not, however, call it inexpiable;
otherwise it would be in vain that we judged we must deal with you by whatever means we can, so that, leaving that error behind and being corrected, you might cross over to the Catholic Church. Nor should you suppose, as you write, that you are using our own word, as though we said this evil to be without pardon and without a physician; which we by no means say, since both they merit pardon who have repented of this evil, and He is an almighty physician who says through the prophet: 'If you turn back and groan, then you shall be saved.'
Wherefore, if you happened to fall in with someone less instructed in these matters or less attentive to what he was saying—although he who said this to you might seem to be of Catholic communion—let him rather deserve pardon for this ill-considered word, just as you, who although you are so liberally educated and not moderately learned in the art of words, yet attending less to what you say, judge that to be expiable which you called inexpiable, and—what is more monstrous—to be expiable for the very reason that it is inexpiable. But it is not Catholic to exhort men to be saved by having their error corrected, whom we should assert to err inexpiably and incurably.
But for this reason they do not seem to you to be cleansed when they cross over from you to us, because they are not baptized anew, as though men were cleansed from error by baptism alone—which ought not to be repeated, since it is one and the same. They are cleansed also by the word of truth, by Him who says: 'You are already clean because of the word which I have spoken to you.' They are cleansed also by the sacrifice of a contrite heart, by Him of whom it is said: 'A sacrifice to God is a troubled spirit; a contrite and humbled heart God does not despise.' They are cleansed also by almsgiving, by Him who says: 'Give alms, and behold all things are clean to you.' They are cleansed by that very charity which surpasses all things, by Him who said through the Apostle Peter: 'Charity covers a multitude of sins.'
If this one thing be present, all those things are rightly done; but if it be absent, all those things are done in vain. But hear the Apostle telling whence this comes: 'The charity of God,' he says, 'is poured forth in our hearts through the Holy Spirit who has been given to us.' Whence deservedly are those believed, who outside the Church have received the baptism of the Church, not to have the Holy Spirit, except when they cling to the Church herself in the bond of peace through the connection of charity. For now there is place to show what in the first book I had deferred: what in the Church, which is the holy body of Christ, can properly be received, which cannot be received apart from her. For concerning those who made schisms, the same Apostle says:
'But the natural man does not perceive the things that are of the Spirit of God'; read the first epistle to the Corinthians and you will find it. Baptism, therefore, is the sacrament of the new life and of eternal salvation, which many have not unto eternal life but unto eternal punishment, not using so great a good well; but holy charity, which is the bond of perfection, no one can have who is not good. No one who has it can be either a schismatic or a heretic. When therefore anyone, coming to the unity of the Church, is truly joined with her members, let him receive the Holy Spirit, through whom charity is poured forth in our hearts, and let that same charity cover a multitude of sins, so that the baptism also—
which he formerly had unto judgment—he may now deserve to have unto reward. How do you deny that he is cleansed, unless it be that you are altogether ignorant of what spiritual cleansing is? We do not therefore, as you reproach us, receive your guilty men as into the asylum of Romulus; men whom the City of God, by receiving, makes innocent, when with a truthful heart they cross over to her, of whom her Founder says: 'A city set on a mountain cannot be hidden.' For He did not found her who in his pride slew his brother in anger, but He who in humility redeemed His brethren by being slain. He gladdens her by the cleansing of the Holy Spirit, of whom He cried out, saying:
'If anyone thirsts, let him come and drink'—not commending the visible water which is given in the sacrament of baptism, which both the good and the bad can have (although without it the good cannot be saved), which, although it belongs to the Church, yet also flows forth outside, since it is found even among those who went out from us but were not of us; just as water in any of those four famous rivers cannot be denied to be the water of paradise, although it is not in paradise alone, because it also flowed out from there beyond. He was therefore commending not this water, but by the name of water the invisible gift of God, the Holy Spirit, when He said: 'If anyone thirsts, let him come and drink,' as the Evangelist plainly testifies, adding:
'But this He said of the Spirit whom those who believed in Him were to receive; for the Spirit was not yet given, because Jesus was not yet glorified.' And indeed, as far as pertains to the sacrament of the visible washing, before He was glorified by rising again, He had already baptized more than John, as the Gospel itself says. Whence He says to His disciples: 'John indeed baptized with water, but you shall be baptized with the Holy Spirit,' whom also you shall receive not after many of these days—up to Pentecost.
This Holy Spirit, coming upon them, first gave such a sign, that those who had received Him spoke in the tongues of all nations, because it foreshadowed the Church that was to be throughout all nations, and that no one would receive the Holy Spirit save he who was joined to His unity. With the abundant and invisible river of this fountain God gladdens His city, of which the prophet foretold: 'The rushing of a river makes glad the city of God.' For to this fountain no stranger draws near, because none but he who is worthy of eternal life. This is the fountain proper to the Church of Christ, of which it was so long beforehand prophesied: 'Let the fountain of your water be your own, and let no stranger share it with you.' For concerning this Church and this fountain it is also said in the Song of Songs:
'A garden enclosed, a fountain sealed, a well of living water.' Your people, receiving these things concerning the visible sacrament of baptism, so err that they are compelled unwillingly to confess most absurd things: namely, that to that fountain which is proper to the one dove—of which it is said, 'Let no stranger share it with you'—to the enclosed garden and the sealed well, there could have access Simon Magus, whom we read was baptized by Philip; that there could have access so many feigned men, of whom Cyprian speaks with groaning: 'renouncing the world in words only and not in deeds'; so many greedy bishops, of whom the same man testifies: 'seizing estates by treacherous frauds, multiplying interest by heaping up usury.'
For these men are found to be baptized, and baptizing, with visible baptism; yet to that proper fountain, with which no stranger communicates, to that sealed fountain—that is, to the gift of the Holy Spirit, by which the charity of God is poured forth in our hearts—none of them draws near except changed, and so wholly to be changed that he may not be a stranger, but may be a partaker of heavenly peace, an associate of holy unity, full of undivided charity, a citizen of the angelic city.
To this city, therefore, whoever, having laid aside the error of heresy or schism, with corrected morals and pious mind turns himself, if he already bore the sacraments—which could flow forth outwardly even to the unworthy—these are honored in him, because even among aliens they do not seem alien; but now he is flooded by that proper fountain, with which no stranger communicates, by that sealed fountain of the Holy Spirit, from which even among you, whoever should be praiseworthy in the rest of his morals, is separated by the sole crime of schism or heresy. When therefore your people come to us, ceasing to be yours and beginning to be ours, they receive what they did not have, so that they may healthfully begin to have what they had the more perniciously the more unworthily they had it.
For they receive first the Church herself, and in her peace, unity, and charity, through her own proper and invisible fountain, the Holy Spirit—without which without any doubt they would have perished, whatever else among you, which could be drawn outside from the Church, they had had. But with an easier pardon they receive what they did not yet have than if they had had it and had deserted it. And this is distinguished among us, so that those are received in one way who have forsaken the Catholic Church, in another way those who come to her for the first time. For the former the crime of desertion burdens more heavily; but the latter the bond of unity relieves—not broken by them, but recognized and retained. Whence it can come about that those who rebaptized the seduced may themselves entreat the Lord for them as they repent,
if these are first won over than those are reconciled to the Church; just as it can happen that even worshippers of idols, if they perchance have made apostates of some Christians seduced to idols—if the seducers first became Christians and attained some great merit in the Church—that through those very ones, those whom they had deceived may return, and through those very ones may be commended and reconciled to the Lord, through whom they had forsaken the Lord. For what the rightly received sacrament of baptism avails to cleanse the sacrileges of the Gentiles, this the truly apprehended charity of unity avails to cleanse the sacrileges of schismatics and heretics. Wherefore, just as seducers of faithful Christians, coming to Christ, are set before the seduced who return,
whence these can even be made bishops, but those cannot—so those deceived by heretics ought not to wonder, when they return to the Catholic Church, that their deceivers are set before them, when they come to the Catholic Church. For the former with more excuse seek the things that were lacking to them; the latter more humbly seek again what they had been. The former we call, more honorably, to where they had not yet stood; the latter we recall, more suspiciously, from whence they had fallen. Accordingly, you now see, as I suppose, that not in vain did I call the sacrilegious error of the Donatist—or, as you prefer, 'Donatian'—heretics.
If you both dissent from the Catholic Church and rend asunder the sacraments which you confess to be one and the same, yet you are not without pardon nor incurable by the mercy of God, because, having laid aside your discordant error and being converted to Catholic truth and peace, through His own proper gift—that is, His Holy Spirit, through whom charity is poured forth in our hearts—you will be able to be cleansed and healed; not so that the sacraments of the Church may be destroyed in you, which you were holding as alien and perniciously outside, but so that you may healthfully have those very sacraments within, now as your own. Now let us see how you show that Petilian, or anyone else, rightly said: 'The conscience of the one giving holily is regarded, which is to cleanse that of the one receiving.' Where I said:
'What if the conscience of the giver be hidden and perhaps stained—how can it cleanse the conscience of the one receiving?' You, on the contrary, discoursed at length not on what might be said by you, a sharp man, but on what is said by your people; which whole thing can be briefly put thus: that the conscience of the giver is regarded not according to its sincerity, which cannot be seen in it, but according to the reputation, whether true or false, which exists concerning it—because, forsooth, it is the conscience of a man who, even if he be a hidden criminal, it suffices for the receiver that he be of good estimation, not yet known, not yet judged, not yet separated from the Church. See, I beseech you, into what precipice the straits of not finding a way out have driven men.
Can then the stained conscience of the giver cleanse the conscience of the receiver, if it have a good reputation, and can it avail as much for cleansing as a good conscience, if it acquired a good reputation by deceiving? Do you attend to what is said, and do you wish that we now pass over this point, or shall I still turn this same matter over, so that you may be compelled more diligently to attend? Petilian said: 'The conscience of the one giving holily is regarded, which is to cleanse that of the one receiving.' I said: 'What if the conscience of the giver be hidden and perhaps stained—how can it cleanse the conscience of the one receiving?' You, or rather your people, said—for you, such a man, when would you have said these things?—:
'Although he may have a stained conscience, yet for me, who am baptized by him, since it is hidden and I do not know it, it suffices that I receive from one whose conscience I think innocent, because he is in the Church. For therefore,' you say, 'I regard the conscience of the giver, not that I may judge—which cannot be done—concerning hidden things, but that, if anything about him is in the public conscience, I may not be ignorant of it. For on this account it was said by the almighty God: The things that are known are for you, the things that are hidden for me. I therefore always regard the conscience of the giver, and because I do not see it, I inquire what about it is publicly known; nor does it pertain to the matter if one thing be in the secret conscience, another in public fame. For it suffices to have known that
'—the conscience of him from whom I receive has not yet been condemned.' Behold, I have set down your very words, by which I might show that you say what I briefly and openly comprised in my own words: that the conscience of the one who cleanses is regarded for this end—that what the reputation about it may be, might be known. It is not therefore that very conscience that is regarded, good man; not that very conscience which cannot be seen is regarded, but the reputation is regarded, which can even be false—which you yourself confess and concede; for you too saw that a stained conscience does not avail for cleansing. It is not therefore the conscience of the one giving holily that is regarded, which is to cleanse that of the receiver, but the reputation by which he is thought to give holily who does not give holily, and is thought to cleanse who does not cleanse.
Therefore the good reputation of a bad man cleanses the receiver, not the polluted conscience of the giver himself. Why then was it said: 'The conscience of the one giving holily is regarded, which is to cleanse that of the receiver,' unless because it does not cleanse that of the receiver if there is not the conscience of one giving holily, if it is stained and unclean? What then is regarded at that time? 'It itself,' you say, 'is regarded, when its reputation is regarded; and if the reputation is good, it makes no difference for cleansing the receiver even when the conscience is bad, but his good reputation cleanses.' Tell me, I ask you, when the conscience is bad, is his good reputation true or false? Without any doubt, certainly false.
Accordingly, when the conscience of the giver is not good and is hidden, however you may seem to yourself to regard it, according to this opinion nothing cleanses the receiver except either the false reputation or the polluted conscience of the giver. Both are insane; if such things delight you, do you choose which is the more insane.
Furthermore, since the truth does not admit that either the false reputation of the giver or his polluted conscience should cleanse the conscience of the receiver, it remains that we should also require from you what we there inquired—since, as Petilian says (or anyone else with your consent), when there is the conscience of one giving holily, that is, when there is a good and clean conscience, it cleanses the conscience of the receiver—whence is the receiver cleansed, when the stained conscience of the giver is hidden? For I think you will not now repeat and say that his false good reputation fulfills, in cleansing, the office of a good conscience; it is enough that you asserted your people, not you, to say this. Be ashamed of them, but not also of yourself.
It remains, therefore, that at that time either God or some holy angel cleanses. And if you should say this, that horrible absurdity will follow, which I mentioned in that letter of mine—I do not say you were unwilling to see it, because you did not touch it at all, but you saw it the more attentively and keenly the more you feared to touch it. For if you say this—that when a holy man baptizes, his holy conscience washes the conscience of the receiver, but when the conscience of the giver is secretly unclean, then God or an angel cleanses—beware lest those who believe you saying these things should desire to find hidden wicked men by whom to be baptized, that they may be far more holily cleansed by God Himself or by His angel.
Since you perceived this absurdity—to be either derided or detested—together with the preceding words of Petilian, and consequently mentioned by me in my letter, you cautiously indeed, as though I had said none of these things, thought so great a matter should be passed over in silence; but you fled to something I know not more absurd: that when the stained conscience of the giver is hidden and therefore cannot cleanse that of the receiver, then by his false reputation the receiver is cleansed, and in him falsehood works truth. Go now and accuse the dialecticians calumniously, that by the shiftiness of speech to be avoided they bring it about that if a thing is false it should be true, if true it should be false. Behold, you yourself introduce something of this sort into the sacraments of Christian regeneration—nay, worse and more to be avoided.
For they, not in their own fraud nor in the truth of things, but in the perplexity of human speech, say that certain words then seem true when they are false, then false when they are true; which words, when they have fallen into disputation, can be discerned by the mind even if they cannot be resolved by speech. But you say that not any word whatsoever, nor any thing whatsoever, but the very cleansing of the conscience by which we are reborn unto eternal life, can truly come about in a man through the false reputation of another's conscience. And lest this be attributed to you, who learned dialectic, you say that this is the opinion of your people, to whom you consented not as a dialectician but plainly as a heretic. Through you therefore, or through your people, this magnificent doctrine has been invented or demonstrated:
when the good conscience of one giving holily is present, then he who is baptized becomes good in relation to it, then the good tree brings forth good fruit; but when the conscience of the giver is bad and hidden, then his good reputation, which is false, is consulted, so that then a man may receive true baptism from a deceiver, when he has believed what is false about him; and thus, lest there be lacking a tree to bring forth the fruit of heretical error, falsehood becomes the mother of truth. All this therefore is so execrable, so marvelously perverse and insane, in order that what is God's may not be said to be God's—so that what is received from God may be attributed to men—lest he who said, 'The conscience of the one giving holily is regarded, which is to cleanse that of the receiver,' should seem to have erred. 'Our people,' you say,
'prove this from the Scriptures, since Judas the betrayer, before he was condemned, did all things just as an apostle.' What has this to do with Petilian's fixed and defined opinion: 'The conscience of the one giving holily is regarded, which is to cleanse that of the receiver,' except that this Judas too is very much against you, when you attempt to furnish patronage to words uttered inconsiderately by another? For when Judas baptized just as an apostle—seeing that he was wicked, because he was a thief and carried off the things that were put into the money-boxes committed to him—it was surely not his conscience that was regarded, but God and Christ in whom belief was placed.
For neither did believers' false good reputation of that same bad man cleanse the receivers, nor did the falsehood of human opinion generate in a man the grace of divine truth. And that testimony which you set down from the Scriptures—'The things that are manifest are for you, but the things that are hidden are for the Lord your God'—these words refute and convict you. For if the things that are hidden are to be left to the Lord our God, how is the conscience of the giver, not only bad but even good, when it is hidden, regarded so as to cleanse that of the receiver? Or if it itself, when it is hidden, is not regarded, what then do you bid the receiver regard, whence his conscience may be cleansed? And so, wake up at last, now at least say: let him regard God.
Why do you fear being humbled, if you glory not in man but in the Lord? 'There is,' you say, 'something I fear. For if, while the giver's conscience lies hidden, I say that the recipient should look to God, and I confess that his conscience was then washed by God, that dreadful absurdity will pursue me: that men are more holily washed when they have hidden bad baptizers than when they have manifest good ones — if it is a man who washes. For the giver's conscience is good and manifest, whereas God is invoked only when it is bad and hidden.' Then say what we say — because this is true, this is sound, this is catholic: that Christ cleanses the consciences of the recipients, whether through the good ministers of his baptism or through the bad, since of him it is written:
Christ loved the Church and gave himself up for her, that he might sanctify her, cleansing her by the washing of water in the word. 'You answer,' you say, 'how those whom the Church has condemned can baptize.' Already, then, we are departing from Petilian's words, since when he said, 'The conscience of the one who holily gives is what matters, that it may wash the recipient,' and I asked who washes the recipient when the giver's defilement is hidden, no answer could be given me. For it is as much against the truth to say that a man's false reputation can wash, as it would be to say that the reputation itself has this power. But if you ask how those whom the Church has condemned may baptize, I answer that they baptize in the same way as those whom God has condemned baptize, before the Church has passed any judgment upon them.
For he who with perverse mind seems to be within while he is without, has already been judged by Christ himself. For he himself says: 'He who does not believe is already judged.' And the apostle Paul says: 'The Church is subject to Christ.' The Church therefore ought not to prefer herself to Christ, so as to suppose that those judged by him can baptize, but that those judged by herself cannot baptize — since he always judges truthfully, whereas ecclesiastical judges, being men, are for the most part deceived. Both good and bad men baptize, then, so far as concerns the visible ministry; but invisibly, through them, he baptizes whose is both the visible baptism and the invisible grace.
Both good and bad, therefore, can dip in water, but none can wash the conscience save he who is always good. And by this, even without the Church's knowledge, those condemned by Christ because of a bad and defiled conscience are already not in the Body of Christ, which is the Church, since Christ cannot have condemned members. Accordingly, these too baptize outside the Church. For God forbid that all these monsters should ever be counted among the members of that one and only dove; God forbid that they should be able to enter the bounds of the enclosed garden, whose keeper is he who cannot be deceived. Yet if they confess and are corrected, then they enter, then they are cleansed, then they are numbered among the trees of the enclosed garden, then among the members of the one dove — and yet they are not baptized anew;
so also when they come from heretics with that same baptism which they had even outside, but not with that same cleansing which they receive within, so that what was lacking may be supplied, while what was not changed may be approved. 'Your conscience,' you say, 'has been condemned by the crime of your elders' handing-over and offering of incense, and by your own crime of persecution.' As for the traditors and the incense-offerers, who they were that committed this wickedness, you believed not the holy Scriptures but the rumor of men. And if that reputation can be a false good report about wicked men, why can it not also be a false bad report about good men? But concerning persecution, let me answer you here briefly once more what, when I had answered Petilian, you were quite unable to refute.
For in the holy Scripture, which deceives no one, the Church is called God's threshing-floor, and the Lord himself is said to be coming with his winnowing-fan to cleanse his floor, so as to store the wheat in the barn but to burn the chaff with unquenchable fire. Either, then, you rightly suffered persecution, or, if a Christian measure was exceeded, it was our chaff that did it — chaff on whose account the Lord's floor was not to be deserted, lest anyone who fled from the chaff of the floor before the time of winnowing should, being separated from the wheat, become chaff himself. But you, when you tried to refute this testimony, which was not mine but holy Scripture's, said that no persecution could be just;
Here you are to be pardoned for not knowing the Scriptures, from which it might have come into your mind with how just a voice it was said: 'Him who secretly slandered his neighbor, this man I persecuted,' and by the Lord Jesus Christ himself in a most excellent prophecy: 'I will persecute my enemies and seize them, and I will not turn back until they fail.' And there are many other divine testimonies which it would be tedious to pursue — provided you do not slander me on account of this word, so that, because I said 'it would be tedious to pursue,' you charge me with being a persecutor of the divine testimonies. You set against me words of the Scriptures — words so often shown to help you not at all:
'Let not the oil of the sinner make fat my head' — though even among you, you cannot deny that there are at least hidden sinners, who nevertheless baptize and are not excepted by these words; for it does not say 'the oil of the manifest sinner,' but simply 'the oil of the sinner' — and: 'They have become to me like deceitful water that has no faith.' Here I marvel at your prudence, how the deceitful water of the hidden dissembler does not seem such to you, whose false reputation you have even believed to profit something for the cleansing of another's conscience — unless it be that that which is not dialectical but plainly sophistical, which you vainly reproached in me as though in a dialectician, you supposed would come to your aid: (if you lie, you tell the truth!)
For what else do you try to assert, when — attributing baptism to the man, whom you refuse to acknowledge as God's — you say for this reason that an adulterer can give true baptism, because by concealing himself he lies that he is chaste? And so, according to you, he then speaks truth in baptism while he lies in his crime, and his water is not deceitful — the water which you want to be in the Church according to the promise of so many prophecies, spread throughout the whole world — whereas Jeremiah called not baptism deceitful water, but deceitful men, according to the meaning that is manifest in the Apocalypse, where, when John asked what those waters shown in the vision were, the answer was that they are peoples. But concerning that testimony which is written:
'He who is baptized by a dead man, what does his washing profit him?' — a testimony which you did not understand, though I set it forth in that letter — attend a little, and see how much you have helped me with your own words. For when you supposed that by 'a dead man' in this place I understood an idol-worshiper, you argued as though I had excepted only those who cannot baptize; and, as far as you could, by repeating that testimony about the oil, you argued that he willed no sinner to baptize who said, 'The oil of the sinner shall not make fat my head,' excepting no sinner. Whence you are the more pressed, as I showed a little before. For if no sinner is excepted, then rebaptize those baptized by hidden bad men once they have been convicted.
Here now you will try to except the hidden sinner, whom holy Scripture did not except. Therefore this whole understanding of yours is convicted of falsity by the truth, since it is shown likewise to contradict even your own intention. For this was not in reality set down in the psalm concerning baptism, but concerning the fawning of a flatterer, as the preceding words sufficiently indicate; for the whole sentence is thus connected: 'The righteous man shall amend me in mercy and shall reprove me; but the oil of the sinner shall not make fat my head.' He preferred, then, to have his head bruised by one truly reproving than anointed by one deceitfully flattering — the words 'oil' and 'anointing' being used figuratively to signify the smoothness of the flatterer.
But what I myself thought in that letter concerning this testimony where it is said, 'He who is baptized by a dead man' — by repeating from it the very words, I shall show sufficiently, as I suppose. For when I was discussing what a catholic Christian ought to answer to these things, when he hears — I said — 'He who is baptized by a dead man, his washing does not profit him,' he will answer: 'Christ lives and dies now no more, and death shall no longer have dominion over him,' of whom it is said: 'He it is who baptizes in the Holy Spirit.' But those are baptized by dead men who are baptized in the temples of idols. For not even they themselves suppose that they receive from their own priests the sanctification which they imagine, but from their gods.
And since these were men and died in such a way that they live neither upon the earth nor in the rest of the saints, they are truly baptized by dead men. Thus far I have transcribed the very words from my letter, in which you now perceive, as I suppose — if only now at least you attend carefully — that I did not call the worshipers themselves dead (although in another way they too are dead), but the false gods whom they worship, because they were men and departed from the body as men, and neither rose again nor had any merit of the life which is promised after this life.
Those, then, who are baptized by these very gods are, as I said, truly baptized by dead men — that is, those who are baptized in their name — because they too suppose themselves sanctified not in the name of their priests but of their gods, about whom they hold vain opinions. But Christ has risen and lives; accordingly, he who is baptized by him is baptized not by a dead man, whether through a good or even through a bad minister, dead in his ruined morals. For he is baptized by him who lives forever, and of whom it is said in the Gospel, which I there also mentioned: 'He it is who baptizes in the Holy Spirit.' This, in my letter, so far as your words indicate, you did not understand; for I will not say that, understanding too little, you wished to defraud. Rather, I marvel
that you did not notice the words there following mine, or thought them to be dissembled away. For a little after I added and said: 'For if in this place I understand by «a dead man» a sinful baptizer, that same absurdity will follow — that whoever has been baptized even by a hidden ungodly man, having been baptized as by a dead man, has been washed in vain. For it does not say «he who is baptized by a manifest dead man», but says simply «a dead man».' This clarification of my words there — whom would it not have roused from sleep, or rather from death itself? And yet it did not rouse you; and moreover, what I had said against Petilian, you, as though speaking against me, even more vehemently confirmed.
Just as men are wont, by unknowingly trying to work out an arrow that has been shot in, to fix it even higher and deeper. For you asserted that by 'a dead man' none is to be understood but a sinful baptizer, and that no sinner is to be excepted; and therefore what I was saying is concluded against you: that neither can a hidden one be excepted where none is excepted. Rebaptize, then, those who have been established to have been baptized by hidden sinners — those who can be helped while living and knowing, so that it now harms these alone. But those who either are unaware or have died beforehand, so that they can no longer be baptized when their bad baptizers are afterward made manifest — baptize, I say, once the adulterer is betrayed and condemned, those who have been established to have been baptized by him while he lay hidden;
for they were baptized by a dead man — you said that every sinner without any exception is to be understood as one who cannot baptize, adding the testimony about the oil of the sinner. You said it, you wrote it: hear yourself, read yourself. If every sinner, as a dead man, cannot baptize, neither can a hidden one. For it is not the case that, because he is hidden, he is therefore alive, since he is even much more deeply consumed by the lie of dissimulation. For he would be called less dead if he at least confessed; but in him is fulfilled what is written in another place: 'From a dead man, as from one who is not, confession perishes.'
Of those established to have been baptized by this dead man, sunk in so great a depth of death, you do not rebaptize; yet of those baptized by men who in the farthest lands heard neither the name of Caecilian nor of Majorinus nor of Donatus, you do not in the least hesitate to rebaptize, if you can, objecting to them: 'He who is baptized by a dead man, what does his washing profit him?' — calling those men dead to whom the very breath of African corpses, whosesoever those may have been, could not reach, while not thinking him dead who can conceal his own crime, though Scripture cries out: 'From a dead man, as from one who is not, confession perishes.' Is it so, that because he is feigned he is not dead — when rather, on account of that very feigning, being void of the spirit of life, he has utterly expired, Scripture again saying:
'For the Holy Spirit of discipline will flee the feigner'? Go on still defending these dead men and saying that they live, so that you too may die the worse by that very false defense. 'They are dead,' you say. But what should one do who, being about to be baptized, approached them in ignorance? Let him now do what he should — when, that man being betrayed, he has recognized himself to have been baptized by a dead man. For if his conscience could not be harmed on this account, because it did not know, now it begins to be harmed, because it has come to know — just as if a man unknowingly were clothed in a tunic got by robbery: from the moment he knows, that becomes a garment of iniquity, and he himself becomes iniquitous unless he casts it off; and one who unknowingly married another man's wife becomes an adulterer from the moment he learns it, unless he departs from her. Let this man too, then, cast off the baptism which he has come to know he received from a dead man.
For he has something he can do: he can still be baptized again. Finally, whether he knew or did not know that he was baptized by a dead man, what does his washing profit him? It is a strict statement, as you yourself also cry out; it excepted no one. 'By a dead man,' I say, 'he was baptized; his washing profits him nothing.' Cleanse the man by baptizing him, you who are alive — or rather cleanse yourselves from this error, lest by holding such opinions you perish. For you contend, as it were against me, so as to say that no one is excepted in what is written: 'the oil of the sinner,' and 'he who is baptized by a dead man' — and you do not perceive that by struggling you are tightening the knot by which you are bound.
For this is what I am doing, this is what I am urging, from this I am pressing you hard to change your foolish and perverse opinion: that in the oil of the sinner and in the baptism of the dead man, no dead man, no sinner is excepted — just as you, on my behalf as it were against me, declare. For thus not even the hidden one is excepted, whereby everything you say is overthrown; and so those who taught you such things are compelled to rebaptize all whom they can find in this life to have been baptized by hidden bad men. What are you doing? Where do you turn? Your own words are recited back to you. For not only did you fail to refute mine when I said them, but, not knowing that you were reading what was mine, you yourself said this very same thing in other words as though your own, and — that it might be more diligently heard and considered — you wrote it, so that it might be recited to you as often as you please.
Hear, then — these are surely your own words —: 'But if,' you say, 'it pleases you to except only the idol-worshiper, what of him of whom it is said: I do not want the oil of the sinner to anoint my head? Is even here that sinner only he who worships an idol, or whoever admits what is not lawful? But if you think the sinner to be only the idol-worshiper, then a Christian, if he does something against the law, will not be said to have sinned? But if nothing more foolish or absurd can be said, it is openly foretold that not the idol-worshiper alone, but whoever among all men is a sinner, may not usurp for himself the right of baptism.' These, to be sure, which I have inserted, are your words.
I did not except the idol-worshiper, but I said that their gods themselves are dead, by whom to be baptized profits nothing; for they suppose themselves to be baptized by these very gods, in whose name they think themselves cleansed. But you excepted no sinner. And if in this place the sinner and mortal man who baptizes is to be understood, then, excepting no sinner, you have without doubt excepted no hidden one either: 'It is openly foretold,' you say, 'that not the idol-worshiper alone, but whoever among all men is a sinner, may not usurp for himself the right of baptism.' Hear yourself, then. You said 'whoever is a sinner'; you excepted neither the manifest nor the hidden.
Accordingly, with what face do they compel to be baptized after a manifest sinner, who refuse to do so after a hidden one, where they assert that no one is excepted? Flee, therefore, brother, from the insane understanding to the sound one, so that in this testimony about the oil of the sinner — as the earlier words of the same psalm prescribe — you may understand the smooth softness of a deceitful flatterer. For thus both no one will be excepted, and the hidden bad baptizer will not run up against insuperable straits. So too in the other testimony, where it is said:
'He who is baptized by a dead man, what does his washing profit him?' — either examine diligently the ancient manuscripts, and especially the Greek ones, lest perchance these very words, written otherwise, may from the preceding and following context of the discourse suggest another sense; or else let us understand as 'the dead' — as I said — those in whose name the worshipers of idols are baptized, so that you may understand each one to be baptized by him in whose name he believes himself to be cleansed. For thus there too no one is excepted; for no dead god of the pagans can cleanse those who believe in him. But if in this place you understand every sinful man to be dead, so many things that you do not want follow you, that you cannot find how you yourself may live, since John says:
'If we say that we have no sin, we deceive ourselves and the truth is not in us' — so that you would find no man at all by whom you might be baptized, if you wished to avoid every sinner. And yet, if you understood by 'a dead man' none but a heretic or schismatic, so that whoever is baptized among them is baptized by a dead man (of whom it is said: he who is baptized by a dead man, what does his washing profit him?) — which you see with what headlong presumption it is so taken, as if it were said:
'he who is baptized by a heretic or schismatic' — not even so would it be against us, who confess that the baptism of Christ profits a man nothing if he is baptized among heretics or schismatics, attributing baptism to those very men by whom he is baptized; but that it then begins to profit him when he passes over to the Body of Christ, which is the Church of the living God. For then, under that same baptism which even outside was Christ's, but placed outside profited nothing, the cleansing will profit — not from him by whose hands he was dipped, but from him into whose members he was inserted. Nor shall I dread that overly severe statement of yours, by which you said:
'Whoever among all men is a sinner may not usurp for himself the right of baptism' — except that you find no one who can truthfully say in the Lord's Prayer, 'Forgive us our debts, as we also forgive our debtors,' unless he confesses himself to be a sinner. I would like to question one by one those who baptize among you, whether they are altogether not sinners. For any one of them can answer me: 'I am not a traditor, I am not an incense-offerer, not an adulterer, not a murderer, not a worshiper of idols, not, finally, a heretic, not a schismatic'; but 'I am not a sinner' — I do not know whether anyone could be found, even in heretical pride, who would dare to say it, dare to think it;
I do not know whether anyone is so blinded by so great a swelling of arrogance that — I will not say he professes it aloud — but even silently within himself judges that the supplication is not necessary for him in which we say to God: 'Forgive us our debts.' For we do not pray for the forgiveness of those debts which we trust were once forgiven in baptism, but assuredly for those without which human frailty does not exist, however much we may be vigilant in observing the Lord's precepts. Finally, let whoever wishes take on the effrontery of this shamelessness and say: 'I am not a sinner; from the time when all things were forgiven me in baptism, no sin can be found in me.' I rather believe John, and far more confidently answer:
'You deceive yourself, and the truth is not in you.' Nor does this headlong and deceitful profession achieve this — that sins should not be found in you — but that those which are found should not be forgiven. If, then, you are already baptized, I would like to know whom you have found who would say, against the apostle John, 'I have no sin.' For if you could find any such person, how were you baptized by him who was deceiving himself and in whom the truth was not? But if, being not unmindful of some kind of humility, he said that he was a sinner, how, according to your statement, did he usurp for himself the right of baptism? For you said, and you were not in the least afraid even to write, that whoever among all men is a sinner may not usurp for himself the right of baptism.
But if you are not yet baptized, either correct this most empty statement, or seek angels by whom you may be baptized. But let us suppose that you, being convicted, have corrected it thus: 'Whoever among all men is a sinner in that crime which our people object, may not usurp for himself the right of baptism.' Neither is this against us, because, even if such a one has usurped it and has given baptism, I say that he ought not to have usurped it for himself, but I do not say that he has not given it. But he who has received it — if a good man from a bad man, if a faithful man from a treacherous one, if a pious man from an impious one — it will be pernicious to the giver, not to the receiver. For that holy thing judges the one who uses it badly, and sanctifies the one who uses it well.
But if he too who received it received it wickedly, not even so is the sacrament rescinded, but, once acknowledged, it will profit him when corrected — the sacrament which harmed him while perverse. For thus I shall suppose you to have said, no longer 'whoever is a sinner,' because, unless I am mistaken, you now perceive how rashly it was said, but: 'A sinner, such as our people describe, whoever among all men he be, may not usurp for himself the right of baptism' — just as it is written: 'But to the sinner God says: Why do you declare my justifications and take up my testament through your mouth?' And, to show to what kind of sinner he said this — lest all men should abstain from preaching his word, men who dare neither to feel nor to say that they are not sinners — there follows, and he describes him:
'But you hated discipline and cast my words behind you. Your mouth abounded in malice, and your tongue embraced deceit. If you saw a thief, you ran with him, and with adulterers you set your portion. Sitting, you spoke against your brother, and against your mother's son you laid a stumbling-block.' To such a sinner, then, he says: 'Why do you declare my justifications and take up my testament through your mouth?' — as though he said: 'You do this in vain; as far as it concerns you, it does not profit you; this will avail you for the judgment of damnation, not for the merit of salvation.'
Yet if, even while such a sinner declares God's justifications and takes up his testament through his mouth, those who hear from his mouth believe, do, and profit — will they not, though he is reproved, be praised; though he is blamed, be justified; though he is damned, be crowned — since they took care to obey the Lord who says: 'Do what they say, but do not do what they do; for they say and do not do'? As, then, this sinner, if he usurps for himself the right of preaching the divine testament, profits himself nothing, but to those who hear and do it profits not he himself but what he preaches — so also he who ought not to have usurped for himself the right of baptism harms himself, who has badly usurped a good thing, not him who has well received the good thing.
You see that not only were you unable to refute what I said against Petilian, but with how great a light of truth is refuted in every way what you yourself said against me. And still you go on and say that we make our cause not upright and in some way confess ourselves to be sinners, since, when the right of baptism is objected to us — by what license we claim it for ourselves — we treat not of the merit of deeds, not of innocence of life, but say that it is permitted to anyone whatever. Note, to be sure, from what has been said, that we do not say it is permitted to anyone whatever, but that there is a penalty for him who handles the holy thing unlawfully, and that he is to be corrected —
not that the holy thing which he handles unlawfully is unlawfully to be rescinded — just as we wish men who do not lawfully use the law to be corrected, but do not hold the law itself to be void; just as we reprove one who unlawfully takes up God's testament through his mouth, yet do not deny or tear the testament itself. Nor do we therefore confess that we have sinned, because in the sinner we disapprove what is his own, but honor what is God's — because in one who believes in God we do not wish him to depend on hidden human things, but we admonish him to glory in the Lord of whom he is certain. For neither did the apostle distrust his own bad conscience, but he did not wish the hope of the believer to be placed in man, and he steadfastly located it in God, when he said:
'Neither he who plants is anything, nor he who waters, but he who gives the increase, God.' We therefore, saying what is written — 'Not to us, O Lord, not to us, but to your name give glory' — do not accuse our own conscience; but you, wishing the hope of those who are baptized to be placed in the morals of men, do not recognize your own pride. What of this, that you even dare to make mention of the blessed Cyprian, as though he were the author of your division — he, so great a defender of catholic unity and peace? First be in the Church which Cyprian is established to have held and preached, and then dare to name Cyprian as the author of your opinion. First imitate the piety and humility of Cyprian, and then bring forward the council of Cyprian.
For we do Cyprian no injury when we distinguish any letters of his from the canonical authority of the divine Scriptures. For it was not without cause that with such wholesome vigilance the ecclesiastical canon was established, to which certain books of the prophets and apostles belong, which we would not at all dare to judge, and according to which we freely judge of other writings, whether of the faithful or of the unfaithful. Accordingly, since the apostle says, whose epistles flourish in canonical authority: 'As many, therefore, as are perfect, let us be thus minded;
and if in anything you are otherwise minded, this too God will reveal to you' — as long as Cyprian was otherwise minded (if it is established that those writings are his which you think are to be brought forward on your behalf), as long, then, as he was otherwise minded on this matter than the truth, more diligently considered, made plain — until God should reveal this also to him — with the ineffable praise of charity he did not forsake catholic unity and peace even with his colleagues, from whom he was otherwise minded. You inserted words of his from his letter to Jubaianus into your writings, by which you might show that it pleased him that those should be baptized in the catholic Church who had been baptized in heresy or schism.
I am not bound by the authority of this letter, because I do not hold Cyprian's letters as canonical, but I consider them by the canonical writings, and what in them agrees with the authority of the divine Scriptures I accept with his praise, but what does not agree I reject with his peace. And by this, if those things which you have mentioned as written by him to Jubaianus you were to recite from some canonical book of the apostles or prophets, I would have nothing at all to gainsay.
But now, since what you recite is not canonical, I make use of that liberty to which the Lord has called us. Of that man whose praise I am not able to attain, whose many writings I do not compare with my own scribblings, whose genius I love, whose eloquence delights me, whose charity I marvel at, whose martyrdom I venerate — this one thing in which he thought otherwise I do not accept. I do not accept, I say, what the blessed Cyprian held concerning the rebaptizing of heretics and schismatics, because the Church does not accept it — the Church for which the blessed Cyprian shed his blood. But you say that in support of this opinion he confirmed legal documents — although he could not confirm legal documents. Rather, whatever he rightly thought, he himself confirmed by those very writings.
Set aside, then, the writings of Cyprian, and cite those very legal documents which you claim he used. If I do not demonstrate that these documents in no way aid your cause, you have won. Wherefore this teaching of Cyprian I do not accept — though I am incomparably his inferior — just as that deed of the apostle Peter, when he compelled the Gentiles to Judaize, I neither accept nor imitate, though I am incomparably Peter's inferior. But you who set Cyprian's writings before us as though they were the buttresses of canonical authority — whatever we are able to bring forth from Cyprian against you, you must of necessity yield, and it is just that, being defeated, you fall silent, and that at last you turn yourselves from the error of a most destructive dissension to Catholic unity.
Whence, that I may not be lengthy, from this very letter to Jubaianus mark what I bring forward that overthrows and destroys your error. For when either the holy Cyprian, or whoever it was that wrote that letter, was attempting to persuade that heretics coming to the Church ought to be baptized — namely, that no baptism should be reckoned which they had received outside among heretics — he set against himself a question and said: But someone will say, What then shall become of those who in time past, coming to the Church from heresy, were admitted without baptism? The Lord in his mercy is able to grant indulgence, and not to separate from the gifts of his Church those who, having been simply admitted to the Church, have fallen asleep within the Church.
This simplicity suffices for us, to which Cyprian himself bears witness, understanding the unity of the body of Christ to be so great a good that concerning those simply admitted into it — even those whom he judged to be without baptism — he presumed with pious thought that by the divine mercy they merit indulgence and are not separated from the gifts of the Church. This was the custom of the Church before Cyprian's council; this could not be overcome or removed even by Cyprian's council: that those coming from heresy — not indeed without baptism, as he says, since the same baptism was present in them even outside (though it did not profit them), yet, as he likewise says, being simply admitted — should merit indulgence from God's mercy and not be separated from the gifts of the Church.
This simplicity, rather than duplicity, pleased the universal Church spread throughout the whole world. And what witness Cyprian himself bears to this Church, hear from the letter which he wrote on unity: Pluck away, he says, a ray from the body of the sun — the unity of the light admits no division; break a branch from the tree — once broken, it will not be able to bud; cut off a stream from its source — once cut off, it dries up.
In these words of Cyprian we neither find nor understand that the light admits no division except in the saints predestined to the kingdom of God, who can in no way be divided from the Church; and by the branch not budding once broken we understand the seed of eternal salvation; but the dryness of the stream cut off from the source we recognize in this — that they who are separated from unity are emptied of the Holy Spirit — not in the sacrament of baptism, which both the good can have and the wicked, they being separated from the holiness of the Church, as openly outside so secretly within. But — a thing no one doubts — mark what Cyprian thought about the fecundity of this very Church spread throughout the whole world, in what he adds:
So too, he says, the Church of the Lord, flooded with light, stretches forth her rays throughout the whole world; yet it is one light that is diffused everywhere, nor is the unity of the body divided. She spreads her branches over the whole earth with abundant plenty; she pours forth her flowing streams more widely; yet the head is one, and the origin one, and one the mother rich in the increases of her fecundity. This Church, promised in the holy Scriptures and rendered present in the whole world, Cyprian loved, held fast, and commended — the Church which the lost, whether schismatics or heretics, abandoned in impious seditions, as though desiring to distinguish and separate themselves from the wicked. And lest they should try to wash away their impious departures with empty excuses, holy Scripture foretold:
An evil son calls himself righteous, but does not wash away his departure — because the good who are truly within are not to be forsaken on account of the wicked who seem to be within. What the blessed Cyprian thought on this, receive from the letter which he wrote to the presbyter Maximus and the others, whom he congratulates on their return to the Church from schismatic and heretical error: For although, he says, there seem to be tares in the Church, yet neither our faith nor our charity ought to be hindered, so that, because we perceive there are tares in the Church, we ourselves should withdraw from the Church. We must only labor that we may be wheat, so that when the wheat begins to be stored in the Lord's granaries, we may receive fruit for our work and labor.
The apostle says in his letter: 'But in a great house there are vessels not only of gold and silver, but also of wood and clay; and some indeed for honor, some for dishonor.' Let us give our effort and labor as much as we can, that we may be a vessel of gold and silver. But to shatter the clay vessels is granted to the Lord alone, to whom the rod of iron has been given. The servant cannot be greater than his lord, nor can anyone claim for himself what the Father has bestowed on the Son alone — so as to think that he can already carry the fan or winnowing-fork to fan and cleanse the threshing floor, or by human judgment separate all the tares from the wheat. Proud is that obstinacy and sacrilegious the presumption which perverse madness takes upon itself.
And while some always claim for themselves more than gentle justice demands, they perish out of the Church; and while they insolently exalt themselves, blinded by their own swelling, they lose the light of truth. You see, brother, that according to the divine Scriptures Cyprian taught this: that even on account of the wicked — who, though spiritually separated from the good in life and morals, yet seem bodily mingled with them in the Church until the day of judgment, on which they shall also be bodily separated unto their deserved punishments — the Church is not to be forsaken, as wheat is not to be abandoned on account of chaff or tares, nor a great house on account of vessels of dishonor.
You see, you hear, you perceive, you grasp, you understand with what wickedness you separate yourselves — on account of those who displease you, whether rightly or through your own deception — from the Church which is spread throughout the whole world, to which, according to the divine Scriptures, Cyprian bears so great, so firm, so clear and luminous a witness. Wherefore attend diligently to my brief reasoning on this whole question. If those coming from the heretics are rightly received into the Church, so that their own error is corrected while the divine sacrament is not rescinded, we congratulate those who live well there as the Lord's wheat.
But if, as you suppose and boast that Cyprian favors you in this opinion, they do not have baptism, then surely, having been simply admitted to the Church, according to that same Cyprian, on account of the merit of unity itself they merit God's indulgence and are not separated from the gifts of the Church. And whoever admit them simply, according to the earlier custom about which Cyprian was not silent, and live rightly and peaceably, are reckoned among that same wheat destined for the granary; but those who either knowingly contend against the truth in receiving them, or who live by depraved and perverse morals, are borne with among the tares and chaff owed to the flames.
Yet on account of these, that the Church — which is enlarged throughout the whole earth with abundant increases (that is, the Lord's wheat, which grows together until the harvest and is threshed together until the winnowing) — is not to be forsaken, God commands, and Cyprian is witness. And by this, if in the communion of the sacraments the wicked stain the good, then when in Cyprian's times, or before Cyprian, heretics were received without baptism (as you suppose), say that the Church perished — and show whence you yourselves were born.
But if — as the truth teaches even through Cyprian — when for the sake of the Church's peace even known tares are tolerated, the wheat is not stained: the evil son calls himself righteous, but does not wash away his departure, because he ought not to have gone out of the Church on account of the wicked. Again I say, behold, I do not permit dissembling of this most invincible reasoning: if those who do not partake in the sins of the wicked lose the good merely through communion in the sacraments with the wicked, then when in time past those coming to the Church from heresy were admitted without baptism, they surely ruined the good by their contagion. Already then, therefore, there was no Church which Cyprian might hold and proclaim, nor whence Donatus might afterward go out.
But if that contagion did not ruin the good, then neither could the contagion of those you accuse ruin the Christian world. Cease to slander, you who are separated, and return corrected to the Church. Caecilianus and his associates, against whom Secundus of Tigisis then convened and established a council, you must needs accuse; I need not defend. Accuse them with all your might. If they were innocent, your windy blustering will do no harm to them as wheat; if they were guilty, the wheat that took no harm from them ought not to be abandoned on account of those tares. Accuse as much as you can. I win if you do not prove it, I win if you do prove it; I win, I say, if you do not prove it, with yourself as judge; I win if you do prove it, with Cyprian as witness. What do you wish them to have been?
If innocent, why do you slander the Lord's wheat, since you are tares? If guilty, why do you separate yourselves from the Lord's wheat on account of tares? The Church stands, bright and conspicuous to all, being indeed a city set upon a mountain that cannot be hidden, through which Christ reigns from sea to sea and from the river to the ends of the earth, like the seed of Abraham, multiplied as the stars of heaven and as the sand of the sea, in which all nations are blessed. This Church too the blessed Cyprian so commends that he says she, flooded with the light of the Lord, stretches forth her rays throughout the earth, and spreads her branches over the whole earth with abundant plenty.
This Church would either not be accused in her wheat, or not be forsaken on account of her tares. One of these answer for yourselves; the other learn from Cyprian's admonitions. For these are the words of him testifying and saying: For although there seem to be tares in the Church, yet neither our faith nor our charity ought to be hindered, so that, because we perceive there are tares in the Church, we ourselves should withdraw from the Church.
You say that by the contagion of the wicked Africans the Church has perished from the whole world, and that its remnants have survived in the party of Donatus, as though in the wheat separated from the tares and chaff — thinking most openly against Cyprian, who says that neither do the good perish in the Church through the admixture of the wicked, nor can those same wicked be separated from the admixture of the good before the time of the divine judgment.
And so, according to your error, or rather your madness, you are compelled to accuse not only Caecilianus and his ordainers, but also those churches which we alike read of in the apostolic and canonical Scriptures: not only that of the Romans (to whom out of Africa a few of you are wont to ordain a bishop), but also of the Corinthians, Galatians, Ephesians, Thessalonians, Colossians, Philippians, to whom the apostle Paul writes most plainly; the church of Jerusalem, which the apostle James first governed by his episcopate; that of Antioch, where the disciples were first called Christians; those of Smyrna, Thyatira, Sardis, Pergamum, Philadelphia, Laodicea, to which is addressed the Apocalypse of the apostle John; so many other churches of Pontus, Cappadocia, Asia, Bithynia, to which the apostle Peter writes; and whatever else Paul testifies that he filled with the gospel from Jerusalem as far as Illyricum — to say nothing of the other so broad and immense parts of the earth into which, out of these apostolic labors and plantings, the Church stretched forth and grew and grows.
These churches, at least, which I have named from the divine and canonical writings, so far removed from Africa — you are compelled to accuse, as though they had perished through the sins of the Africans, rather than correct the error which drives you to so great a crime by a wicked dissension. But we, that we may more easily convict this error of yours, are not compelled to defend even the Africans themselves — whose false crimes you dare to pour out upon other nations as well — no, not even them, I say. For they have with those churches across the sea a fellowship in the kingdom, if they were innocent; but if guilty, then, like tares among wheat, they could not even in Africa harm those who, on account of them (even known to be such), refused to separate themselves from the unity of the Church.
For — to pass over how many believed them innocent, to whom their crime, even if there was any, could nevertheless not be demonstrated (and surely you cannot say that these could be stained by others' unknown sins) — but to pass over these, I say: those very men who either knew or supposed them guilty, although established in the African churches, when they saw that these could not be convicted before the churches across the sea, nor their crimes demonstrated to the members of the Church spread far and wide —
if they had wished to separate themselves, on account of those whom they knew to be wicked, from the communion of so many nations to whom they were unable to point them out — as though from fear of a pestilent contagion — Cyprian himself would have held them back: not I, not you, not Donatus, not Caecilianus, but the very one whom you have dared to name — Cyprian — and he would speak those words which he wrote to Maximus: If there seem to be tares in the Church, yet neither our faith nor our charity ought to be hindered, so that, because we perceive there are tares in the Church, we ourselves should withdraw from the Church. We must only labor that we may be wheat, so that when the wheat begins to be stored in the Lord's granaries, we may receive fruit for our work and labor. The apostle says in his letter:
'But in a great house there are vessels not only of gold and silver, but also of wood and clay; and some indeed for honor, some for dishonor.' Let us give our effort and labor as much as we can, that we may be a vessel of gold and silver. But to shatter the clay vessels is granted to the Lord alone, to whom also the rod of iron has been given. The servant cannot be greater than his lord, nor can anyone claim for himself what the Father has bestowed on the Son alone — so as to think that he can already carry the fan or winnowing-fork to fan and cleanse the threshing floor, or by human judgment separate all the tares from the wheat. Proud is that obstinacy and sacrilegious the presumption which perverse madness takes upon itself.
And while some always claim for themselves more than gentle justice demands, they perish out of the Church; and while they insolently exalt themselves, blinded by their own swelling, they lose the light of truth. By these words of Cyprian, those fearing God would be held within the Church who wished to separate themselves from her on account of known wicked men — by which words you are condemned, you who, being separated, accuse even the good. By these words Cyprian holds us too in the house of God, whose beauty he loved, even if — a thing you were never able to do — we could come to know traitors and any other wicked men accused and demonstrated by you, that we should not forsake that house on account of vessels made for dishonor.
By these words may the Peacemaker also bring you, corrected, into Catholic peace — lest, offended by any others' sins, whether true or false, you hurl such great evils against the Church of Christ, which throughout the whole world bears fruit and grows according to the Scriptures; lest on account of the tares you accuse the wheat; lest on account of the chaff you forsake the grain; lest on account of vessels of dishonor you remain outside the great house.
Behold how greatly the blessed Cyprian, whom you called to mind, has helped us — Cyprian, who, if he thought otherwise about repeating baptism, the Lord doubtless revealed as something to be corrected, in view of his so great merits of most ardent charity; for he remained in that vine like a branch so rich with the great fruit of peace and love, that even if anything were found in him to be purged, if by nothing else, then certainly it was purged by the pruning-hook of martyrdom.
Although, therefore, these things could suffice more than enough for convicting — and, if you are willing, for correcting — your error, yet, lest anyone suppose that you have put something in your letter which I was unable to refute, or in which I could not show that you gave no fitting answer to our writings against Petilianus, let us examine the rest in the following volume. BOOK THREE. If I did not have to care for the wits of the slow-minded, who are unable to understand that in the two preceding volumes I have replied in many ways to the whole case contained in your letter, brother Cresconius — so that even those things which there remain are already dissolved and made void — an end ought already to have been set by me to this work.
But because there are many whom it befits us to serve, who do not think that all objections have been driven off unless the individual points too are treated each in its own place, I shall briefly run through the remainder of your discourse in order, refuting it. Whatever you thought fit to insert from the writings of the venerable martyr Cyprian and of certain Eastern bishops — namely that it pleased them to disallow the sacrament of baptism given among heretics and schismatics — in no way hinders our cause, if we retain that Church which Cyprian did not forsake, even when many of his colleagues were unwilling to consent to this opinion. For even in the council itself he said: Judging no one, nor removing anyone from the right of communion if he thinks differently. And he thus concluded the same letter to Jubaianus:
These things, dearest one, according to our modest ability, we have replied to you, prescribing to no one nor prejudging, so that each of the bishops may do what he thinks, having free power of his own judgment — and so forth. Among these, then, reckon us meanwhile — those whom Cyprian was unable to persuade of that opinion, yet from whom, even though they held a different view in this matter, he by no means separated his communion. But your forefathers, to whom you bore such witness — namely that they were cut off from the communion of the Easterners because the latter rescinded their own judgment, whereby it had pleased them that in this baptismal question one ought to consent with Cyprian and that African council — acted against Cyprian.
For they ought to have kept the unity of communion with their colleagues, even those holding a different view in this question — which we read that Cyprian did in his own writings. They answer that he wished to speak thus lest perhaps some, deterred by fear of excommunication, should not dare to say freely what they thought — not because he would remain in communion with them if they held a different view; whereby they openly say that Cyprian lied. For if he said:
Judging no one, nor removing anyone from the right of communion if he thinks differently — which the recorded acts of the council indicate that he said — and yet, if any of those to whom he said it should show that he thought differently, he would not have communicated the sacraments of Christ with him: then without doubt he was lying, who was making such promises deceitfully, not truthfully; and — what is worse in that lie — he was deceiving the simplicity of the brethren with a double heart, especially since what was said was also being recorded. For how could anyone who thought differently from that council be condemned or excommunicated by them by word of mouth, when he could recite in his own favor the opening of that same council? Which, then, thinks more tolerably of Cyprian — whether we,
who say that in an obscure question about baptism he, being a man, could have been mistaken; or you, who say that in promising Christian communion he, a bishop, wished to deceive — not some one of the brethren, but the whole episcopal society? But if it is impious for you too to believe this of him, then your forefathers acted against his opinion, who divided themselves from the communion of the Easterners because these held a different view on this matter.
Accordingly, if it is now to be believed at all that fifty Eastern bishops held that view which seventy Africans, or even somewhat more, held against so many thousands of bishops to whom this error was displeasing throughout the whole world — why should we not rather say that even those few Easterners corrected their own judgment, not, as you put it, rescinded it? For just as it is praiseworthy not to be moved from a true opinion, so it is blameworthy to persist in a false one — which never to hold is the first praise, and to change the second: so that either from the beginning the true remains, or, once changed, the false gives way to the true. Nor does it now pertain to our question of what sort it is that the greatest part of the Christian world thought with the Easterners.
For if this is true, if this is to be held and observed which we hold and observe concerning baptism, we charge you with two evils: one, that you err in the question of baptism; the other, that you separate yourselves from those who think truly on this matter. But if — to speak according to you — this is true in that question which you yourselves hold, then certainly you are stained with that crime, that you have withdrawn from the Church, for whose peace, as Cyprian both did and admonished, you ought to have borne even those thinking differently. Then you exclaim that I said: 'You would distinguish nothing between the faithful and the faithless; the pious and the impious would seem the same to you.'
But this I did not say; rather I plainly said that from which you, as though I said this, wished to exclaim and to say what I did not say. I said: whether one receive the sacrament from a faithful or from a faithless dispenser. In which statement I did distinguish somewhat between the faithful and the faithless, nor did I bid that the pious and the impious should seem the same to anyone, but that the same sacrament can be had by the pious and the impious — which even you do not deny, you who at least concede that after hidden impious ministers one is not to be baptized. Accordingly, you join together without cause and say: it profits nothing to live by good morals, because whatever is lawful for the just, the unjust too can perform — because it is both false and was not said by me.
For good morals distinguish the life of the good from that of the wicked and lead them to different ends; nor can the unjust perform whatever is lawful for the just, since the just man fulfills the law of Christ through love, from which the unjust is a stranger. Yet the unjust can do something which the just too performs — so that he too baptizes, if nothing else, at least while he lies hidden; just as those too can preach the commandments of God like the just, but not live according to them like the just — of whom it was said: Do what they say, but do not what they do. But grant that an unjust man, not hidden and known to some of the good through some sedition or faction, cannot be separated from the Church. Hear Cyprian: tolerate the tares, be wheat.
How well those words seemed to you to sound, which you variously repeated on one and the same matter: What, you say, can be spoken more unjust than this precept — that the spotted should purify another, the filthy should wash, the unclean should cleanse, the unbeliever should give faith, the criminal should make innocent? Briefly I answer: Christ is neither spotted, nor filthy, nor unclean, nor unbelieving, nor criminal — he who loved the Church and gave himself up for her, cleansing her with the washing of water in the word, making us secure concerning his own good things, lest we be corrupted by others' evils.
For behold, when an unrighteous minister is hidden — from whom nevertheless you do not rescind the baptism given — can not all those words of yours be turned back upon you: that the spotted purifies, the filthy washes, the unclean cleanses, the unbeliever gives faith, and the criminal makes innocent? Not he himself, you say, but his good repute, though empty and false. From this I will not refrain from crying out: O crime, O monstrous thing! — not, as a certain man said, to be exported to the farthest lands, but rather to be driven, if it could be done, beyond all heaven and all lands. I do not mean you yourself, whom I wish corrected, but this error, from which I desire you to be corrected.
Is it so, then, that for the cleansing of a man, when the true life of a good minister is lacking, the false repute of an evil minister then suffices — such that it accomplishes what a good life would accomplish — so that, for the sanctifying of a man, when the minister's iniquity lies hidden, falsehood serves as God's handmaid? All this you say for this reason: lest you say what we say — that whether one receive the sacrament from a faithful or from a faithless dispenser, none sanctifies but God. Then you recall my words, that I said: Let Christ always give faith, let Christ be the origin of the Christian, let the Christian fix his root in Christ, let Christ be the Christian's head. I said it plainly and I say it, and you were quite unable to answer. For you seemed as it were to have succumbed to so great a weight of truth, when you subjoined:
This we too urge, this we too wish. Then again you set up a man in whom the one about to receive should place his hope: But we ask, you say, through whom this may better be done. And because we too do not say that a man can be baptized without a minister, you ask me whether the minister had better be unjust or just. Whereto I answer that it is better for this reason that the minister be just — namely, that the weakness of a man, for whom what God commands is laborious and difficult without an example, may by the imitation of a good minister more easily be raised up to a good life; whence the apostle Paul says: Be imitators of me, as I also am of Christ.
But as for a man to be baptized and sanctified: if what is received is better in proportion as he is better through whom it is handed on, then there is as great a variety in the baptisms of those who receive as there is diversity of merits among the ministers. For if — as is believed without dispute — Paul was better than Apollos, then according to that empty and perverse opinion of yours he gave a better baptism; and if he gave a better baptism, then assuredly he begrudged those whom he rejoices not to have baptized himself. Furthermore, if among good ministers, though one is better than another, the baptism given through the better is not better, then in no way is that baptism bad which is given even through a bad minister, since it is the same baptism that is given.
And therefore, through unequal ministers, the gift of God is equal, because it is not theirs but His. Not then, as you empty-headedly charge, do we make no distinction between the faithful and the faithless; rather, we distinguish human merits, not the divine sacraments — which you too, drawn by the force of truth and forgetful of your heretical contention, declared to us to be not diverse but one and the same. How do you say:
「This we too urge and desire: that Christ always give faith, that Christ be the origin of the Christian, that the Christian fix his root in Christ, that Christ be the Christian's head」 — while yet you defend the writings of Petilian, where, most openly, when he was commending the merit of the baptizer and how much human righteousness availed for conferring baptism, striving on behalf of the cause he had taken up to show it, he said: 「The conscience of the one who gives in holiness is what is regarded, the conscience that is to cleanse the one who receives. For he who knowingly receives faith from a faithless man receives not faith but guilt.」 And, as though someone had said to him, 「Whence do you prove this?」, he went on to add: 「For everything consists of its origin and root, and if it does not have a head, it is nothing.」
Why, I ask, because you have fallen into the defense of a rash falsehood, do you strive to pour fog over things plain? The man says openly that the origin, the root, and the head of one to be reborn through baptism can be none other than he by whose ministry he is baptized. And you say: 「This we too desire, that Christ be the origin and root and head of the Christian; but we ask through whom this comes about better.」 This is one thing that you say, another that Petilian said; and what you say, even if it be true, is not what he said. Accordingly, if you too wish this — that Christ be the origin and root and head of the Christian — resist Petilian, not me, since 「neither he who plants is anything nor he who waters, but God who gives the increase.」
When I had set this down from the Apostle in my writings, you chose to answer thus, saying: 「It is indeed God's to give the increase; but just as, though it be the planter and the waterer, none but a faithful and diligent husbandman is sought, so also in the sacrament of baptism none but a faithful and most righteous laborer is employed.」 As if, forsooth, what an unfaithful husbandman has planted would, on account of his unfaithfulness, fail to sprout! The power of the seed, the fecundity of the earth, and the mildness of the sky have received this efficacy from God, that for the propagation of their fruits they await only a planter or waterer as a laborer, and care not in what mind he works, with what intention he labors, whether he faithfully loves the master of the field or seeks his own gain and not his lord's.
You also add a prophetic testimony, saying: 「I will give you shepherds after my own heart, and they shall feed you, feeding you with discipline.」 I know it: this has been fulfilled — such were the apostles, and such there are even now, though, in proportion to the breadth of the Church, very few, yet they are not lacking. But what is also said through the prophet Ezekiel against evil shepherds, you ought to have sought out, to have read, to have pondered. For there He says: 「I myself will feed them, not the shepherds.」 Accordingly, both through good shepherds and through evil ones, when He dispenses His word and sacrament, He Himself feeds, since He says of Himself: 「that there be one flock and one shepherd.」 For 「it is better to trust in the Lord than to trust in man,」 and: 「cursed is everyone who places his hope in man.」
What I recalled in that letter you show that you so understand as to say that for this very reason you the more inquire that the one through whom this sacrament is celebrated be righteous and faithful: because you have hope and confidence in God, not in man, and because the faith and righteousness which you always regard in His ministers are of God. In this you speak truly, for of all good things we have nothing which we have not received, and therefore faith and righteousness are ours from God. But when you say that God cannot give this to you unless the man through whom you are baptized possess it, you do indeed place your hope in a man of whom you know not whether he shares in righteousness; and if he does not, then you regard his reputation, and when you have found a false good report about a hidden evil man, you believe it suffices for your sanctification.
I beseech you: if you have confidence in God, not in man, and for this reason the more inquire that the one through whom this sacrament is celebrated be righteous and good and faithful, because faith and righteousness are of God — is the falsity of reputation also of God, the reputation which, if an evil minister possess it as a good one, you say suffices for your sanctification? By now I would rather you trusted in a man — from which I most vehemently forbade you — than in the falsity of his reputation. For a man, whatever sort he be, as regards what pertains to his being a man, is a creature of God; but no falsehood is a creature of God. Furthermore, if he is cursed who places his hope in man, how much more he who places his hope in the falsity of human opinion, so as to fall into that other thing which is written:
「He who trusts in falsehoods feeds the winds」 — that is, he becomes food for evil spirits! 「If baptism given by whomsoever and howsoever ought not to be rescinded,」 you say, 「why did the apostles baptize after John?」 With how much greater force is it thus put forward: 「If the apostles baptized after John, why does not one either better or equal baptize also after any holy man?」 — so that even from this you may be compelled to understand that John's baptism does not pertain to this question! 「And Peter said to the Jews baptized by Moses,」 you say, 「「Repent, and let each of you be baptized in the name of Jesus Christ.」」
If the Jews were already baptized for this reason — that Moses had, so long a time before, baptized their forefathers through the Red Sea — then those who are born of baptized Christians are baptized today without cause. And yet you say these things and write these things, and are heard and read, and are thought to answer our writings, as though this were to have been able to answer, which is to have been unwilling to be silent. Nor did you, at the beginning of this letter, refute — as you seem to yourself to have done — what was said by me: 「If those who wished to be of Paul went astray, what hope, pray, is there for those who have wished to be of Donatus?」
For who does not see that from this source this division was made, that from this source it persists even today in this plague — namely, while hope is placed in the righteousness of a man, so that the baptism of Christ is then acceptable only if each is dipped by a righteous man? Against which error, against those who had already begun to make schisms on account of the diverse merits of men, Paul himself cries out: 「I give thanks to God that I baptized none of you, lest anyone say that I baptized in my own name.」 What else is he implying but that the baptism of Christ belongs to none but Him in whose name it is given, and therefore is not made better when given through a better man, nor worse through a worse one? In vain, then, do you afterwards exult and say:
「It follows that I conclude that all those things which are written in holy Petilian's discourse, or in anyone's discourse, were rightly said.」 For the very words which you conclude to have been, as it were, rightly said, do not prove themselves rightly said — since the conscience of the one who gives in holiness, which is to cleanse the receiver, is not even regarded, when the giver's stain is hidden. There, defeated, though you ought to have acquiesced in the truth, you appealed to his false reputation as to a judge unhappily deceived by a lie — for neither is his conscience regarded when his reputation is regarded, and no one can be cleansed by another's false reputation any more than by another's evil life; and no one receives the Christian faith from a man, whether faithless or faithful, but from Him of whom it is written: 「cleansing their hearts by faith.」
For if a man hears through a faithful minister what is to be believed, he indeed imitates him, yet is not justified by him. For if a minister justifies the ungodly, it follows that belief should rightly be placed even in the minister; but the apostolic sentence is clear and certain: 「To him who believes in Him who justifies the ungodly, his faith is reckoned unto righteousness.」 Accordingly, if the minister does not dare to say, 「believe in me,」 let him not dare to say, 「you are justified by me.」 Now as to what follows: 「Everything consists of its origin and root, and if it does not have a head, it is nothing」 — if the origin and root and head of the baptized is the baptizing minister, then it is not Christ; but if it is Christ,
then he — the minister — is not it. Finally, when the minister is secretly evil, what is the origin, what the root, what the head of the baptized? Or is it his false reputation? This indeed Cresconius says, but the truth contradicts. Therefore, if in that case the origin and root and head is Christ, He is such also when the minister is good — lest, what is most absurd, the condition of one baptized through a hidden evil man (when Christ is the head) be better than that of one baptized through a manifest good man (if in that case the minister is the head). This I would say also concerning the good seed; for it follows: 「Nor does anything rightly regenerate unless it be regenerated by good seed.」 But as to what follows from Petilian's letter set down by you, where he says:
「Since these things are so, brethren, what perversity can there be, that one who is himself guilty of his own crimes should make another innocent, when it is written: 「A good tree bears good fruit, and a bad tree bears bad fruit. Do they gather grapes from thorns?」 and again: 「Every good man brings forth good things out of the treasure of his heart, and an evil man brings forth evil things out of the treasure of his heart.」」 — these words sufficiently and openly convince us that Petilian referred all these things to none but the man through whom baptism is administered: so that he himself, if he is innocent, is understood to make innocent the one whom he baptizes; he himself is the good tree whose fruit is the one baptized; he himself the good man out of the treasure of whose heart proceeds the sanctification of the baptized.
And so, when this man is secretly evil, tell me: by whom is that other made innocent? tell me: of what tree will he be the fruit? tell me: out of the treasure of whose heart will the baptized be sanctified? Or if, in that case, he deserves to have as the author of his innocence, as the tree from which good fruit is born, not a human minister of baptism but Christ, then he has fallen more happily upon a hidden evil minister than if he had fallen upon a manifest good one. But since this is said most absurdly and most insanely, he is Christ's fruit who is sanctified by His baptism, by whatever minister's work he be baptized.
Unless perhaps he is to resort to your counsel, when he falls upon a minister's conscience stained and hidden, so that you may show him, as the tree from which he is born, the falsely good reputation of an evil man — whose root, if you seek it, you will find to be the cunning of a deceiver; and if a good fruit could be born of it — which be far from us! — then Christ lied, who said: 「A bad tree cannot bear good fruit.」 But because Christ spoke truly, let the good man, as a good tree, have good fruit, a good work, just as the evil man, as an evil tree, has evil fruit, an evil work; but he who is baptized, let him be born not of any man but of the Spirit of Christ, if he wishes to be a fruit that is not corrupted by the wind, and a tree that is not uprooted.
Since these things are so, when you have said, 「It follows that I conclude that all those things which are written by holy Petilian, or in anyone's discourse, were rightly said,」 I think rather that I conclude all those things to have been not rightly said. Now let us see what next you have woven together in your letter — how the case of Optatus and of the Maximianists — nay rather, that I may be made more learned by you, of the Maximianenses of yours — instructed you. And concerning Optatus indeed, of whom I am able to recite nothing that has been written down, I readily yield whatever you may think. This one thing I know: if the things are true which of him were — not to say demonstrated, yet certainly — alleged, then neither was he good nor did he have a good reputation.
Wherefore whoever were baptized through him could be cleansed neither by his conscience, according to Petilian, nor by his reputation, according to you. But if envious rumor, as often is wont, has spread false evils about him, see how rightly we do not easily believe what you have never been able to prove to us about the 「traditors」 whom you accuse — since evil rumor is wont to lie even about good men. If therefore not their innocence, nor finally — what is true and firm — the grace of God and our conscience makes baptism valid for us, let at least your own opinion make it so. For you yourself, when you were speaking of Optatus, said: 「I for my part neither absolve nor condemn Optatus.」
If I say this — nay, not only I, but the whole African Catholic Church, and how much more also the Church beyond the sea, so far and wide diffused — concerning Caecilian and his ordainers: 「I neither absolve nor condemn them,」 do you think it too little for those whom these men baptized (none of whom ever saw Caecilian), when you believe it sufficient concerning Optatus for those whom he even baptized with his own hands? Or is it that, because you recite a council of your forefathers concerning Caecilian, but no council concerning Optatus is recited by us, you therefore think it lawful for none of us to say, 「I neither absolve nor condemn Caecilian,」 which was lawful for you concerning Optatus?
But a later judgment beyond the sea was made in favor of Caecilian, at the instance of your own party that it should be made before the emperor Constantine. Or if ecclesiastical judgments, once made, can no longer be overturned, what will you do about Primian, your Carthaginian bishop, against whom first a hundred — surely more than against Caecilian — passed judgment, and, his episcopate having been abrogated, appointed Maximian in his place? Does not Primian rely on a later judgment, which was made in his favor in the town of Bagai, according to which judgment he refuses to have himself doubted, but extorts absolution for himself from all of you? Wherefore we too, according to the later judgment concerning Caecilian, absolve him outright and without hesitation.
Yet it suffices for the case if we say of him what you said of Optatus: 「We neither absolve nor condemn Caecilian.」 Let them — whether yours or ours — look to how they have judged concerning him; let them render the account of their own verdicts; let them bear the burden of their own work, whether evil or good: to us at least permit to doubt about the deeds of others, lest we be compelled to condemn in ourselves those sacraments about which it is not lawful to doubt. But I have already said: think of Optatus what you will; for there is no source whence we might convict him, who did not commit before the records what he yet so committed that among Gildo's henchmen he was held to be the chief, was held fast, and died.
Are we then permitted to prattle whatever we please even concerning Felicianus and Praetextatus, the associates of Maximian, whom your three hundred and ten bishops, together with the rest similarly named by name, condemned by one and the same sentence of the council of Bagai, and whom, not long afterward, together with all whom the condemned had baptized, they received as bishops, just as they had been? Wherefore whatever you have said against us or against our people, as though sparing and passing over, without names, without witnesses, without any documents at all — partly blaming what is not to be blamed, partly not proving what is to be blamed — it is superfluous to wish to clear.
These men, these very men attend to again: Felicianus of Musti and Praetextatus of Assuras — regard them somewhat more diligently, whose whole case I will, if the Lord permit, so unfold in its place that, even if you should wish to be an excessive enemy of the truth, you would be unable to defend or deny the lie of your people. But for now, meanwhile, it pleases me to proceed according to what they told you; I do not yet discuss how untrue was what they said. I do not yet show with what wondrous blindness of impudence they lied. Certainly, when in my letter you were reading through about those whom I called Maximianists — both condemned by the council of your people and received back — you were, as you write, greatly moved, seeing that as yet — for I will use your own words — you were ignorant of what the truth held. Finally, straightway,
as you relate, more diligently inquired of your bishops, and, they instructing you, you learned both the decree of the council and the sentence pronounced against those who were condemned and the order of the whole affair; and because you believed that I too was ignorant of what had been done, you exhorted me, that I might learn what the truth held, and thus went on to relate everything. See that in this case I set down your very own words from your letter; for they are most necessary to me. 「When,」 you say, 「the error of Maximian was striving to associate to itself very many bishops, a council having been convened by our people, a sentence was pronounced against all who had persisted in his schism」 — which you too testify that you have read. 「And when this sentence was being confirmed by the consent of all,」
「it was nevertheless resolved,」 you say, 「by decree of the council, that a delay of time be granted, within which if any were willing to be corrected he would be held innocent.」 「So it came about,」 you say, 「that not only those two whom you mention, but also many others, cleansed and innocent, restored themselves to the Church; whose baptism therefore ought not to be rescinded, because, being restored within the appointed day, they were not held by the peremptory sentence, nor, when they were baptizing, had they been separated from the Church, seeing that they were not yet cut off by the defined limit of the granted time. But those who even after the said day persisted obstinately with Maximian, held by the sentence of condemnation, lost at once both baptism and the Church.」
These words of yours, my Cresconius, you certainly recognize as expressed in the fabric of your letter. Accordingly I ask you: if they had not yet been separated from the Church, how was a sentence pronounced against all who had persisted in Maximian's schism — a sentence which, when it was being confirmed by the consent of all, it nevertheless pleased by decree of the council to grant a delay of time, within which if any were willing to be corrected he would be held innocent? By which words you show that of those who had persisted in Maximian's schism, if any were willing to be corrected within the delay of time, he would be held innocent. He would therefore be corrected — if because he was willing to be corrected — from that schism in which he had persisted with Maximian.
Accordingly, before he was corrected, he was in the schism in which he had persisted, although in it — because he was corrected within the appointed time — he had not persisted obstinately. For also in the later words a little afterward you thus distinguish: 「But those who even after the said day persisted with Maximian, held by the sentence of condemnation, lost at once both baptism and the Church.」 Saying assuredly 「persisted obstinately,」 you show that even those who were corrected had persisted, but not obstinately; against all of whom together that sentence was pronounced, and, it having been confirmed by the consent of all, you say it nevertheless pleased by decree of the council that that delay of time be granted.
How then were they in the Church, who, before they were corrected, were persisting in schism with Maximian? But if they were not in the Church, because they were in schism, how were they baptizing? Next, how did it come about — as you say — that not only those whom I have mentioned, but also many others, cleansed and innocent, restored themselves to the Church, if they had not been separated from the Church? To what did they restore themselves, from which they had not departed? Or if they had departed, tell me, I pray: before they restored themselves to the Church, by what right did they baptize? 「Whose baptism,」 you say, 「therefore ought not to be rescinded, because, being restored within the appointed day, they were not held by the peremptory sentence.」 Restored to what? Wake up, I beseech you: tell us, to what were they restored.
Assuredly you are going to say: 「to the Church」 — to which you said they restored themselves. Is anyone restored to the Church who has not been separated from the Church? Does anyone not separated from the Church persist in schism for however few days? Does anyone not separated from the Church restore himself to the Church after however brief a time? I judge, dearest, that you not only did not consider your own words as they were to be written, but did not even read them once written. Yet what were you to do, on whom in this work necessity was pressing that concerning Maximian and his associates you should defend, as best you could, a sentence not your own but pronounced by others? For even if you did not use these words, I would recite that very decree of the council of Bagai, where it is written:
「But those whom the sacrilegious shoots did not pollute — the plantings, that is, who with the modest shame of faith withdrew their own hands from Maximian's head — we have permitted to return to the mother Church.」 Accordingly, even if I did not find such words of yours, here certainly I would say, here for the sake of truth I would cry out: How are they permitted to return to the mother Church, who did not depart from the mother Church?
Or if they did depart, by what right, before they returned, could they baptize — unless because, in the business of patching up this schism, you forgot your own vanity, whereby, while tracing an unshaken succession of bishops from the very sees of the apostles down to these times, you nevertheless decree that not one man, not one house, not one city, not one nation, but the whole world must be rebaptized? Or certainly because the shame of this deed always shook even the hearts of those doing it, so that, when so many peoples were returning to your communion from Maximian's communion, it pleased you indeed to restore so many, but it shamed you to rebaptize so many.
Yet this you would do, though any might detest and shudder at it, for the sake of men's salvation — a salvation which, the more numerous the people it concerned, the less by any means was to be despised, if you ever did it out of regard for the truth and not out of prejudice for error. You certainly see, in this return of the Maximianenses to your communion, that what is said by us about baptism has been made plainly true. For if there is any understanding in men either of saying anything or of hearing it, he who baptizes before he returns to the Church assuredly baptizes outside the Church, and yet the baptism is not to be rescinded — just as it was not rescinded by you in those men.
For, this being unchanged — that each baptizes not in his own name nor in anyone else's, but in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit — then, besides the sacrament of baptism, which remains whole whether unto the punishment of the perverse or unto the salvation of the upright or of the corrected, I wish to say something about the very expiation or cleansing of the corrected. For you remember what you said against us: that we hold those who come to us from you, out of the sacrilegious error of heretics, received without any expiation. Do you now tell us: those returning to you from Maximian's schism, since they were received even in their own honors, by what expiation, pray, were they cleansed? Or were they not, that so great a crime having been shared, defiled by so wicked a fellowship?
Attend to what it sounds forth, what it rebukes, what in that famous council that truth-telling mouth of your bishops confesses: 「Maximian,」 it says, 「the rival of faith, the adulterer of truth, the enemy of the mother Church, the minister of Dathan, Korah, and Abiram, the bolt of sentence has struck out from the bosom of peace; and because the gaping earth has not yet swallowed him, it has reserved him for the Powers above unto greater punishment. For, being snatched away, he had gained his punishment by the shortcut of death; now he collects the interest of a heavier usury, since, though dead, he is present among the living.」
So then, those persisting in this man's schism — as you yourself said — before, within the time of delay (as you likewise said), they restored themselves to your Church, had they contracted no stain, not even a small one, from this man's fellowship? But hear next what follows; hear, I say, what the dictator or utterer of that sentence connects: 「And not this man alone,」 it says, 「does his just death condemn for his crime; the chain of sacrilege draws also very many to the fellowship of the crime, of whom it is written: 「The venom of asps is under their lips, whose mouth is full of cursing and bitterness. Their feet are swift to shed blood.」」
「Destruction and misery are in their ways, and the way of peace they have not known.」 We would indeed not wish to be cut off, as it were, from the joint of our own body. But since the pestilent rottenness of a festering wound has more of solace in amputation than of relief in medicine, a more wholesome course has been found, lest the pestilent poison creep through all the members: that the wound which has arisen may fall away by a brief pain.
Know, therefore, that guilty of a notorious crime — Victorianus of Carcabia, Marcianus of Sullectum, Beianus of Beia, Salvius of Ausafa, Theodorus of Usula, Donatus of Sabrata, Miggen of Elephantaria, Praetextatus of Assuras, Salvius of Membressa, Valerius of Melzi, Felicianus of Musti, and Martialis of Pertusa, who by the deadly work of perdition glued together the filthy vessel with collected foulness — and also certain clerics of the church of Carthage, who, while they took part in the outrage, furnished a procurement for unlawful incest — have, by the arbitration of God who presides, been condemned by the truth-telling mouth of a universal council. What graver things could you say against them, what graver things are you wont to say against us ourselves?
「But from this so great evil,」 you say, 「they were corrected within the time of delay.」 I shall see whether they were corrected; for they would truly have been corrected if they had returned to the true Church. But if yours is the true one, tell how they were expiated from so monstrous a crime. For if they were not expiated, then all of you, according to your own opinion, are stained by their crime; but if they were expiated, then by their return alone — on account of the charity which covers a multitude of sins — you concede that they could be expiated, and yet you accuse us, with empty calumnies, concerning our people when the corrected come to us.
Unless perhaps indeed — as the words of the council indicate — they had perpetrated the sacrilege of schism, but before the day of the granted delay they had not yet been contaminated by that same sacrilege, and therefore were thought not to need expiating. If this is so, who would dare to resist you, who have received so wondrous a power over men? They sin when they wish, and are contaminated when you wish. We are reciting nothing obscure or little known and unpublished. That sentence it is which, by the merit of such great eloquence, is in the hands of all, on the lips of all who are zealous for reading such things — concerning which you now at least discern how truly I have spoken, that they ought not to have rejoiced in it at first as eloquent, lest afterward they should bewail it as defamed.
Consider what he holds, hear what he thunders forth. 'From the bosom of peace,' he says, 'the lightning-bolt of the sentence struck out Maximian, the rival of the faith, the adulterer of the truth, the enemy of the Church our mother, the minister of Dathan, Korah, and Abiram.' If, therefore, anyone had knowingly shared in the sacrament of the altar with this man for a single day, would he not, according to that most boastful severity of yours, be so polluted by so great an evil as to become his equal? What then were they, or what were they made into on his account, who not only approached the altars together with him, but even themselves installed him, ordained a bishop, against your Primian, with altars set up in opposition? But why should I question you about these things?
Let the sentence itself speak, whose words so blaze that, even if you should wish to hide it, by its own excessive splendour it would break through the darkness of whatever hiding-places. Let us see with how great a crash of condemnation it rises up against the associates of Maximian. 'Not only does a just death,' he says, 'condemn this man for his own crime; the chain of sacrilege also drags many into fellowship of the offence, of whom it is written: The poison of asps is under their lips, whose mouth is full of cursing and bitterness. Their feet are swift to shed blood.'
'In their paths are ruin and misery, and the way of peace they have not known.' Then a little later, when he had named one by one all the ordainers of Maximian—among whom too are read these men of whom I am treating, Felician and Praetextatus—as to what they had done, that such things deserved fittingly to be said against them, he adds thus: 'Who by a deadly work,' he says, 'glued together the filthy vessel of perdition with the collected dregs'—wishing it to be understood that they themselves were present, that they themselves ordained Maximian with hands laid on. Adding also concerning the clergy of Carthage: 'But also the clergy,' he says, 'of the church of Carthage, who, while they take part in the crime, offered pandering to an unlawful incest.' I ask you, Cresconius, do I in any words of my own exaggerate this crime?
For if I had wished to, perhaps things of the same sort—if not of that kind, yet in some fashion sufficient—would not have failed me. I ask you, then: before those two men of whom I am for the present treating had returned to the concord of your communion, while they were set within that chain of sacrilege, under whose lips was the poison of asps, with mouth full of cursing and bitterness, with feet swift to shed blood—how did they baptize? Was there in them any conscience of holy givers, that might cleanse what the receivers took? Did even a good reputation, or a most false one, commend them—the reputation that in those straits of yours afforded you an outlet, not by which you might escape, but by which you might hurl yourself down headlong—when so distinguished a council cries them out as 'defendants of a notorious crime'?
Then, when they returned—just as you believed your bishops who told falsehoods—before the day of the reprieve, how are they received into their honours, together with those whom, set outside the Church with Maximian in the chain of sacrilege, they had baptized as schismatics? Whence are they purged of so great a sacrilege? Whence are they loosed from that chain? Whence are their lips, their mouth, cleansed from the poison of asps, from cursing and bitterness? Whence are their feet washed from the shedding of spiritual blood, whither they ran swiftly? Whence are their hands wiped clean from the deadly work of perdition? Whence, in the case of unlawful incest, is purged—not the members of the body, but the affection of the soul?
Surely, in order to defend this case, whether you will or not, you are compelled to come to the patronage of the truth—the truth which declares that the baptism of Christ, given not only through hidden evil men but even through manifest ones, not only by the converted but even by the perverse, has the unshaken firmness of its own strength; and that it can indeed be present in them, but cannot profit them unless they are corrected; and that the corrected, moreover, are cleansed even by the prayers of the brethren through the charity that covers the multitude of sins.
Behold, before I show how shamelessly your bishops have lied to you about the reception of the Maximianists, I think that, according to their very lie and your own narration—by which your whole case is overthrown—you ought no longer to be seeking to object, but to recognize; nor to prepare a contradiction, but rather to think of correction. For you now see, at least, how truthfully those things were said by me to which you vainly and mendaciously tried to reply—how rightly I said:
If, for the sake of the unity of Donatus's party, no one rebaptizes those baptized in a wicked schism, why is not the true and complete law of that inheritance recognized for the sake of the unity of Christ?—since you yourself confess that those who had persisted in Maximian's schism deserved a sentence by which they would not be bound, if within the day of reprieve they had rendered themselves back to the Church. Whence it is clear that, before they had rendered themselves back, they had baptized, in the schism in which they had persisted, those with whom they were received into your communion. You see how dead men baptized, since concerning those who had persisted in Maximian's schism, before they returned to you, it had been said by the sentence of the council of Bagai: 'Very much after the manner of the Egyptians, the shores are strewn with the corpses of the perishing.'
But as to what I said—that, when the decree to be enacted was read among them, they acclaimed with widest mouth, whereas now, when it has been read by us, they fall silent—behold, they would now fall silent far better when they spoke such things as would entangle them the worse. You see how true is what was said by me: they ought at last now to perceive how much must be tolerated for the sake of peace, and for the peace of Christ to return to a Church which has condemned no things unknown, if for the peace of Donatus it seemed good to recall things condemned. And this is much more true according to your own narration, you who said that even those were recalled, a reprieve being granted, concerning whom, expressly named, it had already been said: 'Know that they have been condemned, by the decree of God presiding, through the truthful mouth of the universal council.'
For since after these words that reprieve was established, how did it not please them to recall things condemned? Or how can things be unable to be unknown to us, born so long afterwards, or even to the whole Christian world—things which could not be proved against Caecilian in that judgment overseas which was held later—when the things done concerning the Maximianists, both in Africa and in our own times, you—though you are an African, as you say—after so many years still to this day had not known, and, as we shall be able to teach you, to this day still do not know, because you believed your bishops as they lied?
But as to your saying that I, concerning the traditio, wished as it were by a countercharge to hurl back against your forebears what was done by ours—blaming me because I did this, as though the matter were being handled in a school concerning the kinds or questions of a cause, and not that the truth were being sought in the Church—would you say this to Elijah the prophet, who, when it was objected against him by a most iniquitous king that he himself was overturning Israel, replied: I am not overturning it, but you are overturning it, and your father's house? For what does it concern us by what name this kind of retorted objection is called by the Greeks in the art of rhetoric, when we find this in prophetic authority? So when anyone says:
'Not I did it, but you did it,' one must speak the truth; there is nothing to be feared in speaking. And you, as to how you might show that your forebears did not do what, by their own confessions when read, they are shown to have done—you ought, if you are able at all, most vigilantly to think it out, and not to frighten the unlearned with a Greek word, lest they should hear us. And indeed you have not taught that our forebears were traditors—for you are not to be thought to have already shown it merely because you said there are many documents by which this could be shown; but concerning your forebears there survives the council of Secundus of Tigisis, held indeed with very few, at Cirta after the persecution of handing over the codices, in order that there a bishop might be ordained in the place of one deceased. Hear what was done there:
For those things which were necessary I have taken care to write down below: In the consulship of Diocletian for the eighth time and Maximian for the seventh, on the fourth day before the Nones of March, at Cirta, when Secundus the bishop of Tigisis had taken his seat in the chief chair in the house of Urbanus Donatus, he said: Let us first prove ourselves, and so shall we be able to ordain a bishop here. Secundus said to Donatus of Masculula: You are said to have handed over. Donatus replied: You know how much Florus sought me out that I might offer incense, and God did not deliver me into his hands, brother; but since God spared me, do you also keep me for God. Secundus said: What then shall we do about the martyrs, since they did not hand over? Therefore also they were crowned. Donatus said: Send me to God, there shall I render account. Secundus said: Step aside to one part.
Secundus said to Marinus of Aquae Tibilitanae: You too are said to have handed over. Marinus replied: I gave little papers to Polus, for my codices are safe. Secundus said: Pass over to one part. Secundus said to Donatus of Calama: You are said to have handed over. Donatus replied: I handed over medical books. Secundus said: Pass over to one part. And in another place: Secundus said to Victor of Rusicade: You are said to have handed over the four Gospels. Victor replied: Valentianus was the curator; he himself compelled me to cast them into the fire. I knew that they were of the erasable sort. Pardon me this offence, and God too pardons me. Secundus said: Pass over to one part. And in another place: Secundus said to Purpurius of Limata:
You are said to have killed the two sons of your sister at Milevis. Purpurius replied: Do you think I am frightened by you, as others are? What did you do, you who were seized by the curator and the town council to hand over the Scriptures? How did you free yourself from them, unless because you handed over, or ordered to be handed over, whatever there was? For they did not release you at random. For I killed, and I kill, those who act against me; therefore do not provoke me to say more. You know that I take no account of anyone. Secundus the younger said to his uncle Secundus: You hear what they say against you. He is ready to withdraw and make a schism—not he alone, but all whom you accuse—who, I know, are ready to leave you and pass sentence against you, and you will remain alone, a heretic. Therefore what does it concern you what any man has done?
He has to render an account to God. Secundus said to Felix of Rotaria, to Nabor of Centurio, to Victor of Garba: What seems good to you? They replied: They have God to whom they are to render account. Secundus said: You know, and God knows: be seated. And they all replied: Thanks be to God. These traditors—who, together with others at Carthage, pronounced sentences against Caecilian and his associates, among whom was also Silvanus of Cirta, concerning whose handing-over I shall presently insert the record—these, forsooth, you will defend by splendid reasoning.
For this is doubtless what you are going to say about these so many, which you thought worth composing as some great matter about the one Silvanus—reckoning that from this you would manifestly demonstrate false the crime of handing-over charged against him, because you inserted his sentence, which in the council among the other bishops he pronounced against Caecilian and others sharing his communion, as though it could not come to pass that a traditor should condemn traditors. For you see these things more prudently than the Apostle Paul. For he laid absurd things to the charge of certain persons, and did not consider that what he said could not come to pass: you who preach that one must not steal, do you steal? You who say that one must not commit adultery, do you commit adultery? You who abominate idols, do you commit sacrilege? And that above all:
For in that in which you judge another, you condemn yourself; for you who judge do the same things. These traditors, therefore, whom Secundus, terrified by their confessions, pardoned, he kept with himself in the council of Carthage, and they pronounced sentences against the absent who had not confessed—they who, being present, were not condemned out of their own confession. This council would not have remained, nor endured in the memory of posterity, unless it were written down by others, though it was kept by those very men who were preparing thereby to defend themselves, in case anyone should afterwards object against them the same crimes which were there remitted. It was in the interest of Secundus himself, too, that it might appear that he, lest a schism should arise—which peacemakers above all others are wont to forestall—had dismissed all those things to the divine judgment;
which he ought much more to have done in the council of Carthage, where nothing had been established against the absent—had not Lucilla, then a most powerful and most wealthy woman, inflamed with furious hatreds, vehemently pressed that against Caecilian, as though condemned, another might be ordained bishop. This was afterwards recalled in the judgment of the consular Zenophilus, through a certain Nundinarius, deacon of Silvanus of Cirta, then your bishop, who could not, as he wished, be reconciled with his aforesaid bishop, whom he had experienced as an enemy. Indeed he had pursued this before his colleagues rather threateningly—lest he betray everything—than suppliantly, to deserve pardon. From the records of that judgment I have inserted these few things:
In the consulship of Constantine the Great Augustus and Constantine the younger, the most noble Caesar, on the Ides of December, Sextus of Thamugadi having been brought in, and Victor the grammarian having been produced, with Nundinarius the deacon also standing by, Zenophilus the consular said: What is your name? He replied: Victor. And a little later, in another place: Nundinarius replied: Let the acts be read. Zenophilus the consular said: Let them be read. And Nundinius the clerk read: In the consulship of Diocletian for the eighth time and Maximian for the seventh, on the fourteenth day before the Kalends of June, from the acts of Munatius Felix, perpetual flamen, curator of the colony of Cirta: when they had come to the house in which the Christians used to assemble, Felix, perpetual flamen and curator, said to Paulus the bishop:
Produce the Scriptures of the law and whatever else you have here, so that you may be able to obey the command and the order. Paulus the bishop said: The readers have the Scriptures, but what we have here we give. Felix, perpetual flamen and curator, said to Paulus: Show the readers, or send to them. Paulus the bishop: You all know them. Felix, perpetual flamen and curator, said: We do not know them. Paulus the bishop: The public office knows them, that is, Edesius and Junius the clerks. Felix, perpetual flamen and curator, said: The matter of the readers standing over—whom the office will point out—do you also give what you have here.
While Paulus the bishop sat, together with Montanus and Victor of Castellum Memorianum the presbyters, with Mars standing by together with Aelius, and Mars the deacon, and Marcuclius, Catulinus, Silvanus, and Carosus the subdeacons producing them, and Januarius, Marcuclius, Fructuosus, Migginus, Saturninus, Victor Samsuricus, and the rest of the diggers—Victor the son of Aufidius meanwhile registering in a brief thus: two golden chalices, likewise six silver chalices, and the rest. And in another place: after the library was opened, empty cupboards were found there. Then Silvanus produced a silver hood and a silver lamp, which he said he had found behind a chest. Victor the son of Aufidius said to Silvanus: You would have been a dead man, if you had not found those. Felix, perpetual flamen and curator of the commonwealth, said to Silvanus:
Search more diligently, lest anything remain here. Silvanus said: Nothing remains here, we have thrown all this out, and the rest. And in another place: A copy of the petition handed to the bishops by Nundinarius the deacon: Christ is witness, and his angels, that you have communicated with traditors, that is, Silvanus of Cirta is a traditor and a thief of the goods of the poor, which all of you—bishops and presbyters and deacons and elders—know; and about the four hundred folles of Lucilla, the most illustrious woman, for which you conspired together that Majorinus might become bishop, and thence the schism arose. For Victor the fuller too, in the presence of you and of the people, gave twenty folles that he might be made a presbyter, which Christ knows and his angels, and the rest. And in another place:
When these had been read, Zenophilus the consular said: Both by the acts and by the documents which have been recited, it is established that Silvanus is a traditor. Likewise in another place: Zenophilus, the most distinguished consular, said: What office did Silvanus then administer in the clergy? Victor replied: Under Paulus the bishop, when the persecution arose, Silvanus was a subdeacon. Have you, brother Cresconius, anything to say to these things? I think that shame concerning human affairs has not so far perished, that you should still think, for the acquittal of Silvanus, that the sentence must be recited which he pronounced against Caecilian and his colleagues as though they were traditors—lest you rather admonish us to say something similar from the Apostle's epistle, as I mentioned a little before: 'You who preach that one must not hand over, do you hand over?' and: In that in which you judge another, you condemn yourself;
for you who judge do the same things. But afterwards, you say, when Ursatius and Zenophilus were persecuting, since he was unwilling to communicate, he was driven into exile. Nay rather, he who was already a traditor wished to remain even a heretic, so that he might have a false honour in that very party of Donatus, which he could not have any in the Catholic Church, the deeds of his own handing-over being so manifestly laid open by public judgment. These things you will doubtless say are false, and for your forebears, as much as you can, you will bring forward other things against ours. Which perhaps indeed you will not be able to do, finding nothing to bring forward. But suppose you have found, suppose you have brought forward: is there so great a madness of shamelessness in you, that you should contend that what is brought forward by you ought rather to be believed than those things which are brought forward by us?
For either there were traditors both here and there—if you too recite something from a confession of our people—or, if you think something has been fabricated by our people against yours, why is it not conceded to us likewise to think the same, that something has been fabricated by your people against ours? Therefore, concerning human deeds, whether manifested on this side and on that, or uncertain on either side, let us not—we who believe in one God—wrangle; but in what is certain and a divine gift, let us be in concord in the grace of Christ. For when the deeds of our forebears and of yours, contrary on this side and on that, are recited to us who were born so long after, if it is not permitted even to doubt, what is more iniquitous? But if it is permitted, what is more sufficient?
For it is not as uncertain from whom the evil of handing-over arose, so uncertain from whom the good of peace is commanded to be rendered back. And through this, whoever, on account of an uncertain evil that is another's, spurns the peace of Christ, is most certainly evil himself—since Cyprian, not even on account of the certain wickedness of the tares mingled in, deserted the peace of the wheat; he who, writing to Maximus, said: Although tares seem to be in the Church, yet our faith or charity ought not to be hindered, so that, because we discern that there are tares in the Church, we ourselves should withdraw from the Church. He did not say 'we suspect, we suppose, we reckon, we conjecture, we believe,' but he said 'we discern.' O word by which every doubt would be removed, that the body of Christ might not be divided!
If you desire only the wheat, groan in the labour of the field, rejoice in the hope of the barn, tolerate the evil in the communion of Christ's sacraments, lest before the time of the shore you become—by bursting the nets—that which you were unwilling to tolerate. These things I would say, if you had proved anything about the traditors whom you accuse; nay rather, at this very time I would not even say these things; for I am not commanded to tolerate those with whom I am no longer forced to live. But if even now a traditor should be shown to me, with what conscience do I desert so many Christian nations among whom none is shown? Then, if I myself now learn what a little before I did not know, why do you rescind in me what I did know? For I knew that I had received the baptism of Christ;
you yourselves also teach that another's crime, when unknown, is conceded to harm no one. Why then do you today rebaptize one baptized yesterday, when today you teach the crime of another which yesterday he did not know? Not knowing from what sort of man he had received it, he was not guilty of the baptism he received: now that he has learned this from you, why does he become guilty of a rescinded baptism? For whether he has assented to your proofs or has not assented, he who received the baptism of Christ by the ministry of a traditor—unless you prove that he knew from whom he received it—not even according to you will you rightly be able to baptize him. Now at last turn your mind away from party zeal, and consider how innumerable a multitude of Christians in Africa itself does not know who the traditors were;
how much more in the rest of the world—how great a multitude, unless you convince them that they knew when they were being baptized, either you will not dare to say must be baptized, or you will dare to pass judgment on the hidden things of the heart! And where is that divine sentence—which pleases you—that was inserted by you: The things that are manifest are for you, but the things that are hidden are for the Lord your God? Believe the Christian world when it says to you: 'I know the baptism of Christ; who the traditors were in Africa or anywhere else, I am ignorant. Why do you judge in me the hidden things of men, that you may rescind in me the manifest things of God? Suppose you prove to me another's crime now; what you speak of, I did not know when I had received baptism.'
'If, on account of those whom you now betray to me, you wish to baptize me, you ought also to baptize those who, unknowing, received from adulterers whom you may presently betray.' What do you say to this, except: 'Nothing is holy, nothing is clean, except what I have willed and when I have willed'? In this matter, you say, the conscience of almost the whole world is witness. It is answered you: In this matter there is no conscience at all of the whole world. This, you say, our forebears received from their parents. It is answered: But as erring men from erring men, or from slanderers; for the forebears of the Jews too received from their forebears that the body of Christ was stolen from the tomb.
Those, you say, are not long dead who came to know by whom and in what places the deed of this handing-over was committed. It is answered: this too our people say on behalf of their own party. There survive, you say, even books in which the order of the deeds done is faithfully and diligently recorded; there are acts, there are documents, and the manifest confession of many too is held. It is answered you: these things also are not lacking to our people on behalf of their own party. Either, therefore, let us believe those who were able to persuade of their cause those churches which we read written in the divine and canonical books, or—as you said concerning Optatus—let us neither absolve doubtful things nor condemn them, and let us hold, in brotherly love, the peace of Christ, whose goodness is not doubtful.
But the Easterns—whom you now concede to be ours—you say this deed did not escape; and, to prove this, you insert the opening of the letter of the council of Sardica, where the name of Donatus, your bishop of Carthage, is found subscribed. Which you think and affirm was done for this reason: because, forsooth, the deed of the traditors displeased the Easterns, who sent these writings from their council, and they had withdrawn themselves from their communion, and therefore they were in communion with your Donatus. Learn, then, what you do not know:
The council of Sardica was an Arian one—which has long been known and we have in hand—convened chiefly against Athanasius, the Catholic bishop of Alexandria, who beyond others sharply refuted and confuted their error, sprung from that very city. It is no wonder, therefore, if those heretics tried to enlist Donatus to themselves as one of their own—Donatus whom the Catholic Church throughout the whole world condemned; although we have the bishops to whom these letters were sent without the names of their cities. Either, therefore, there was some Donatus, not a bishop in Africa, to whose name 'of Carthage' was added by your people, or, as I said, the Eastern heresy tried to join the African heresy to itself.
Which is the more credible from this, that the Eastern Catholic Church would never write to a bishop of Carthage, passing over the Roman one—where at least yours ought to have been written to, whom you are wont to send to Rome, a few of you, out of Africa. But thanks be to God that that conspiracy of the Eastern heretics with the African heretics, if indeed it was begun, did not avail to prevail. You have in your letter placed the Arians already among the heretics to be detested both by us and by you. Whence there is no necessity for me to contend with you even about this question. For as to the question which you set yourself, as though objected by us:
'If these things are so, how were the Easterns afterwards separated from the communion of your people?'—and you replied that, in receiving our people again, they could not preserve constancy in the condemned cause—is it any wonder that your bishops, from lands so far off, should with impunity narrate to you what they please? But if it were altogether so, what did so many peoples do, who, though they knew not these things, are nonetheless judged by you to be rebaptized? Or is it not credible that the peoples too could have been ignorant of these things, when you, somewhat more studious of these matters, would not have inquired what your Africans did in Africa with the Maximianists, had you not wished to reply to my letters? But that thing which I said:
that, even if the handing-over of some who died in our communion were proved—which by us is disapproved and displeases us—it would in no part touch us: how ridiculously you thought this ridiculous and less befitting my prudence! Accordingly, I now desire to know how your prudence has refuted it; or is it because you say you do not see how it is disapproved by us, or in what way it displeases, since we, being placed in their schism, never condemned an error we had come to know? See rather how briefly I reply to these things. I am in the Church, whose members are all those churches which we know, born and firmly established from the labours of the apostles, together in the canonical writings.
Their communion, as far as the Lord helps me, whether in Africa or wherever, I will not desert. In this communion, if there have been traditors whom I do not know, when you have shown them, I will detest them as dead both in flesh and in heart—yet I will by no means be estranged, on account of the dead, from the living who remain in the holy unity of the same Church. For not they founded this Church, but in it, if good, they were wheat, but if evil, they were chaff. But you, whom the tares or chaff of so manifest a Church could not stain, what cause was there of your division except a craving for sacrilegious schism? If it displeases you, you say, disapprove, flee, and leave the church of the traditors; do not follow the footsteps of your erring forebears. To this I reply:
If not even they were traditors, they are my forebears; if they were what I am not, they are not my forebears. I hold a Church full of wheat and chaff. I do not say if you showed me others who carry their own burden, but if you showed me my very self in it as a traditor, where it is permitted me to be changed for the better, there is no need for me to be separated thence. If I come to know any such persons in the communion of its sacraments, by the word and discipline of the Lord I amend those whom I can, I tolerate those whom I cannot amend. I flee the chaff, that I may not be this; not the threshing-floor, that I may not be nothing. Accordingly, do not be vainly tossed about in this maxim. For the apostolic precept which you yourself set forth admonishes me rather how I am to do this: do not communicate with the sins of others; keep yourself chaste.
For in order to show how each one might not communicate with the sins of others, he added to this: keep yourself chaste. For he who keeps himself chaste does not communicate with the sins of others, although he communicates—not their sins, but those sacraments of God which they take to their own judgment—with those from whom, by keeping himself chaste, he has made himself estranged. Otherwise Cyprian too—which be far from it!—would have communicated with the sins of his rapacious and usurious colleagues, with whom nevertheless he remained in the communion of the divine sacraments, concerning whom he says:
Very many bishops, who ought to have been both an encouragement and an example to the rest, neglecting the care of divine things became agents of worldly affairs; abandoning their episcopal seat and deserting their flock, they wandered through foreign provinces angling for the profitable fairs of trade. While their brethren went hungry in the church, they wished to hold silver in abundance, to seize estates by treacherous frauds, and to swell their profit by compounding interest. Did that man have communion in the sins of such as these? Did he follow their sect? And yet he stood with them in the communion of the same sacraments, because those sacraments they had not themselves instituted (men who did not hold them unto salvation), but by their evil ways they made them avail unto their own punishment.
But what is this that you say — that you had put forward in my own person the charge that I have never handed over the divine Testament? For you add: 'But he who handed you over created you'; and then you weave together phrases that seemed to you to have a fine ring: 'the stream is drawn from its source, and the members follow the head. If the head be sound, the whole body is sound; but if there be in it any disease or defect, it weakens all the members. Whatever grows up on a stem looks back to its own origin.' And after this you conclude, as if with a final flourish: 'He cannot be innocent who does not follow the sect of an innocent man.' In all these words of yours you have made my creator, my head, to be nothing but a traitor — one whom, indeed, you have only been able to accuse, not to convict.
But as for me, I do not set up even his innocence as my creator, my source, or my head. You however return to that point in which Petilianus erred, refusing to admit that, when anyone is born in the sanctification of baptism, Christ is the origin and head of the one thus born, and that I do not fall under the curse of which it is written: 'Cursed is everyone who puts his hope in man' — since it is from no other source that you entangle yourself, nor, when you have rebounded, do you fall back into anything else. But you also warn me by a testimony from the Scriptures, as to what I should still answer you concerning these things. For you say it is on this account written: 'Walk not in the legal ordinances of your fathers.' Yet you do not observe that it was said to the Jews that they should not imitate the evil deeds of their fathers, not that they should be torn away from that people of God.
If then it was permitted to King David, to Samuel, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Zechariah, and to the rest of God's holy men and prophets, to keep the commandments of God amid the despisers of God's law, and to hurl many worthy and true words against those very transgressors of the commandment; and also not to imitate, not to follow, but to detest and flee those sins of the fathers by which they so offended God under Moses that not one of them was worthy to enter the land of promise, and to rebuke in those who committed such things the likeness of such fathers, and yet not to set up for themselves another people, as though purified and refined, by a sacrilegious separation — how is it not permitted to us neither to imitate the deeds of I know not whom, which you rather cast up than prove, nor yet to be separated from that holy Church which, as the Apostle says, bears fruit and grows in all the world?
Did the traitors institute any sacraments in which I might be baptized? Did they compose for posterity any books about committing or imitating the surrender of the Scriptures, whose teaching we hold and follow? For if they had done this, and would not allow any to have communion with them except those who read and approved those writings, they would thereby have cut themselves off from the unity of the Church; and if you saw me in their schism, then indeed you would have a right to say that I am in the church of traitors. But if they wrote down their most wicked precepts about committing this betrayal, and yet were not gathered outside the Church in a congregation and communion of their own, they would for that reason be reckoned as tares, on whose account the wheat is not rightly abandoned. Behold, I say again what you forbid me to say any further:
You bring charges before me against men long since dead, over whom my knowledge has passed no judgment. You say in reply: 'It is lawful for you to judge even today, and judgment can be held not only concerning the living but also concerning the dead. For though the man who sinned be dead, that which he committed never dies.' What if, while he yet lived, he corrected himself and appeased God — has not that which he committed died and been blotted out, just as Felicianus and Praetextatus, ordainers of Maximianus, corrected themselves from so great a crime after a respite granted, as you say? But it is a marvel, if a man's own sins do not harm those who have corrected the deeds they did, and yet do harm others who never did those deeds at all; and if the case concerns us, add: 'those who never even knew the deeds.'
But you say it is lawful for me to judge even today, because judgment can be made not only concerning the living but also concerning the dead. Behold, I am willing to judge; but you are unwilling to plead the case itself — nay rather, when we demonstrate that it was pleaded then, and then too without doubt concluded, you are unwilling to acknowledge it. But let us grant rather that you have some whom you can instruct. Why do you contend that those whom you have not yet instructed must now be rebaptized, seeing that those who had been baptized by traitors whom they did not know you ought not to baptize even after you have instructed them — just as those who, in ignorance, have been baptized by adulterers are not baptized, even after those adulterers have been exposed and convicted? Here perhaps you will say: 'But concerning Caecilianus judgment has already been passed.' The answer to you is this:
Judgment had already been passed also concerning Primianus by a hundred of your bishops, to whom Maximianus had made him out to be most wicked, before you held the Council of Bagai. But in the first judgment he was condemned in his absence; in the second he was acquitted when present. If after the first those whom he baptized cannot be rebaptized, how much more after the second! So too Caecilianus was in the first judgment, before Secundus of Tigisis at Carthage, condemned in his absence; in the second judgment, before Miltiades of Rome, he was acquitted when present. Still you will not have us be certain concerning him: at least allow us to doubt. For the one who knows Caecilianus to be innocent overcomes you, and so also does the one who does not know him to be guilty. But you —
— you however hold that both classes must be rebaptized: both those who say 'we know' and those who say 'we do not know what sort of man Caecilianus was.' Those whom Primianus baptized after the first judgment, in which he was condemned in his absence, are not to be baptized; and those whom Caecilianus may baptize after the second judgment, in which he was acquitted when present, are to be baptized! It was not lawful to condemn the man condemned; concerning the man acquitted let it at least be lawful to doubt. Even if his crimes were certain to us, so long as we were set within the Church — which the Holy Spirit foretold as a threshing-floor together with its chaff — the sins of others, not imitated by us, would in no way stain us. And yet even though these things are said to be uncertain to us, we are not only made defendants but are even adjudged to be rebaptized.
Is this how you act? Is it thus you overturn everything? Do you truly suppose that so much is permitted to us, that whatever you please shall be holy, and whatever you please shall be unclean? Restrain yourselves; make no progress in evil, lest you perish away from good. Now that saying of mine: 'But if you argue about the persecutions, I answer at once, that if you have suffered anything unjustly, it does not pertain to those who — though those who did such things acted wickedly — nevertheless tolerate them praiseworthily for the sake of the peace of unity' — how deceitfully you tried to refute this, plainly not considering that your letters would have a reader of sound head! For you answer as though I had said that persecution ought to be inflicted upon you for the sake of the peace of unity. That indeed I did not say in that passage; but I said:
'If you have suffered anything unjustly, it does not pertain to those by whom such deeds are tolerated praiseworthily for the peace of unity, but rather concerns those who do such things against you, however wickedly they act.' Since this was said most plainly, let those at least whom you wished to deceive attend to the explanation; for I do not suppose that you failed to understand a thing so plain, but you thought that by the brevity of my sentence you could easily cast it into a fog, where, whatever else you might say, you would seem to have answered it.
But why I said that the evil men of our communion — that is, the chaff of the Lord's threshing-floor — are, when they act unjustly against you, praiseworthily tolerated by the good among us, what need is there that I myself should show it, that I myself should defend it, when on my behalf the blessed Cyprian most plainly and most candidly declares that, even when evil men are discerned in the Church, the Church is not on their account to be forsaken? This is precisely what I said, that they are to be tolerated for the peace of unity. For those who unjustly persecute you do not persecute you more than we do — men who, by unjustly persecuting you, give you, for the deceiving of the ignorant, a false semblance of glory indeed, but to you a grievous wound of sorrow.
Next, calling to mind also I know not what dead men, whom you say were slain by our people, you enlarge the topic most expansively, as though set in the field of your own eloquence, wherein we seemed to you like the martyrs — while daily we suffer the incredible deeds of your clergy and Circumcellions, far worse than those of any robbers or brigands whatever. For, terribly armed with weapons of every kind and roaming about in terror, they disturb not to say ecclesiastical, but even ordinary human quiet and peace; by nocturnal assaults they leave the invaded houses of Catholic clergy bare and empty, and cast down the men themselves, seized and beaten with clubs and gashed with iron, half-dead.
Moreover, with a new and hitherto unheard-of kind of wickedness, pouring lime mixed with vinegar into their eyes and stuffing it in, they choose rather to torture at greater length those whom they might have gouged out at a stroke, than to blind them the sooner. For at first they used lime only for this crime; but after they learned that those to whom they had done this had quickly recovered their sight, they added vinegar. I pass over how many things they had committed before, by which they forced us to establish these very laws against your error — laws tempered more by Christian gentleness than exerted with fitting vigour against such great crimes.
A Catholic bishop from Thubursicum, Servus by name, while he was reclaiming a place that had been seized by your people, and while the agents of both parties were awaiting the proconsular hearing, when your armed men suddenly rushed upon him in the said town, barely escaped alive. By these same men his father, a presbyter grave in years and character, after a few days departed from life, so severely afflicted was he by that violence. Maximianus, the Catholic bishop of Bagai, after a judicial sentence had been pronounced between the parties, had recovered the basilica of the estate of Calvianum, which your people had at some time unlawfully usurped.
While he was holding it by a clear right, in that very basilica, beneath the altar to which he had fled for refuge, that same altar being broken above him, and with its timbers and other clubs, and cruelly cut also with iron, he filled that whole place with his blood. He had received too a great wound in the groin, from which, as the gore flowed forth more abundantly, he would have died at once, had not their greater cruelty, through the hidden mercy of God, proved a benefit. For when, with his limbs bared on that side, half-dead and face downward, he was being dragged along, dust secretly stopped up the overflowing veins. Then, as he was being carried in the hands of our people,
they again rushed upon him, tore him away by force, mauled him yet more grievously, and hurled him down by night from a lofty tower. He lay caught softly beneath a heap of dung-ash, his senses gone, scarcely holding his last breath. There a certain poor man, passing by, found him, when he had turned aside to that spot to relieve his bowels. He recognized him, and, terrified, summoned his wife, whom modesty had moved off some distance, to bring a lamp. Then the two together carried him home, whether out of pity, or in the hope of some little gain, that whether alive or dead, once recovered he might yet be shown to our people. What need of more words? By a marvellous cure he was healed; he lives; more scars are numbered on his body than limbs.
Rumour had reported to the lands beyond the sea that this man had been slain by your people; and the monstrousness of that outrage, together with grievous indignation, had, wherever it could be heard, stirred up everything with dreadful grief. When afterward he himself followed thither, the very freshest of his scars gave the lie to that rumour; for the man whom they, looking upon him, could scarcely believe alive, did not seem to have been rashly reported slain.
When here he had found his colleague from Thubursicum, whom I mentioned a little before, and some others who had suffered like things or not much less, and no means of returning to their own homes seemed open to them, and because the notorious fury of your Circumcellions, affording your clergy a horrible retinue, had become everywhere most odiously known, a vast odium blazed up against you; and thence it came about that all the past laws against you were revived and these new ones were framed. Yet if the severity of all these together be compared with the disorderly cruelty of your people raging without any law, it must be called a wondrous mildness.
For by these laws Catholic gentleness, having received so great a power, is rather commended than heretical monstrousness is punished; nay rather, against us it rages the more boldly and madly, devising, threatening, and executing slaughters, plunderings, burnings, blindings. For I wished to recount these things, through which it has come about that in these our times these imperial decrees were issued against you — nay, against your error. For what, if you were wise, could be more in your favour? But as for all the savage deeds of your people, which I have either learned from the letters of earlier men or have myself come to know, by which from the beginning of your division down to this time they have persecuted the Catholic Church — if I should wish to unfold them, what tongue, what pen, what length of time and leisure would suffice?
When I was dealing with the case of Optatus, and you had wished rather to excuse this than had been able to clear it away, you said that your people cannot be held guilty on this score, because no one has come forward to prosecute them. So many protests of our people concerning the most furious violence of your people have filled the public archives sooner than those deeds ever earned any punishment among you. But perhaps here too it may be said that the protests were indeed lodged, but that none were brought forward for prosecuting the guilty. Hear then certain things which I myself have experienced.
When we had taken up the case of the Maximianists, whom your people had received back after having condemned them, and were spreading it abroad with fervent insistence wherever we could, they — finding nothing they could answer to matters so recent and made clear by so great a manifestation — began, with their wonted frequency and boldness, by the violences and raging mobs of the Circumcellions, to deter us from preaching the Catholic truth and from convicting their falsehood.
And because many, entangled in the snares of their error — with whom we were treating so that they might be freed from it — answered us that we ought to treat of this with their bishops, and that they earnestly desired a conference of ours, where they might see, from the assertions of both sides, which truth would overcome falsehood: it pleased us, in a council of the whole of Africa at Carthage, that with the testimony of public records also brought to bear (so that we might prove to those who kept demanding this that we had in no way failed their desire), your bishops should be peaceably approached, each by that one of ours who was established in the same place where he too resided — so that, through a conference of ours, error being removed, we might enjoy Christian and brotherly fellowship, unity, charity, and peace; keeping this in view: that, if they were willing for this to be done, then by the help of God's mercy whatever was involved in our cause could most easily be recognized; but if they refused, then at least their mistrust might not appear in vain to those who had asked this of us.
It was done; they were approached; they refused. With what words — words full of what guile, what cursing, what bitterness — it would now be long to show. Meanwhile Crispinus of Calama, your bishop, being approached by my colleague Possidius in that same city before the public records, had at first put the matter off to your council, promising that there, with his colleagues, he would see what he ought to answer. Then, after no small time, the approach being renewed, he again answered before the records: 'Fear not the words of a sinful man,' and again: 'Beware of saying anything into the ears of a fool, lest, when he has heard it, he mock your sensible words.' Finally I define this my answer in patriarchal speech:
'Let the ungodly depart from me; I will not know their ways.' When both the learned and the unlearned laughed at this answer of his — since here was a man saying that he did not fear the words of a sinful man, to whom he would by no means dare to answer; and saying that he was unwilling to say anything into the ears of a fool, as though he were about to commit some secret rashly to a fool's ears, when what he was to say many prudent men could hear (for the sake of such, our Lord Christ too spoke so many things to the Pharisees, however imprudent they were); and saying that he was unwilling to know the ways of the ungodly, as though those whom he thought ungodly wished to teach him their ways, and not rather he himself, if he held the ways of God, ought even to teach the ungodly — as it is written: 'I will teach the wicked your ways, and the ungodly shall be converted unto you' —
— so when this answer was understood by many, and was shown to many how empty it was as regarded the cause, but how bitter and slanderous, which did not pertain to the cause, and thus his (as it is reckoned among you) most learned old age was seen and laughed at as able to prove nothing against the truth, though a raw recruit stood opposite him only yesterday: suddenly, after a few days, as Possidius was making a journey, another Crispinus, his presbyter and, as is reported, his kinsman, laid an ambush of armed men, into which our man had almost already fallen, had he not, when they were espied and reported, turned aside in flight to a certain estate, where that man would dare nothing, or would not prevail, or, if he even did anything, could not deny it.
When this was discovered, he was at once seized with such blind madness; and now, thinking it shameful to lie hidden, he began with armed men to hedge in the house in which Possidius had shut himself up with his own people, to pelt it round with stones, to encircle it with flames, to force an entrance from every side. But the crowd of inhabitants who were there, mindful of their own peril should so great a crime be accomplished in that place, partly kept beseeching him to spare — him whom by resisting they dared not offend — and partly kept quenching the fires set beneath. But as he, no whit the more sluggish, pressed on hot and inexorable in what he had begun, the door at length gave way to the blows, they entered, and the beasts of burden were wounded and slain.
What they had caught sight of in the lower part of the house they took down from the upper storeys — the bishop — assailing him with blows and insults. That they might not rage more grievously, Crispinus himself intervened, as though bent by the entreaties of others; men who seemed to care not so much for the entreaty against his wrath, as to dread the witness in the deed. After these things had become known in the town of Calama, it was awaited how Crispinus your bishop would take vengeance upon his own presbyter. There came too a protest set forth in the municipal records, by fear or shame of which he might be compelled to exercise ecclesiastical vengeance. But when he utterly despised this, and so great a tumult of your people arose that, for the truth to be preached,
— to which they could make no answer — the roads were thought likely to be barred, nay rather were already even seen to be so — the laws, which were not lacking but were as it were resting idle in our hands as if they were lacking, were set in motion against Crispinus your bishop: rather that our gentleness might be displayed than that their audacity might be punished. For otherwise it could not be made known what, with Christ's help, the Catholic Church could do against her enemies, and yet would not do — not according to heretical presumption, by private fury, with Circumcellions raging, but according to prophetic truth, with kings subject to the yoke of the Lord God. Crispinus therefore was brought forward, and, since he had denied to the proconsul, on his questioning, that he was one,
— being most easily convicted as a heretic — nevertheless was not compelled to pay out the ten pounds of gold, the fine which the elder emperor Theodosius had appointed against all heretics, Possidius interceding for him. Not content with this most lenient sentence, by I know not what counsel — which was said to have displeased all your people — he thought fit to appeal to the sons of that same Theodosius. It was accepted; a rescript was issued — what else but that the party of Donatus should now know that it belonged, along with the other heretics, to that penalty of gold, with whom, on account of communion in such persecution, it should either reckon that it possessed common justice, or, if it does not so reckon,
— let it not therefore boast itself just because it is coerced by that penalty, by which it sees those heresies coerced too which it grants to be unjust; and let it at length understand that it is not the penalty but the cause that makes a martyr of Christ. But let it charge us with being persecutors so savage that not even after the imperial rescript did Crispinus pay out that gold to the treasury — the Catholic bishops obtaining pardon for him — and now, even amid these very latest laws that threaten proscription to your bishops, he sits secure in his own possessions, while Catholic clergy, amid the hands of your Circumcellions and clergy, pay out their homes, their sustenance, their safety, and the light of their bodies.
Those who do these things — to whom shall I call them equal? To robbers, pirates, to some savage race of barbarians? — when not even these are to be compared with the master of all cruelties, the devil. He smote the holy man Job, all his goods being taken away, with a most grievous wound from head to foot; and yet there was there, amid the sound parts, a sound place — he did not put out the eyes of the man whose whole body he had received into his power.
But these things, forsooth, are not carried to your people, since Crispinus preferred to proceed to Carthage, to be overcome by his own obstinacy, to refuse the most lenient sentence pronounced against him through the intercession of episcopal gentleness, to appeal to the sons of him by whose law he saw himself ensnared, to stir up the whole party of Donatus over what he alone neither wished nor was compelled to endure, rather than to punish by mere degradation the most audacious and most odious crime of a single presbyter of his own. There was in the region of Hippo a certain Restitutus, your presbyter.
When he, moved by the reason of the truth, before he was commanded by those imperial laws, had crossed over to Catholic peace with a manifest will, he was seized from his own house by your clergy and Circumcellions, led openly in broad daylight to the nearest fortress, and, while a multitude looked on and no one dared to resist, beaten with clubs at the pleasure of the raging mob, rolled in a muddy pool, dishonoured with a rush covering; and after he had sufficiently tortured the eyes of the grieving and glutted the eyes of the laughing, he was led thence to another place, to which none of ours dared to approach, and scarcely on the twelfth day was he let go. Of this I myself complained to Proculianus, your bishop of Hippo, by the municipal records indeed, lest, if it were necessary to take any action,
— he should deny that this had been brought to his notice. What he answered, how he dissembled from inquiring into the case, and how he thought afterward, by not answering, that our purpose was to be more craftily eluded, those same records sufficiently bear witness. But now, as for the clergy who have crossed over to us from you, how many things they suffer from your people — when shall we be sufficient to tell it? Finally, it is not only that whoever come to us from thence abandon the truth under persecution; but many do not come to us from thence, precisely because they fear to endure persecution from your people for the truth.
Take away, therefore, from our midst the superfluous grievances about the troubles which you suffer for your error at the imperial command — troubles most slight and well-nigh nothing compared with the great fury of your people — while you impute even to us those things which are done by the earthly powers themselves, out of necessity and not of will, in order to drive back the assaults of your people from their own safety. For not even if those forty men who had conspired to kill the Apostle Paul had rushed upon the armed men by whom he was being conducted, and had suffered the penalties, would these things have been to be imputed to Paul. I pass over the fact that you transfer even the voluntary deaths, which they inflict upon themselves, onto us by lying. For concerning Marculus I have heard that he threw himself down.
— which is surely more credible than that any Roman power could have commanded this, a thing far too unusual for Roman laws, since this evil, among so many heresies that err under the Christian name, is peculiar to your heresy. Hence what does it profit that your bishops boast of having in their councils forbidden and condemned this, as you yourself have mentioned, when so many crags and precipices of rocks are daily made deadly by that Marculian schooling? I have said, therefore, what I have heard concerning Marculus, and whence it may seem the more credible; but what is the truth, God knows. As for the other three, whose deaths you have likewise cast up, what or how it was done, I confess that I have not inquired of those whom I think know it.
Yet to no good men in the Catholic Church does it please that anyone, even a heretic, should be raged against unto death. Nor indeed, if far short of anyone's death, out of a lust for vengeance one should requite evil for evil by inflicting troubles, do we approve it — detesting it far more if, on the occasion as it were of striving for unity, anyone should carry off another's coveted goods, not those which under the name of the Church ought not to be possessed by heretics, but whatever is private property. All these things displease good men, and they forbid and restrain them as much as they can; but as much as they cannot, they bear them, and, as I have said, for the sake of peace praiseworthily tolerate them,
— judging these things not praiseworthy but damnable; and neither on account of the tares do they forsake the crop of Christ, nor on account of the chaff the threshing-floor of Christ, nor on account of the vessels unto dishonour the great house of Christ, nor on account of the bad fishes the nets of Christ. Kings, when they are in error, make laws for that very error against the truth; when they are in the truth, they likewise decree against error for the truth itself: thus by evil laws the good are proved, and by good laws the evil are amended. King Nebuchadnezzar, when perverse, gave a savage law that an idol should be adored; the same man, when corrected, gave a stern law that the true God should not be blasphemed.
For in this the kings, as is divinely enjoined upon them, serve God in so far as they are kings, if in their kingdom they command good things and forbid evil — not only those that pertain to human society, but also those that pertain to divine religion. In vain you say: 'Let me be left to free will.' For why do you not proclaim that in murders and in defilements and in whatever other crimes and outrages you ought to be dismissed to your free will? Yet all these things it is most useful and most wholesome to restrain by just laws. God indeed gave man a free will, but He willed neither that a good will should be unfruitful, nor that an evil one should be unpunished. 'Whoever,' you say, 'persecutes a Christian is an enemy of Christ.'
You speak truly — provided that what he persecutes in the other is not something hostile to Christ. For a master over his servant, a father over his son, a husband over his wife, when both are Christians, ought indeed to persecute vices that are contrary to Christian truth. Or rather, if they were not to persecute them, would they not deservedly be held guilty of negligence? Yet in all things a measure must be kept, one suited to humanity and befitting charity, so that neither is the whole of one's power exercised, nor, in what is exercised, is love lost, while in what is not exercised, gentleness is shown. But where no power is granted by either divine or human laws, let nothing be attempted wickedly or imprudently.
Now hear concerning the Maximianists what a little earlier I had postponed, so that you may recognize that your own bishops have lied to you, and that not only in what pertains to the question of baptism, or to the toleration in the Church of the sins of others without one's own contamination, but also in what pertains to the odium of persecution — in which indeed your party outdid against us all the laws and protections of Rome — in this one case of the Maximianists you may see the matter settled.
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For if you did not shrink from reading that memorable verdict of the Council of Bagai, of your three hundred and ten bishops — the verdict from which I inserted above what seemed sufficient — since those words most plainly show that the twelve were condemned together with Maximian, by whose hands, being present, he was ordained, and that a delay of returning to your communion was granted to those who, though they had been in Maximian's communion and had condemned Primian, nevertheless, when Maximian was ordained,
were not present — for indeed not all could or ought to have been present — I greatly marvel how you allowed yourself to be deceived by I know not what liar, since you were able to read out to him those very words which are not obscure, and which demand not a keen wit to sift them but only a mind to attend to them, lest by him you should be deceived. But since it may be that you did not read it, and out of a simple disposition readily believed a bishop, or bishops, insinuating something else to you, receive it, read it, and mark how truly the matter is told to you by me.
For they cannot, in order to cover their lie, amend it — nay, falsify it — as they please, seeing that they alleged it in a public trial before the proconsul, and so many times took care that it be entered into the municipal records for the need of their cause, when they were acting against those men in order that they might be driven from the basilicas. Thus assuredly does that verdict begin: 'When by the will of Almighty God and of His Christ we were holding a council in the church of Bagai — Gamalius, Primianus, Pontius, Secundianus, Ianuarianus, Saturninus, Felix, Pegasius, Rufinus, Fortunius, Crispinus, Florentius, Optatus, Donatus, Donatianus, and the rest, three hundred and ten in number — it pleased the Holy Spirit who is in us to establish a lasting peace, to cut away the sacrilegious schisms.'
Then, when it had spewed out many horrible things against them, a little later it says: 'It hurled the thunderbolt of its sentence out of the bosom of peace against Maximian, the rival of the faith, the adulterer of truth, the enemy of Mother Church, the minister of Dathan, Korah, and Abiram.' You see, I think, that Maximian was condemned without any doubt. Then, after a few things — but plainly of the gravest sort — which it pleased them to declaim against him, adding his ordainers and condemning them along with him without delay: 'And not this man alone,' it says, 'does a just death condemn for his own crime; the chain of sacrilege also drags many others into partnership in the offence.' Then, when it had also poured out what it thought worth declaiming to magnify their crime, it named them and thus concluded them condemned:
'Therefore,' it says, 'know that these men, guilty of an infamous crime — Victorianus of Carcabia, Marcianus of Sullectum, Beianus of Beiana, Salvius of Ausafa, Theodorus of Usula, Donatus of Sabrata, Miggen of Elefantaria, Praetextatus of Assuras, Salvius of Membressa, Valerius of Melzi, Felicianus of Musti, and Martialis of Pertusa, who by the deadly work of perdition cemented together a filthy vessel out of gathered dregs — and also certain clerics of the church of Carthage, who, while they took part in the crime, offered pandering to unlawful incest — have been condemned, by the judgment of God presiding, through the truthful mouth of the universal council.' What can be said more plainly, more manifestly, more expressly?
Hear now to whom a delay of time was granted, that you may see they are those who were not present when hands were laid on Maximian at his ordination. 'But those,' it says, 'whom the sacrilegious shoots did not defile as saplings — that is, those who out of the reverent modesty of the faith drew back their own hands from Maximian's head — we have permitted to return to Mother Church.' You see how they do not say that these were condemned, but that they are then to be held under the same sentence of condemnation if, when the appointed day has passed, they refuse to return; and they appoint the day thus: 'And lest the pressure of a narrowed span,' it says, 'take away from those returning the hope of salvation,'
'to all those to whom it is permitted, the previous decrees remaining in force, we open, up to the eighth day before the Kalends of the coming January, the door of acknowledgment, so that, having returned, they may have the foundations of unimpaired honour and faith. But if anyone, by sluggish idleness, shall have been unable to enter it, let him know that the way to all avenues of pardon has been withdrawn from him by his own will. For the aforesaid sentence shall remain upon them, and for those returning after the appointed day the penance is fixed.' Surely by now you perceive, most eloquent man, that you ought rather to turn back upon those from whom you heard the lie all that you thought should be said against us, as if we had lied about this matter.
Surely you perceive that those two men of whom we are speaking are of the number of those who, together with Maximian, being twelve, were condemned without delay — not of those to whom time for returning was granted. Surely it is clear, it is plain, it stands out; it can in no way be obscured, darkened, or covered over — the very thing which he by whom that sentence was pronounced distinguished, illustrated, and expressed with such eloquence. Why are words still being bandied? Why is a contest being waged against the most lucid truth on behalf of a manifest error? Why do men deceive themselves? If they entangle and enfold themselves more tightly in the snares of the devil, which they ought to loose and break, then receive further grounds on which — more vehemently, and would that with some fruit of correction — they may blush.
In the aforementioned Council of Bagai the day and consul were recorded, not only of when the council's decree was drawn up, but also of the delay itself. Therefore, from the eighth day before the Kalends of May, after the third consulship of Theodosius Augustus and that of Abundantius — which is the day of the Council of Bagai — up to the eighth day before the Kalends of January — which is the day of the delay — nearly eight months are counted. But there is found a petition before Herodes the proconsul — see how long afterward — concerning Felicianus and Praetextatus, who were to be excluded from the places of Musti and Assuras, of which I have appended a few words: 'After the consulship of our lords Arcadius, for the third time, and Honorius, for the second time, Augusti, on the sixth day before the Nones of March, at Carthage in the secretarium of the praetorium, Titianus said:'
'Peregrinus the presbyter and the elders of the church of Musti and of the region of Assuras present the following desire: When Donatus, a man of venerable memory, was asserting the holiness of the Catholic Church against the error of perfidy, into his name and worship the devotion of nearly the whole world was nourished and grew together. But when the poisons of a certain Maximian were defiling the praiseworthy and admirable purpose of his religion, a gathering of many bishops, assembled into one with God working in concert, condemned the man — or rather the pestilence, which displeased the majesty on high — even by the very restraint of a pure mind.'
'Those too whom the error of another's presumption had drawn to it, it restrained with an admonition of equal vigour, a harbour of penitence being first set forth, if they should wish to return within the appointed time to the path of religion. But iniquity delights in its own devices and does not desert itself, once it has fallen headlong. For that same Maximian nourishes the boldness he had begun and associates others with himself unto madness. Among these was also a certain Felicianus, who, having at first followed the right course, is darkened by the pollution of this depravation, and, established in the city of Musti, thought that the walls consecrated to Almighty God and the venerable church must be held as it were by a kind of siege. Him too Praetextatus imitates in the region of Assuras.'
'But when the fellowship of the priests became known to your equitable power, you commanded, as the records testify, that — every effect of contradiction being exploded — the churches must be vindicated from profane minds and restored to the most sacred priests.' You see indeed that, up to the day of this petition, from that day of the appointed delay, a space of nearly three months had elapsed. But this conflict is drawn out, as far as we have been able to trace from the proconsular and municipal records, right up
to Theodorus the proconsul — that is, up to the eleventh day before the Kalends of January of the following year — on which day the clerics and elders, acting under bishop Rogatus, who had been substituted into the place of the condemned Praetextatus of Assuras, alleged the aforesaid proconsul's order. At that time they were outside your communion and were being arraigned in public courts as enemies of that same communion of yours, and were being demanded, as sacrilegious men, to be expelled from places consecrated to the most high God. From whatever number, therefore, they may have been — although it is quite apparent from which — those who within the appointed day of delay did not restore themselves to your communion, how, throughout all that time, being estranged from you, could they baptize? How, together with those
whom they baptized outside your communion, how did they return without being purified by another baptism? In which fact we do not reproach you, that you acknowledged the baptism of Christ to be in no way sacrilegious even in a sacrilegious schism; that, the perversity of men being corrected, you approved that which had been right even in perverse men; that you did not confound human vices with divine seals; that the gifts of the Church — which even outside the Church could be had and given, to the punishment of those having and receiving them — you judged neither to be condemned in the condemned nor to be changed in those received.
Nor do we reproach this, that those very same men, guilty of an infamous crime — even after the sentence of their condemnation and after the day of delay appointed for others — you nevertheless believed, on account of the weak peoples who clung to them (mindful, I suppose, of the householder's solicitude, lest the wheat be uprooted together with the tares), were to be gathered in without any degradation and purified by the very abundance of charity. Nor do we reproach this, that, while they were still held by the infamous sacrilege of schism, you persecuted them even through earthly powers.
For this was done — as the very outcome of the matter showed — out of a zeal for correcting, not for harming, so that, harassed by those troubles, they might be forced to reflect on their crime and, their furies of animosity being repressed, to amend it. But since we do not reproach these things, therefore we rightly blame the crime of your schism, deservedly detest it, and by every reasoning convict it — you who separate yourselves from us, nay, from the Catholic communion of the whole world, by casting at us such charges as, in the case of the Maximianists, you cannot, I think, deny that you yourselves have done.
For if the baptism of Christ it is, and therefore in no way to be destroyed, which was given through Felicianus and Praetextatus when, separated from you, they were joined to Maximian, condemned along with him by us for the crime of a wicked schism — how is it not the baptism of Christ, or how is it to be destroyed, which is given in the Church that stretches out her branches, to use Cyprian's words, over the whole earth with the plenty of her richness; which is given, finally, in those churches which you have never ceased to recite in the apostolic letters, which you have never in any council condemned as you condemned Felicianus and Praetextatus?
If it pleased you to restore the condemned to their full standing for the sake of repairing the party of Donatus, what has the unity of Christ, diffused throughout the whole world, done to offend you — a unity which either could not condemn men unheard, or at any rate neither condemned nor absolved men unknown, or believed to be innocent those whom it learned to be absolved? If, by pursuing with the judges' orders the Maximianists cut off from you, you drove them from their seats, why do you complain that you suffer unworthy things through the emperors who send those same judges — you who by a wicked schism have torn yourselves away from that Church of which it is written that 'all the kings of the earth shall adore Him, all nations shall serve Him,' and that 'He shall have dominion from sea to sea and from the river unto the ends of the earth'? Behold, now I do not say:
'If it is not lawful to make persecution, then Optatus made it' — lest you should still say that whatever Optatus did without their knowledge does not pertain to your party, since they themselves do not permit it to be said that the lands most remote from Africa (do not pertain to themselves for whatever Caecilianus did without their knowledge). Who the betrayers in Africa were, what evil the African bishops did, we do not know; but plainly I say: if it is not lawful to make persecution, your party made it against the Maximianists so that you cannot deny it. If those who suffer persecution are innocent, the Maximianists suffered it. Will you even now be going to say: the people, with no one of ours as author, destroyed the basilica or cave of Maximian?
And yet, if it be inquired of what communion that mob was — supposing they are not believed to have been sent by your people — they themselves will perhaps be found to be yours, or at any rate mingled with yours in giving aid. But what is that to us? For you answer: 'we did not do it, we did not send them in, who those men were we do not know.' Yet that he suffered persecution — the man whom you confess to be unjust — from whomsoever, since the thing is clear, the things you yourselves suffer cannot prove you to be just. But by whom the Maximianists too suffered persecution, the proconsular records testify.
Advocates were instructed, courts were approached and stirred up as against heretics; while they were demanding protection for themselves as possessors, your people alleged the Council of Bagai and clamoured that the condemned be driven from the sacred seats; pressure was applied, the case was pleaded, and when, in the presence of Salvius of Membressa, you showed them to be heretics, you prevailed and expelled them. That they, therefore, suffered persecution, and that you inflicted it, I see; you will maintain that the just are you; I conclude: therefore he who suffers it is not consequently just, nor is he who inflicts it consequently unjust. You will again accuse the dialectical arts:
but you will at least, though silent, approve that I speak the truth, and you will choose rather to correct your own maxim — by which you said that no persecution is just — than to call the persecutors of the Maximianists unjust, whom at last, by the proconsular records, you have acknowledged to be your own. Not without fruit, indeed, did you persecute the error of your schismatics; for you corrected Felicianus and Praetextatus by that very conflict and by those troubles. And Optatus of Gildo indeed, threatening graver destructions, the people of Musti and Assuras — as I also heard from them in person — are said to have feared, and to have compelled their bishops to return to the communion of Primian.
But since Optatus exacted this by no public records, why should I deal in such matters against you, who are ready to deny whatever you shall have been able to deny? There exist proconsular and municipal acts, by the reciting of which we have shown with how great a force the aforesaid men were pressed by your people to yield up the places. We do not blame it, we do not begrudge it: you did not labour in vain, you did not terrify to no purpose, you did not act ineffectually. Their own animosity displeased them when afflicted; they were broken, they were amended, they were corrected and received back after their own condemnation, after the delay granted to others, after your persecution.
And they were received back just as they had been in honour, with no humiliation of graver penance either purified or degraded — neither they themselves nor those with whom they were received, whom they had separated with themselves against you, whom they had baptized outside you, whom they had perhaps rebaptized after you. You now have no source from which to instil murky lies into men ignorant of things long past. That your people accused Caecilianus before Constantine, then emperor, the public monuments proclaim.
That the case was pleaded and brought to its due conclusion, right up to the acquittal of Felix of Aptunga, the ordainer of Caecilianus — whom in the Council of Carthage they called 'the fount of all evils,' and whom before that same Constantine, as he himself indicates in his writings, they accused with persistent appeals — the proconsular archives testify. You resist, protest, and fight back against the most manifest truth; you even say that the overseas judges were corrupted by Caecilianus, and that the emperor himself was perverted by some favour or other; for the vanquished accuser is the more shameless, the more he becomes also a slanderer of the judge.
Nevertheless, among all those lies of yours, by which you slander the overseas judges, we obtain at least this: that your first forebears brought this case before the emperor, that they first accused Caecilianus and his ordainer before the emperor, that they first persecuted Caecilianus and his associates before the emperor. Whence you stir up, as it seems to you, most grievous odium against us, because, being vanquished, you suffer what you, as victors, would certainly have done — just as if some wished to accuse Daniel, who, when he was set free innocent, were themselves consumed by those very lions by whom they had wished him, through slander, to be consumed.
We obtain also this: whatever you may hold, whether you truly think it or feign it, concerning the judges by whom Caecilianus was acquitted, being present, in the overseas trial; whatever concerning the very one before whom your forebears accused Caecilianus, whose judgment finally they chose to be preferred to the episcopal judgment — namely the emperor Constantine, as though corrupted by favour — nevertheless all who then existed, whether in neighbouring or in remote lands, Catholic Christians so far and wide diffused, to whom the report about Caecilianus and his colleagues could reach, ought not to have believed the vanquished accusers, but the ecclesiastical judges.
For where we cannot all be judges, we better believe those who were able to be so than that, by believing the vanquished litigants — of whom we could not be judges — we should dare to judge concerning the judges themselves. Accordingly, since those men, upon whose accusation Caecilianus, being present, was acquitted, attempted with most audacious wickedness to besmear with Caecilianus's crimes — whether fabricated or at any rate not proven — not only those by whom he was acquitted, but also all Catholic Christians established among whatever nations, who either were utterly ignorant of that dissension of the Africans, or in it, as it seemed good to them,
chose to believe those pronouncing at their own risk rather than the vanquished accusers — since these attempted also to deny that they are Christians at all; the cause of the Maximianists was at length sent to you, in which they themselves might condemn, they themselves might persecute the condemned, they themselves might receive back the persecuted in the same honour, they themselves might accept the baptism of the condemned; so that those who dared to accuse the innocent might be forced to absolve the guilty — not those whom they had believed to be innocent, but those whom, as they say, by the truthful judgment of God presiding they had condemned with the mouth of their plenary council. Who ever said to anyone:
'Because you believed the judge who absolved rather than me who accused, you are guilty together with those very ones whom I accused'? And yet this is said to the Christian world — which, if it were said to a single man, would seem, I do not say most iniquitous, but most insane. O thing marvellously unworthy! Africans accused Africans of the crime of betrayal; the overseas judges absolved the accused; and the peoples of the nations were made betrayers, because they believed the absolving judges rather than the accusing calumniators. Deservedly, party of Donatus, has the cause of the Maximianists been served up to you: drink the cup from the hand of the Lord who chastises and admonishes. If you understand and acquiesce, this is the mercy of one amending, lest you fall into the judgment of one punishing. To you it is said:
Proud and stiff-necked one, be reconciled to the Christian peoples everywhere, whom you have unjustly accused — you who are already reconciled at least to your own condemned. Why do you rescind the baptism of Christ in those, or from those, churches which the apostles founded? You have already accepted the baptism which your own condemned gave before they were reconciled to you. Why do you glory in the persecution you suffer? If it is a sign of righteousness, the party of Maximian is more righteous; for it has suffered both from you and suffers along with you. Hear the divine psalm: 'Be not like the horse and the mule, which have no understanding.'
For you call us your persecutors, whereas we, desiring you to be saved, are pursuing medicinally your wounds which we wish to heal — for which, while we are curing you, we are grievously afflicted by clerics and Circumcellions, as though by your teeth and heels. Be not ungrateful for such medicine as you yourselves have imitated; you too corrected Felicianus and Praetextatus by persecutions. And would that you would correct the whole, and that, as those returned to you, so both they and you might return to the Catholic Mother! Against her, brother Cresconius, you have been so puffed up with such boldness that you attempt to refute even those divine testimonies I have adduced, and to clamour against the voices of God.
For this I set down in that letter against which you speak: what stands in the holy book concerning the seed of Abraham, God saying to that father of ours: 'In your seed shall all nations be blessed.' Which the Apostle calls a testament, saying: 'Brethren, I speak after the manner of men; yet a man's confirmed testament no one annuls or superimposes upon. To Abraham were the promises made, and to his seed. He does not say, 'and to seeds,' as in many, but as in one, 'and to your seed,' which is Christ.' The fruitfulness of this seed was promised so abundantly that it was said to him: 'So shall your seed be, as the stars of heaven and as the sand of the sea, which cannot be numbered.'
To this multiplication and abundance of the Church, which is spread throughout the whole world, which is believed thus to have been prophesied, thus displayed even to the eyes of all the unbelieving, so that it stops even the mouths of the pagans — who have remained against it in the smallest number — you dare to prefer the party of Donatus, saying that even outside Africa you have some men, I know not whom, who, though they do not appear, you do not deny that you are wont to send from Africa one or two bishops, or at most three; and you argue emptily against the most evident truth, that the whole world does not communicate with us because either there are still many barbarian nations which have not yet believed in Christ, or, under the name of Christ, many heresies estranged from the communion of our fellowship.
You neither attend, nor at least inquire of those who know, how many of those very barbarian nations you have mentioned are already made over to the name of Christ, and how the Gospel does not cease to bear fruit by growing among the rest, until, when it has been preached in all, the end may come. For thus the Lord Himself says: 'And this Gospel shall be preached in the whole world for a testimony to all nations, and then shall the end come.' Unless perhaps insane pride so hurls you into such a precipice that you think this which was foretold must begin from the party of Donatus — not from those churches which the apostles planted, with which the party of Donatus does not communicate.
Or will it even attempt to rebaptize those churches too, in order to fill the world, while, with the Catholic Church growing throughout all things, that party is daily diminished even in Africa itself? O the mad perversity of men! You believe you are praised for believing about Christ what you do not see, and you do not believe you are condemned for denying about the Church what you do see, since that Head is in heaven, this Body on earth. You acknowledge Christ in what is written: 'Be Thou exalted above the heavens, O God,' and you do not acknowledge the Church in what follows: 'and Thy glory above all the earth.' You acknowledge Christ in what is written: 'They have pierced my hands and my feet, they have numbered all my bones.'
'but they themselves have looked and gazed upon me; they divided my garments among them, and upon my vesture they cast lots' — and you do not acknowledge the Church in what a little later follows: 'All the ends of the earth shall remember and be turned to the Lord, and all the families of the nations shall worship in His sight, for the kingdom is the Lord's, and He shall have dominion over the nations.' You acknowledge Christ in what is written: 'O God, give Thy judgment to the king, and Thy justice to the king's son,' and you do not acknowledge the Church in what the same psalm testifies: 'He shall have dominion from sea to sea, and from the river unto the ends of the earth. Before Him the Ethiopians shall fall down, and His enemies shall lick the earth.'
'The kings of Tharsis and the isles shall offer gifts; the kings of the Arabs and of Saba shall bring presents. And all the kings of the earth shall adore Him; all nations shall serve Him.' You acknowledge Christ where it is said to the Jews: 'I have no pleasure in you, says the Lord Almighty, nor will I accept sacrifices from your hands' — because indeed the coming of Christ took away all those sacrifices of the Jews — and you do not acknowledge the Church in what follows: 'For from the rising of the sun even to its setting, my name is glorified among the nations, and in every place incense shall be offered to my name, and a pure oblation. For great is my name among the nations, says the Lord Almighty.' You acknowledge Christ in what the prophet says:
'He was led as a sheep to the slaughter,' and the rest that is read there concerning him as though in the Gospel — and yet you do not recognize the Church in what he says a little later: 'Rejoice, O barren one who does not bear; break forth and cry aloud, you who are not in labor, for the children of the desolate are more than of her who has a husband. For the Lord said: Enlarge the place of your tent and fix fast your dwellings — there is no reason to spare — stretch your cords farther, make firm your strong stakes, and again and again extend them to the right and to the left. For your seed shall inherit the nations, and you shall dwell in the cities that were deserted. There is no reason to fear — for you shall prevail — nor to blush that you were held in loathing.'
'For you shall forget the confusion forever, and shall no more remember the reproach of your widowhood. For I am the Lord who made you — the Lord is his name — and he who delivers you, he himself, the God of Israel, shall be called the God of the whole earth.' It was certainly in these Holy Scriptures that Cyprian learned to know the Church, so that he said: 'Thus the Church of the Lord, flooded with light, has stretched out her rays over the whole world; with the abundance of her fruitfulness she has extended her branches over all the earth.' At so great a manifestation of the divine oracles you, Cresconius, cavil, gazing upon the remnants of the nations which the Church has not yet occupied; but how much she has occupied, whence she is daily spread abroad to lay hold of what remains, you do not consider.
For how can you deny the future fulfillment of these prophecies, you who do not hesitate to deny the very progress to which that fulfillment is owed — I do not say against the divine utterances, but now even against your own? For concerning you too it was wrung out by the great force of truth itself, so that you said, not knowing or not heeding what you had said, that 'the whole world is daily turning to the name of Christian.' Why then does the party of Donatus not hold communion with this Church, which by its growth is spread wide over all the world? Doubtless lest it be defiled by sinners. And where is that which was said — not this Church of yours, which, remaining in Africa, cavils at the whole earth, or wanders out of Africa among a few who lie hidden, but that Church which 'has extended her branches over all the earth with the abundance of her fruitfulness'?
Cyprian was unwilling to abandon the Church, even though in its communion there were not only truly sinners but sinners plainly manifest, saying: 'For even if tares seem to be in the Church, yet neither our faith nor our love ought to be hindered, so that, because we see tares to be in the Church, we ourselves should withdraw from the Church.' Here you too make answer, if it pleases you to answer anything true. And how shall that which is written be fulfilled: 'The evil son calls himself righteous, but does not wash away his own going out'? Let him refute the evil son, let him condemn and persecute the Maximianists, and be reconciled to those he condemned and persecuted: let him thus either be convicted, or thus be confounded, or thus be corrected.
'How,' you say, 'is the whole world full of your communion, where there are so many heresies, none of which holds communion with you?' Nay, not only with heretics but also with the rest of evil men the world is full, and yet with the saints and faithful servants of God the world is full; for the sea too is full of bitter waves, and it is full also of sweet fish. 'Among the few,' you say, 'truth is often found; to err belongs to the many'; and lest by your words you should seem to contradict the fruitfulness of that great barren woman — to whom it was said, 'the children of the desolate are more than of her who has a husband' — you brought forward a testimony from the Gospel: 'for few are they who are saved.' Resolve, then, the question, how the Lord himself can say:
'How strait and narrow is the way that leads to life, and few are they who find it,' and the same Lord elsewhere say: 'Many shall come from the east and the west and shall recline with Abraham and Isaac and Jacob in the kingdom of heaven'? And how too in the Apocalypse is shown their multitude, which no one can number, out of every nation and tribe and tongue, wearing white robes and bearing palms, who had endured tribulations for the faith of Christ? How can the same be at once the few and the many? For neither of these is true and the other false, since both were uttered by the divine truth — except that these same good and true Christians, who in themselves are many, are likewise, in comparison with the wicked and false, few.
So we call the many grains, with which great barns are filled, few in comparison with the chaff; so also — to speak of that very covenant of God which was made to Abraham concerning his seed, which is Christ — the many stars, which we cannot number, by which so vast a heaven shines round about on every side, we call few in comparison with the sand of the sea. Perhaps the stars signified spiritual Christians, and the sand of the sea carnal ones, through whom and out of whom even heresies and schisms arise; yet with both kinds the world is full, since the same Lord says: 'the field is this world,' and you yourself, with the truth wringing it from you, said: 'the whole world is daily turning to the name of Christ.'
Throughout the whole field, therefore, that is, throughout the whole world, there is wheat, and throughout it all there are tares, since he who cannot be deceived said of both: 'Let both grow together until the harvest.' Let the impious deserters, then, restrain themselves from the wheat that grows in such great abundance throughout the whole world, and let them not dare to boast of the fewness of certain separated tares. But if they do boast, in this very thing those same Maximianists advance against them in the divine judgment, set as men appointed to confound them in all things and — if they be wise — to correct them; whom, though far fewer, they persecuted out of confidence in their own multitude, and by persecuting turned some of them back again to their own communion, and thus left the rest, most righteous, the very fewest.
'The East,' you say, 'does not hold communion with Africa, nor Africa with the East.' No indeed — not in the heretical chaff that has been separated from the Lord's threshing floor; but in the catholic wheat and in the inner chaff the East holds communion entirely with Africa and Africa with the East. For here are some heretics, and elsewhere and elsewhere still others, contending with the catholic unity that is everywhere diffused. For it is everywhere, that unity out of which came those who could by no means be everywhere, saying — according to what was foretold of them — 'Behold, here is Christ, behold, there,' the one in this place, others elsewhere, displaying the peculiar little fragments of their presumptions, or rather of their amputations, and by their impious pride denying the root from which they were broken off.
To this Church, therefore, which with abundant success, as it is spread wide over the whole world, brings forth out of every nation, tribe, and tongue a multitude of the white-robed and palm-bearing — as is written in the Apocalypse — which no one can number: to this Church, I say, with which it is manifest that the party of Donatus does not hold communion, your elders ought to have proved whatever true documents they had concerning the traditors. And if they had done so, they themselves would be in her, while those they accused would be outside her. But now, since we see the accused have remained within her, what good ought we to think of the accusers, whom we see to be outside her?
And by this, in that fourfold division of mine, where I said that, when documents about the traditors are brought forward from both sides, either both are true, or both are false, or ours are true and yours false, or ours false and yours true — since you saw that in the first three you were most easily overcome, in vain did you choose this last as though thereby to escape. For however impudently it is said, yet even those true documents of yours, if any were merely human documents, ought to have been proved to that Church which the divine documents prove.
Tell me, I beseech you — but do not spread mists over the ignorant, so that, because you cannot convict the accused traditors, you keep wanting to accuse the dialectical arts instead — tell me, then, I ask you: was that cause of yours, together with your true documents, brought to the judgment of the churches beyond the sea, founded by apostolic labor, or was it not brought there? If it was brought, did you win in that judgment, or were you defeated? If you say you won, why did you not hold communion with those churches in whose judgment you won?
But if — as your communion, being alienated from them, sufficiently shows — you were defeated, why do you quarrel with us over a cause lost whether it be evil or good, holding this as your greatest crime: that with the crime of the traditors, whom, even bringing forward true documents, you could by no means convict in the judgment of the churches beyond the sea, you flood the Christian world? For in that cause, in which it could not be involved, the Christian world chose to believe the judges, not the defeated accusers. It is not, therefore, because you lost a good cause (to speak as you would) in the judgment beyond the sea that you are guilty, but because you do not in the least hesitate to cast the crime of the accused, and — to concede too much to us — even of the judges, upon so many innocent Christian peoples spread far and wide through so many nations;
whose communion, cleaving to it as to the Lord's wheat, you ought — according to the Gospel writings, with Cyprian too admonishing you — to have tolerated both those men, traditors as you say, and those bad judges, as you suppose, like chaff, until the time of winnowing, lest by deserting the threshing floor you should perish. But if that cause of yours, with the true documents which you chose for yourself, was not brought to the judgment of the churches beyond the sea, how could so many bishops, appointed among their own congregations, be justly condemned by them in a cause unknown and not at all referred to them?
Or how ought the African Christians — I do not mean those who had thought them innocent, but even those, if any there were, who knew them to be traditors — to separate themselves, on account of tares which they saw to be in the Church, from the wheat growing so far and wide and so manifestly innocent of these things and ignorant of them, so that, because of another's crime — by which, being tolerated for the sake of unity, they were not stained — they should be condemned for the crime of violating that very unity? What, then, does it profit your cause to have chosen this out of those four propositions, that your documents be true, while those which we bring forward against your side are reckoned false?
Behold, here too you are overcome, since by those documents of yours which you think true, the traditors could not be convicted where they ought to have been — whether the same documents were concealed by your side, or the traditors themselves by some cunning hid from the judges, or were hidden by those very corrupt judges. Look upon the seed of Abraham, which in the covenant of God grows through all nations like the stars of heaven and like the sand of the sea, and whether, on account of some African tares hidden by whatever causes, so plentiful a harvest could perish throughout the field of the world — dare to say it, dare to believe it, dare, if there is any fear of God in you, to think it.
你誇大你們所說自己所受的逼迫——你們既在如此褻瀆而明顯的頑梗中悖逆聖教會的平安,卻仍以奇妙的溫柔被寬待。你在信的開頭部分說:當凱基里安(Caecilian)的罪行向皇帝君士坦丁(Constantine)顯明時,皇帝也親自以其判決定他的罪,命他在布里克夏(Brixia)度過流放。在這事上,誰能不懷疑你若非受騙就是騙人呢?既然你也提到阿普通加的斐利克斯(Felix of Aptunga)曾在方伯(proconsul)的法庭上被某個名叫英根提烏斯(Ingentius)的人告以交經之罪。看哪,我在此插入方伯艾利亞努斯(Aelianus)的判詞,斐利克斯正是藉此被澄清並開釋。你若想讀全部審訊記錄,可從方伯的檔案取得。方伯艾利亞努斯說:「
You exaggerate the persecutions which you say you suffer — you who, while rebelling in such sacrilegious and manifest obstinacy against the peace of the holy Church, are spared with wonderful gentleness. And you say, in the first part of your letter, that when the crime of Caecilian was made manifest to the emperor Constantine, he too by his own sentence condemned him to spend his exile at Brixia. In this, who could doubt that you are either deceived or deceiving, when you also mentioned that Felix of Aptunga was convicted of tradition in the proconsul's court by a certain Ingentius? Behold, I insert the sentence of the proconsul Aelianus, by which Felix was cleared and absolved. If you wish to read the whole proceedings, obtain them from the proconsul's archive. Aelianus the proconsul said:
'From the declaration of Caecilian, who says that the records are false and that many things were added to the letter, it is manifest with what intention Ingentius did these things; and therefore he shall be received into prison, for he is needed for a more rigorous interrogation. But it is manifest that Felix, the religious bishop, is free from the burning of the divine instruments, since no one could prove anything against him — namely, that he handed over or burned the sacred Scriptures. For the interrogation of all the aforesaid persons is clear, that no divine Scriptures were either found, or corrupted, or burned.'
This is contained in the records: that Felix, the religious bishop, in those times was neither present, nor lent his conscience to it, nor ordered any such thing to be done. I insert also the rescript of the emperor Constantine to Probianus, attesting this very thing and showing how troublesome accusers of the innocent your elders were in his sight. 'The emperors Caesars, Flavius Constantine and Maximinus and Valerius Licinianus Licinius, to Probianus, proconsul of Africa.'
'Your predecessor Aelianus, rightly, when Verus, the vicar of the prefects — a man of the most perfect rank — was at that time detained by ill health throughout our Africa, having performed the duties of that same office, judged that among other matters this business too, or rather this ill-will which seems to have been stirred up against the bishop Caecilian and the catholic Church, ought to be recalled to his own examination and command.'
「因為當他已使那百夫長蘇培里烏斯(Superius)、阿普通加百姓的官長凱基里亞努斯、前任行政官薩圖爾尼努斯(Saturninus)、同城的行政官小卡利比烏斯(Calibius the younger),以及前述之城的公家奴僕索路斯(Solus)到場之後,他便舉行了一場適切的聽審——甚至到這地步:當有人控告凱基里安,說他的主教職分似乎是由斐利克斯所授予的,而斐利克斯又似乎被控以出賣並焚燒神聖經卷之罪時,經查明斐利克斯在此事上是無辜的。」
'For when he had already caused Superius the centurion, and Caecilianus the magistrate of the people of Aptunga, and Saturninus, a former curator, and Calibius the younger, curator of the same city, and Solus, a public slave of the aforesaid city, to be present, he granted a fitting hearing — so much so that, when it had been alleged against Caecilian that the episcopate seemed to have been conferred upon him by Felix, against whom the betrayal and burning of the divine Scriptures seemed to be charged, it was established that Felix was innocent of this.'
'Finally, when Maximus contended that Ingentius, a decurion of the city of Ziqua, had forged a letter of Caecilian from among the duumvirs, we saw that same Ingentius hung up, according to the records which lay before us, and yet by no means tortured, because he had asserted that he was a decurion of the city of Ziqua. Wherefore we desire that you send this same Ingentius, under suitable escort, to my court, that of Constantine Augustus, so that in the hearing and presence of those who at present are pleading and do not cease day by day to make appeal, it may appear and be made known that they wished in vain to fabricate ill-will against the bishop Caecilian and violently to rise up against him.'
'For thus it will come to pass that, such contentions being set aside as is fitting, the people may serve their own religion without any dissension and with due reverence.' I insert further also the words of Constantine from his letter to Eumalius the vicar, where he testifies that he had inquired between the parties and had found Caecilian innocent. For when he had related, in what he said above, how the parties had been brought to his judgment after the episcopal judgments:
他說:「在其中我清楚看出,凱基里安乃是一個具備一切無辜的人,謹守他宗教所當盡的職分,並按著本分事奉;並且顯然可見,在他身上找不出任何罪來,正如那在他不在場時、藉他仇敵的偽裝所羅織於他的一樣。」你這位最善於辭令的人啊,你為何不插入那你聲稱定他罪、又把他安置在布里克夏流放的君士坦丁的判決呢?你若插入這個,豈不比插入那不知所云、關於撒爾迪加會議(Council of Sardica)之事更為合宜得多嗎?——那會議可以證明既與你們無關,也與我們同你們之間的案子毫不相干!因為凱基里安在布里克夏究竟算什麼呢?你們竟極盡毀謗地稱之為流放?
'In which,' he says, 'I clearly perceived that Caecilian was a man endowed with all innocence, keeping the due offices of his religion and serving it as he ought, and it evidently appeared that no crime could be found in him, as had been contrived against him in his absence by the pretense of his adversaries.' Why, most eloquent man, did you not insert the sentence of Constantine by which you say he was condemned and settled in exile at Brixia? How much more fittingly you would have inserted this than I know not what about the Council of Sardica, which can be shown to pertain neither to you nor to the cause which lies between us and you at all! For what was Caecilian at Brixia, which you most slanderously call exile?
— since he preferred that his presence should be lacking to the Church rather than its peace. What need is there for me to say it? You meanwhile recite no sentence of any condemning emperor, and yet you rashly think that Caecilian, condemned by the emperor, is not only to be heard or spoken of, but even to be written of. Nevertheless, according to your own words, behold, I see Caecilian in exile with the emperor condemning him: at least answer, by whom accusing; and now question me on what you likewise placed, empty, after many empty things in your letter: 'Who consents less, when the testament is produced — he who suffers persecution, or he who causes it?' These are certainly your own words. Look, then, at Caecilian suffering persecution and, as you yourself said, settled in exile; look also at your own men.
— as the emperor himself testifies in his own words, they were the ones who did not cease day by day to make appeal against Caecilian. And answer me, questioning you in those same words of yours: Who consents less, when the testament has been produced — he who suffers persecution, or he who inflicts it? But when you have diligently read through everything, you will find that Caecilian suffered persecution from your side even before the emperor; yet you will not find him condemned by the emperor — nay, you will even find him absolved. Furthermore, if — which you chose for yourself as a great point, that the documents which you bring forward concerning the crimes of tradition be true, while those which we bring forward be false:
— even in this the truth of God overcomes you, which, as it foretold, so it renders the Church fruitful and growing throughout the whole world, since no other men's crimes prejudice her, even though they be true documents which — brought to the nearer bishops beyond the sea, through whom the report of such matters either passes into the more distant parts or does not pass —
— either were not demonstrated as they ought to have been, or were not believed by those to whom they could be demonstrated, or, believed and concealed, by no means reached others; nor can anyone, even a single man — how much less so great a number of Christians established among so many nations — be guilty of a share in another's crime, if either he has known no true documents of it, or someone with feigned innocence has deceived him with false documents —:
— if, then, as I had begun to say, in this which you chose for yourself as a great point — that the testimonies which you bring forward concerning the traditors be true, while those brought forward against you be false — you avail nothing against the catholic Church diffused over the whole world and against the providence of God, by which (to use your own words) 'the whole world is daily turning to the name of Christian': how much more do you fail in your accusations, when it is this very tradition — whose name they, as it were, shudder at, who made this schism, having, separated from the body of Christ, handed over their own selves to the devil.
— much more plausibly, as I said in that treatise and now say, do we cast it upon you, we who merely hear you speak the names and crimes of the traditors, whereas we display both the ecclesiastical records, in which they confessed of themselves, and the municipal records, in which they are read to have done this! But you, a clever examiner and weigher of words, teach us what force the comparative degree has, and exult as though victorious, because I could not say 'we cast tradition upon you more plausibly' unless I confessed that you cast it upon us plausibly. 'For if you,' you say, 'more plausibly, then we plausibly'; and teaching this:
— that 'plausibly' and 'more plausibly' stand as if you should say 'truly' and 'more truly'; and that this degree augments what was set before it, does not disprove what was previously said. You add other words by which we may understand this more evidently, and you say: so it is with 'well' and 'better,' 'badly' and 'worse,' 'horribly' and 'more horribly'; thus showing that 'plausibly' and 'more plausibly' stand so. Whence you think it can be gathered that, if I cast a false thing 'more plausibly,' it remains that you must confirm that you cast a true thing 'plausibly.'
Here do I by any chance say that in an ecclesiastical question or dispute you are trying to teach us the technicalities of grammar — what force the comparative degree has, since it augments what was set before it and does not disprove what was previously said? For I see how ineptly I should cast at you what you were unwilling to see, when you thought you must cast at me the anticategoria as though drawn from the rhetorical art — that kind of question in which it is said, 'It was not I who did it, but you who did it' — a thing which I demonstrated even in prophetic authority. Yet consider more diligently, lest perhaps you find, in the authors of Latin speech, whom the grammarians' technicalities serve, that this degree does not always augment what was set before it, but is sometimes carried above by contrast.
An example of this manner of speaking occurs to me meanwhile from the apostle's epistle which he wrote to the Hebrews. For when he was speaking of the blessing of the earth, which, having received rain, yields fruit, he then added: 'but bringing forth thorns and thistles, it is reprobate and near to a curse, whose end is in burning.' And lest he should seem to have wished this for those to whom he was speaking, he says: 'But we are confident concerning you, dearly beloved brethren, of better things, and things that cleave to salvation.' You surely observe how here he said 'better things' — not because those things were good, which above he had said, namely, to bring forth thorns and thistles and to deserve burning, but rather because they were evil, so that, those being shunned, they might choose and desire better things, that is, good things contrary to such great evils.
But perhaps you think the apostle is to be heard in the way he says of himself, as a man 'though unskilled in speech, yet not in knowledge,' and therefore you think that not the authority of his words but of his matter and thoughts is to be followed, contending that 'good things' ought to have been put where he himself put 'better things.' What, if I too, now accustomed to these letters and having forgotten those I learned as a boy, said thus: 'You cast tradition at us; this very thing we cast at you much more plausibly' — as though I said 'plausibly,' putting the comparative for the positive, not because you cast it plausibly, but rather because implausibly, just as he said 'better things,' not because those things were good, but rather because they were evil?
Why do you so rashly conclude from this that I confirmed 'you plausibly,' because I said 'we more plausibly'? And yet not even according to the grammarians would you reprove me for having erred in a word, if only you had been willing either attentively to read or from memory to recall the very authors of those words. For childish are the letters, yet not spoken by an unskilled boy: 'May the gods grant better things to the pious, and that error to their foes!' — 'they tore the limbs asunder with bared teeth.' How, then, 'better things' to the pious, as though those were good and not rather great evils — men who tore asunder the severed limbs with bared teeth? Now you surely see that, just as that poet could wish better things for the pious, although those things in comparison with which he wished were not good, so I too could say:
'We cast tradition at you more plausibly, although you cast it at us not plausibly.' But I will let that pass, since even 'probable,' when it is spoken, is not consequently true. For those things are called probable which can happen and are wont to happen, and therefore are approved — that is, are accepted and believed — even if they have not been done; but that which is true, when it is shown, is necessarily probable, and assuredly more probable than that. Recall the book where you learned the words: assuredly you will find that I do not deceive you. Wherefore even if I should grant that your side plausibly cast tradition at ours,
— I would not on that account contend that you had cast a true thing, and I would rightly say that we cast it more plausibly, since we are wont only to hear traditors named by you, but not recited or shown to have confessed by any records, whether ecclesiastical or public; whereas by us are brought forward both the public records, where your men handed over, and the ecclesiastical, where, having confessed, they were left to God the judge. But I do not pass over so manifest a help of yours, by which you, even unknowingly, greatly favor us in teaching the rules of the comparative degree — that it augments what was set before it, does not disprove what was previously said. For according to this rule of yours, according to certain of your own words in your letter, we have without any difficulty obtained our cause.
For you said, in the first part of your letter, as though incriminating our obstinacy, that so many legal documents cannot persuade us of that which is 'better and truer.' Here I conclude, according to your own technicalities, that we already hold the true and the good, if that which is 'truer and better' cannot be persuaded to us. Since, then, we do not rescind — to speak according to you — your 'truer and better' baptism, why do you rescind our 'true and good' one? Likewise, when you had said: 'This too we wish, that Christ be the origin and root and head of the Christian,' you immediately added: 'but we ask through whom this may better be done.' By saying which you certainly conceded that it is done well even through a bad minister, but better through a good one.
Since, therefore, we do not rescind the baptism which you say is given through your minister as through a good one, why do you rescind the baptism which you contend was given through ours as through a bad one? For you said: 'We ask through whom it may better be done,' and your rule is that 'this degree augments what was set before it.' Whence, if through your man, as you suppose, it is done better, then through ours it is done well; and by this, when you rebaptize one baptized by us, that which, by this rule of yours, you concede was done well, you rescind by sacrilegious presumption.
I fear lest I press too hard upon your modesty, if I should show how frivolously and buffoonishly you thought fit to harry, as though a witty and sharp-tongued fellow, certain words of mine too which I set down figuratively — 'brow' for shame, 'mouth' for speech, 'the three-pronged weapon' for a three-part discourse, 'the three-headed beast' for an error raging with three calumnies against the innocence of so many peoples. Rather keep childish things for children. For it does not move me that you say a 'weapon of Neptune,' on account of its trident, does not befit a bishop, since it is also a fisherman's, and thereby apostolic, because the Lord made his apostles fishers of men. For Scripture also says that our God has both wings and arrows, and yet we do not worship Cupid.
You even reproach me for not having kept the gentleness I promised at the outset, on the ground that, moved by the mention of the Manichees, I said: 'Just as Satan cannot, as the Lord declares, cast out Satan, so the error of the Manichees cannot overturn the error of the Donatists' — as though I had compared Petilian to Satan, and not rather his error, from whose snares I long to see him set free. It is well that the Apostle fortified us against such calumnies in that very passage where he admonishes us to be meek, patient, and modest when we rebuke someone who dissents. For when he had said, 'A servant of the Lord must not quarrel, but be gentle toward all, apt to teach, patient, in meekness correcting those who think differently,' he at once added:
'that God perhaps may grant them repentance to the acknowledging of the truth, and that they may recover themselves out of the snares of the devil, who are held captive by him according to his will.' Behold the gentleness of the Apostle! Those with whom he bids us deal calmly, patiently, and modestly, these same men he says are held captive by the devil; and yet he did not thereby lose the gentleness he was commending, because he refused to keep silent about the truth he was teaching. But do you see for yourself whose part you are playing, you who, by charging my words as though abusive and savage, strive to stir up to quarreling those men whom you are unwilling to bring together for debate — for I do not wish to say that you too take delight in quarreling. For sparingly indeed and rather bashfully, yet as if obliquely, you throw at me things that in no way concern me.
For what should I judge concerning the most pestilent vanity of the Manichees — a thing to be anathematized by all Christians — even if I were merely accustomed to say so and did not also testify against it in many and manifold books that I have written? Not even so would there be any room for your calumny against me. For the Catholic Church would not be astonished that I am falsely accused by you, when by you the whole Christian world, together with so many churches — even those first ones propagated by apostolic labor — is charged with false crimes. But since anyone who wishes may read the writings, so great in number, that I have composed against the Manichees, who once deceived me while I was a mere youth, no one is so foolish as to believe your words about me rather than his own eyes and senses.
But 'a letter of your chief,' you say, 'in which he wrote I know not what about you, when he was unwilling to have you ordained, is held by not a few of our people.' That letter I should care for not at all — not even if there were read out from him by whom it is said to have been written some plain opinion in our favor, condemning that calumny and falsehood. How much less does the Catholic Church care for it, whose cause we plead against you — the Church which, relying upon so many divine testimonies, has no human testimonies about any man, whether true or false, that could take away the truth in which she rejoices! Have done with such things: I am one man. It is the cause of the Church that is at issue between us, not my own — the cause, I say, of the Church, which has learned from her Redeemer to place her hope in no man.
And yet, concerning myself, even if you knew my manner of life, it would not be right that credence should be given to you, my enemies. For establishing men's estimation of me there is a great supply of witnesses who know me; but in the sight of God there is my conscience alone, which, though I bear it undaunted against your accusations, I nevertheless do not dare to justify myself under the eyes of the Almighty; and I look rather for an abundant bounty of mercy from Him than for the supreme scrutiny of judgment, mindful of what is written: 'When the righteous king shall sit upon the throne, who shall boast that he has a chaste heart, or who shall boast that he is clean from sin?' But what does it matter to the matter in question between us what sort of man I myself am, since on the Lord's threshing-floor I am chaff if bad, grain if good?
Yet you, if you were grains, would not flee from the chaff mixed in with you before the time of winnowing, as even Cyprian himself admonishes. Therefore we, if we have found among us some known wicked man, rightly cast him in your teeth; for there your whole defense stands, since you separated yourselves for this reason — that you might not perish by contagion from the sins of others. Whence you boast that you have made a new kind of threshing-floor, one that either has only wheat or in which only wheat appears, for which no winnower is needful, but a scrutinizer. For even your own Parmenian dared to interpose the saying of the prophet Jeremiah, comparing your splendid cleanness with our supposed uncleanness by way of contrast, where he says: 'What has the chaff to do with the wheat?'
What he said — as the reading itself indicates — was against those who put their own dreams on a level with the divine oracles. Yet your arrogance and dreadful pride is declared by Parmenian's writings, where, contrary to the divine Scriptures and contrary to the warnings of Cyprian, he proclaimed you, before the final winnowing which the world awaits, to be wheat as it were purged of chaff. What, then, could be provided against you more worthy to meet this most deceitful boasting than the case of the Maximianists? Whatever things you are wont to say against us as against traitors, you said graver things against the Maximianists — whom you received after they were condemned — at the time they were condemned; you stir up ill-will against us over the emperors, as though they were persecutors:
you before the judges whom the emperors themselves sent, made persecution against the Maximianists. You contend that the baptism of the Church cannot be given outside the Church: yet the baptism which the Maximianists gave in the crime of schism, you did not annul in those whom, having given it, you received back. If these things ought to have been done for the peace of unity, you find no ground on which to accuse us; but if they ought not to have been done, do not accuse us, unless you condemn your own selves. I do not wish you to spread yourself over many things; for I too could briefly recall to mind the things that have been said against you. But from this alone reflect: set the case of the Maximianists before your eyes. If you can answer us concerning this, proceed to the rest;
but if you cannot, you would do better to be still than to kick against the goad. BOOK FOUR. Although I have already replied carefully and fully enough in three not-small volumes to your letter, Cresconius — the letter by which you thought Petilian's writings should be defended against my rejoinders, in which they were refuted — nevertheless I have determined, in this shorter work also, to deal with you concerning the single case of the Maximianists, and from this one case to show how vainly, how emptily you spoke everything you set down in that letter. For the benefit of God is not to be despised, which He has deigned to grant both for the compendious dispatch of our task and for the help of your correction, if you are wise.
This benefit, without your knowing it and without our contriving it, so mastered the minds of your bishops that those who charged the Christian world with being defiled through the communion of the sacraments by others' sins — sins, moreover, that were themselves false and unproven — were, in the case of Maximian, compelled to confess that men had not been defiled by the sins of those whom they had condemned, even when established together in one communion of the sacraments — men to whom, as though to innocent persons, they granted a delay for returning, though these were not indeed the ordainers of Maximian, yet were established on his side as condemners of Primian;
and those who refused to acknowledge the baptism of Christ, nor that it was given in those churches which the labor of the apostles propagated and founded, contending that baptism cannot be given outside the one Church, and blaming us because we did not annul the baptism given through those whom we denied to be in the true Church — these same men received those baptized in the sacrilegious schism of Maximian, and did not dare to annul the baptism in them;
and those who accuse us as though with the crime of persecution because of the laws of Christian emperors, by which their perversity is commanded to be corrected — these went before the judges sent by those same emperors and gravely accused Maximian and his associates before them, alleged through the proconsular records the council by which they had condemned them, and obtained most effective orders by which those men should be driven from their seats. Though all these things have been done by them, they still try to spread mists over the ignorant, being most evidently vanquished not only by the holy Scriptures and by many sure documents of former events — those from the time when they separated from unity — but also by their own most recent deeds and examples.
From this point, then, I will deal only; from this I will reply, as far as the Lord helps me, to all parts of your letter without any difficulty — nay, with great ease. And first that point in which you, being eloquently self-contradictory, wished to disparage eloquence, as though it were the enemy of truth and rather the patroness of falsehood, so that in this way you might show me, as it were an eloquent man, to be avoided and fled from by the ignorant:
If indeed my eloquence were as great as you attribute to me, however accusingly, would you not, when the decree of the Council of Bagai was recited — by which, as it is written there, 'it struck out from the bosom of peace, by the thunderbolt of its sentence, Maximian the rival of the faith, the adulterer of truth, the enemy of mother Church, the minister of Dathan, Korah, and Abiram' — be compelled to praise its eloquence? Furthermore, if that theme were set before me, when I could say: 'Although the belly of the venomous womb long concealed the harmful offspring of the viper's seed, and the moist curds of the conceived crime had steamed themselves out into the limbs of asps by a slow warmth, yet the conceived venom could not be hidden by its fading veil. For, though late, the pregnant vows of crimes brought forth their public villainy and their own parricide' —
when would I strain to search out these words, when would I roll them forth in the utterance? When, with such force, with such sound, would I rouse the mind of the reader or hearer to hatred of the guilty? Are these things, then, spoken less truthfully against those against whom they were spoken? Is the credibility of so great a council lessened, or its authority weakened, by this eloquence? Surely that saying which seemed the more eloquent was for that very reason chosen in preference, because all wished it to be their own — the one saying by which the silent mouths of three hundred and ten men rang out.
Behold the eloquence you have disparaged, which you warned should be detested and shunned as seditious and — even by its Greek name — maliciously artful: it so charmed all your bishops that in their plenary council no one wished to put forward his own sentence, but all made their own that single sentence which could be uttered more eloquently and more ornately by one man. Let it therefore be permitted us, without ill-will, to dispute not everywhere in an unpolished manner against the errors of men, if it was permitted to so many and so great bishops of yours to condemn the very men so eloquently and ornately.
That too — that you reproach with the vicious name of contentiousness and animosity my zeal for contending on behalf of the truth, because we have often wished to confer with your people, so that, error being removed, brotherly charity might rejoice in the bond of peace — is it not better, I beseech you, that the cause of truth and unity should be treated among bishops with peaceable words and in more peaceful places, than that it should be litigated in the forum by bishops through advocates? which was done by the party of your bishop Primian of Carthage against Maximian and against those who were condemned with him at the Council of Bagai, before the legate of Carthage and before four or more proconsuls.
Certainly in a conference of debate this must be guarded against — that one break out into a lawsuit; and by moderate and meek men it both can be and usually is guarded against. But when a controversy is turned into a matter of advocates struggling on both sides in the forum, then beyond all doubt there is litigation. Nor do I reprove this in your people, if they were driven to it not by love of litigating but by the necessity of taking counsel;
nevertheless I admonish you, a man endowed with a good disposition, to consider, to perceive, to understand that those who did not shrink from the forensic clamor and the judicial wranglings by which they might convict and expel the accused — men whom they had already condemned in council — but undertook and carried them through, could much more easily have conferred with us peaceably, had they not preferred to cover over a bad cause by excuse rather than to end it by debate.
Now, as to the point that, before you come to my discourse in which I refuted Petilian, you meanwhile ask me by whom it befits you to be baptized — whether rather by him whom even I affirm to have baptism, or by him of whom your own party contends that he does not have it — this question too has been removed by the case of Maximian from the empty talkativeness of the ignorant, at least as far as concerns you (for among the Maximianists themselves it still remains). For when your people had condemned Maximian for the sacrilege of schism — Maximian whom Primian had condemned as his own deacon, and by whom, when very many colleagues conspired against him, he had been condemned — they at once condemned by the same sentence, together with him, the twelve ordainers of that same Maximian.
Of these, two — Praetextatus of Assuras and Felicianus of Musti — when they had accused them in the proconsular court, when they had shown them by the same sentence, alleged through their advocates, to have been condemned along with the Council of Bagai, when they had, at the proconsul's command, tried but utterly failed to expel them from the places they held — these they afterward received in such a way that they held communion with them in their honors intact, and, the peoples being brought into peace together, of those whom they had baptized in the schism they rebaptized none.
There exists the decree of the Council of Bagai, alleged before the proconsul, with the advocate Nummasius prosecuting, when he was acting that the church of Membressa should be handed over to the communion of Primian, Salvius being expelled, who held it from of old, where he had earned his bishopric in the party of Donatus. But he was demanded to be expelled for this reason: because the advocate recited that he had been condemned by the Council of Bagai among the twelve ordainers of Maximian — whom the same Nummasius, erring in the number, says to be eleven. This petition of Nummasius was afterward recited by Titianus, expressly and by name acting before the same proconsul against Praetextatus and Felicianus. And the words of his advocate are these:
'But iniquity,' he says, 'delights in its own devices and does not forsake itself, when once, having plunged headlong, it has fallen. For that same Maximian nourishes the audacity he began, and associates others with himself for madness. Among whom also a certain Felicianus, who at first followed the right path, is darkened by the taint of this depravity, and, established in the city of Musti, believed that the walls consecrated to almighty God, the venerable church, must be held by a kind of blockade, as it were. This man Praetextatus also imitates in the region of Assuras.'
'But when the fellowship of the priests came to the knowledge of your equity's power, you commanded — as the records testify — that, every effect of contradiction being driven off, the churches vindicated from profane minds ought to be restored to the most sacred priests.' Then, a little later, that the same advocate may show what was commanded, he recites the petition of Nummasius which I mentioned above, in which, when Nummasius had said before the proconsul, 'Read the episcopal judgment,' that judgment of Bagai was recited, in which Maximian is condemned in these words: 'it struck out from the bosom of peace, by the thunderbolt of its sentence, Maximian the rival of the faith, the adulterer of truth, the enemy of mother Church, the minister of Dathan, Korah, and Abiram.'
'And because the gaping earth has not yet swallowed him up, it has reserved him for the powers above for a greater punishment. For, snatched away, he had gained his penalty by the shortcut of death: now he collects the interest of a heavier usury, since, dead, he yet is present among the living.' Then against those twelve ordainers of his the Bagai sentence is thus pronounced: 'Not only,' they say, 'does a just death condemn this man for his crime; the chain of sacrilege also drags very many into fellowship of the crime, of whom it is written: The venom of asps is under their lips, whose mouth is full of cursing and bitterness. Their feet are swift to shed blood. Destruction and calamity are in their ways, and the way of peace they have not known. There is no fear of God before their eyes.'
'We would indeed not wish to be cut off as though from the joint of our own body. But since the pestilential rottenness of a festering wound has more of solace in amputation than in the relaxing of a remedy, a more wholesome course has been found — lest a pestilent poison creep through all the members — that the born wound should fall away by a compendious pain. Therefore the defendants of the notorious crime — Victorianus of Carcabia, Marcianus of Sullectum, Beianus of Beia, Salvius of Ausafa, Theodorus of Usula,
Donatus of Sabrata, Miggin of Elephantaria, Praetextatus of Assuras, Salvius of Membressa, Valerius of Melzi, Felicianus of Musti, and Martialis of Pertusa, who by the deadly work of perdition glued together the filthy vessel with collected dregs — and also the clerics of the church of Carthage at that time, who, while they took part in the villainy, furnished pandering to unlawful incest — know that they have been condemned by the truthful mouth of the universal council, at the arbitration of the presiding God.'
After the condemnation of these men — among whom are read Praetextatus of Assuras and Felicianus of Musti, with whom, as I said before, after obtaining proconsular orders against them, they came to concord — for the rest established in the same schism of Maximian, who were also condemners of Primian, only because they had not taken part in the ordination of Maximian, they granted in the same Council of Bagai a delay defined by a fixed limit of days, which is contained in these words: 'But those,' they say, 'whom the plantings of the sacrilegious shoot did not pollute — that is, those who withdrew their own hands from the head of Maximian by a modest shame of faith — we have permitted to return to mother Church. For as much as we are cleansed by the death of the guilty, so much do we rejoice over the return of the innocent.'
'And lest the pressure of a straitened day should withdraw from those returning the hope of salvation by too narrow a time, to those acknowledging their fault, to whom it is allowed, the preceding statutes remaining in force, we open the door of recognition to all, up to the eighth day before the Kalends of January next to come, so that, restored to whole honor and faith, they may have the foundations thereof. But if anyone by sluggish sloth shall have been unable to enter it, let him know that by his own will the way to all avenues of pardon has been withdrawn from him. For the sentence already spoken shall remain concerning them, and for those returning after the appointed day a fixed penance.'
From all these things, therefore, since you yourselves do not deny that some have returned to your communion, and since in so recent a memory, while the men in question are still living, the notice of it is most widely known and clear — both those to whom the delay was given (since, as the words of that same council sufficiently indicate, they invite them to return to mother Church and rejoice over them as over the return of the innocent), and those whom they condemned along with Maximian with no delay interposed, baptized outside your church during all that time, whether up to the day of the delay, when they were in communion with Maximian and were established in his schism, or even after the day of the delay had passed, when the advocate Titianus by name demanded that Praetextatus and Felicianus be expelled from the basilicas — men with whom, their honor intact, Primian afterward came to concord:
how do you now dare to say that one baptism cannot be given except in the one Church, when you have without any controversy acknowledged the baptism given by those men in the sacrilegious schism, have received it, and have not dared to annul it? Nor yet can you say that you conferred nothing on those whom you received in that same baptism. If then I ask what you conferred, without doubt you will reply:
'Lest they perish by the very sacrilege of schism; lest they should have the baptism of Christ not unto reward but unto judgment, not unto salvation but unto destruction, as the military mark is in deserters — we conferred peace, we conferred unity, we conferred the fellowship of the Church, so that they might be counted worthy to receive the Holy Spirit, through whom charity is poured forth in our hearts, without whom no one attains to the kingdom of heaven, even though he be imbued with all the lawful sacraments.' These things you would answer truthfully, if you held the true Church.
But for your admonition it suffices that you understand you will receive this in the true Church — namely that which you believed you received in your communion when you received those whom they baptized in the sacrilegious schism of Maximian, who returned thence to you together with them; and thus that you too, even though you have received the baptism of Christ, are to be punished if you do not hold the unity of the Catholic Church, just as you would not doubt that those baptized in the schism of Maximian were without doubt to be punished, if they were not joined to your communion — those in whom, coming thence to you, you judged that baptism should not be annulled. You see therefore that this too, which was troubling you concerning the sacrament of baptism, is already resolved in the case of the Maximianists.
Now, then, let us look at those things by which you believed you were refuting my letter. And first, that you ask why I call your people Donatists, adding that Donatus was not the author and founder of a church that did not exist before, but one of the bishops of a church derived from Christ and ancient — you do not observe that Maximian says this same thing about himself, and yet from his name you call his whole communion Maximianists. Nor do you distinguish by any term the schism which he made, either from you or from other sects, except as Maximianists, or Maximianenses, or whatever else may be derived from the name of Maximian, or at least, more simply and without fear of the grammarians' rods, you would call it the party of Maximian.
Will you perhaps say anything to this, except that Maximian made a schism from your communion, but Donatus did not make one from the Catholic communion? But Maximian does not say this — he who rather affirms that Primian and all of you made a schism from the party of Donatus, in which he himself remained, and he recites the decrees of councils: first, that which was made at Carthage by forty-three, by which Primian was pre-condemned; the other, which a hundred or more of your bishops then established at Cebarsussa, by which he was more perfectly and fully condemned. To one bringing forward such documents, what will you reply, except that the Council of Bagai is of greater authority,
in which three hundred and ten men condemned this same Maximian and his associates, when Primian did not plead his cause among them as one to be cleared, but sat with them as a most innocent judge, and brought forth sentence against Maximian and his twelve associates, in whose presence he had been ordained? And, a delay being granted, did he not recall as though innocent to his own peace so many others by whom he himself had been condemned? In this conflict of yours, what do you wish us in the middle to judge, since we are held by neither the communion of Maximian nor yours?
What, I say, do you wish us to judge herein, except that, against the two councils by which Primian was condemned, the one later Council of Bagai — by which Maximian was condemned — ought to prevail, judging it to be for this reason the firmer, in that, being later, it was able to judge concerning the earlier ones? Behold, in this we favor you; another cause is ours with the Maximianists, if we should dare to decide. We favor you, I say. A third judgment, that of Bagai, was made for Primian against Maximian and his colleagues, by which, being later, the earlier ones could deservedly be annulled — although from the two earlier judgments to the third we neither read nor hear any voice of appeal on Primian's part, except that, being absent, he was first pre-condemned and secondly condemned.
But even against Maximian and his associates, who were absent, that most eloquent Bagai sentence was brought forth. And in this those forty-three at Carthage testified that they had conducted themselves more modestly, more cautiously, and more diligently, in that they sent legates to the same Primian not once, but a second and a third time, so that, if he himself were unwilling to come to them, he might permit them to come to him.
When he refused both — as they write — and treated even those who were sent with injurious rejection, they perceived that necessity pressed upon them to make provision now for the Church; and so, not yet daring to precipitate the final judgment, but by a kind of preliminary decision taking counsel, that room might be left for him — if he trusted his own cause — to answer and clear himself at a following and more crowded council; and when he had been unwilling to come to it, they then thought that he must of necessity be condemned, with no suspension of the sentence. But in the decree of the Council of Bagai we not only do not read of any legates ill-treated by Maximian, but we do not even read of any sent that he might come;
we see nevertheless an altar raised against an altar and a bishop ordained against that bishop who was sitting in the chair where he had been ordained, in such a way that he was not deserted by the assembly of his own people, nor was his communion severed from the rest of the more numerous bishops — and this had stirred up so great an indignation, the sacrilegious schism having been perpetrated, that the condemnation neither of Maximian himself nor of his ordainers was to be any longer deferred. Since these things are so, yet such deeds do not move you on behalf of Caecilian, against whom, while he remained and presided over his people, Maiorinus was ordained, an altar being erected against an altar; against whom not by you two — as against Primian by the Maximianists — but one judgment is brought forth, hastened by the haste of a dreadful rashness.
For he, unlike Primian, did not refuse to have his colleagues come to him, but rather invited them to come — a fact which they themselves could not pass over in silence in the decree of their council which they drew up against him. On his behalf not one judgment, as on Primian's behalf, but four later judgments are read out.
His adversaries were refuted not in their absence, as Primian's were, but while present, before those judges whom they had consented should judge them — even before the emperor Constantine himself, before whom they first accused Caecilian, before whom afterwards they complained about the episcopal judges by whom he had wished the very cause to be heard, as though these had not judged rightly, and to whom they appealed again from a second episcopal judgment, so that even after one and another episcopal judgment, while he himself was hearing the case between the parties, they were overcome; and a fourth conviction of them was not lacking either.
For when in the charges proper to Caecilian they had been found to be slanderers, and had brought against him a question concerning the surrender of the scriptures by his ordainer Felix of Aptunga, Felix himself too was cleared by a proconsular judgment, when that same Constantine — whom they wearied with their incessant appeals — ordered that his case be examined. These evils the Maximianists did not practice against Primian: they were not so often defeated, nor were they defeated while present, nor were they defeated before judges whom they themselves had chosen; and yet, as is plain, they made a schism from your communion, while you refuse to notice that your own people did this from the catholic communion. With what shamelessness of most empty animosity, I truly do not know.
For if you wish everything you say about Caecilian and his ordainer Felix to be true, because some seventy bishops judged concerning this matter, why are you unwilling that the things said about Primian be true, since concerning him first forty-three, and afterwards a hundred bishops judged, and confirmed the earlier prejudgment by a later judgment? But if you reckon those crimes of Primian to be false because on his behalf, against his enemies, the council of Bagai is afterwards read out, why are you unwilling to confess as utterly false the crimes charged against Caecilian, on whose behalf so many later judgments are read out?
If Caecilian, against whom those seventy had once given judgment, ought not now to have found room for exculpation before other judges, then neither ought Primian, whom so many more than seventy, confirming the first sentence by a second hearing, had condemned. But if to one twice condemned a third judgment gives most sufficient support, because it was rendered on his behalf, why with I-know-not-what iron effrontery do you contend that for one once condemned a second, third, fourth, and fifth judgment do not suffice for acquittal?
But if perhaps number moves you, so that you think the council of Bagai prevails against the hundred by whom Primian was condemned, because in it there were three hundred and ten, why are you unwilling to agree with a number of bishops so much greater — that of the whole world? But as for that unpardonable sin against the Holy Spirit which you charge against Caecilian, concerning which the Lord says:
'It shall not be forgiven, neither here nor in the age to come' — we too could show that against Felician of Musti, whom today along with Primian you have as a bishop, one of the ordainers of Maximian and among the condemners of Primian himself, and whose people baptized in the sacrilegious schism you did not rebaptize — we brought a charge of a sin that is against the Holy Spirit, in that we charged him with the sacrilege of schism, just as was proclaimed in the sentence of the council of Bagai.
For just as you therefore think that those whom you accuse of having handed over the divine scriptures to persecutors to be burned have sinned against the Holy Spirit with that irremissible guilt, because holy men of God, moved by the Holy Spirit, spoke those same scriptures — so we too could bring this same charge not only against your betrayers, whom the records convict, but also, as I said, against Felician; we could show that we brought this charge against him in the crime of sacrilegious schism, because in the Holy Spirit is preserved the unity of love and peace, as the Apostle says: 'Bearing with one another in love, being eager to preserve the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace' — which unity he assuredly violates who commits schism.
But this guilt of the insoluble and eternal sin which is committed against the Holy Spirit we charge neither against you, whom, while you live, we do not despair of being able to be healed once you are corrected, nor against those of your party who handed over the sacred books to be burned in the fire — except in so far as, being severed from unity until the end of this life, they had an impenitent heart. Nor do you show that you charged this against Felician and Praetextatus, with whom you afterwards communicated, who — bound in the chain of sacrilege with Maximian, drawn into fellowship of the crime — are read, by the truthful mouth of your own plenary council, to have been condemned; and after the day of the delay's expiry they are proved to have been received back — not, indeed, those already condemned, but others, as though innocent — the extension having been granted.
But as for the fact that the derivation of the name does not please you, whereby from Donatus they are called Donatists, and you think it should rather be inflected according to the rule of Latin speech, I do not scorn your admonition; nevertheless, seek out grammarians as judges, before whom you may contend over this art with the Maximianists and refute them. For I do not now even wish to call them Maximianists, lest I offend your so learned ears — men who certainly, as I judge, will not so easily yield to you as I do, so as to call by any other name those whom they have called Claudianists, when they set among the other crimes for which they both pre-condemned and condemned Primian the fact that he received the Claudianists into communion.
And at the same time recognize that this rule of inflection pleased not me alone, as you reproach, but that perhaps I alone yielded to you with such readiness in a matter which has no bearing on the cause. But as to your thinking that I ought to be more vehemently accused because, when I had said:
that we receive, though not purged from sacrilege, into communion those in the sacrilegious error of the Donatist heretics — calling 'heresy' what you wish rather to be reckoned 'schism' — you who accuse us so gravely in this cause, answer: how did your people purge the sacrilege of Felician and Praetextatus, with whom they afterwards communicated, joining and restoring them to themselves as bishops just as they had been before, and rebaptizing none of those whom they had baptized in the sacrilege of schism? Or perhaps they were not stained with sacrilege, as some of you foolishly say, alleging that they sinned not against God but against a man? But sacrilege is a sin so much the graver, inasmuch as it cannot be committed except against God;
whence you judged that I should be pressed by your argument for no other reason than that we so receive those who cross over from you to us — save that I called your error sacrilegious. Read, therefore, the council of Bagai. Surely these are its very first words: 'When, by the will of Almighty God and of His Christ our Saviour, coming from all the provinces of Africa, we held a council in the holy church of Bagai — Gamalius, Primian, Pontius, Secundian, Ianuarian, Saturninus, Felix, Pegasius, Rufinus, Fortunius, Crispinus, Florentius, Optatus, Donatus, Donatian, and the rest, three hundred and ten in number — it pleased the Holy Spirit who is in us to establish perpetual peace, to cut away sacrilegious schisms.' Do you hear? Do you notice? Do you attend?
'To cut away,' they say, 'sacrilegious schisms.' Therefore, in that schism, was Maximian alone held guilty of the crime of sacrilege — not against a man, but against God by a wicked perversity — when that sentence was pronounced? Read a little later what they say about his associates, among whom are written the names of those with whom we are here concerned: 'Not this one alone,' they say, 'does a just death condemn for his crime; the chain of sacrilege drags many others also into fellowship of the crime.' What is this, most eloquent man? What have you to say to me? Read what follows; see, among the many whom the chain of that sacrilege drags into fellowship of the crime, Praetextatus and Felician bound. I see them to be sacrilegious bishops: what will you do, if you do not prove them purged?
Surely you are compelled to yield to the truth, by which we say that your people are purged when they come to us, by the very bond of fraternal peace, and that love covers their sins, as it is written: 'Love covers a multitude of sins.' What of those whom the men who were separated from your communion and bound to Maximian in the fellowship of that sacrilegious chain baptized — whom, together with them, in the same baptism, you received into peace and concord? Will you answer anything except that you rightly approved in them the same sacraments which we too approve in you? For you will be more consistent with yourself if you answer this and do not struggle against the words of your own letter.
In which letter, when you were trying to show that not heresy but rather schism had been committed between us and you, you said that we and your people have one religion, the same sacraments, nothing different in Christian observance. For you could not accuse the repetition of baptism more gravely than by these words, when those seduced by us are rebaptized by your people, in whom you both hold and say and write that the sacraments are the same. With what shamelessness of wickedness, then, is that not preserved in those whom the Christian world baptizes in holy unity, which was preserved in those whom Praetextatus and Felician baptized in sacrilegious schism?
And so you have already terminated by your own judgment our cause which we have with you, since those who were struck by your condemnation, who most insistently warned the peoples not to come to you, who decreed that men must even be baptized after you — these, together with those whom, being established outside your communion in sacrilegious schism, they had baptized, you received into the concord of the altar without any degradation, without any repetition of baptism, and you believed them purged from that crime of sacrilege by nothing other than the holy fire of love. Which would truly happen, if you held that same love in true unity.
But nevertheless let us also look at the words of Petilian's letter, which you wished to defend against me, to see how you extricate yourself in this cause of the Maximianists, about which alone I have now determined to argue against your writings. He certainly set down these words of his: 'The conscience of him who gives in holiness is regarded, which cleanses that of the receiver.' To which I said: 'What if,' I asked, 'the giver's conscience be hidden and perhaps stained — how will it be able to cleanse the receiver's conscience?' This unavoidable question, since it is in no way solved in Petilian's words, you undertook to solve with your own, and you spoke not against me but against him whom you wished to defend. For he indeed says:
'The giver's conscience is regarded, which cleanses that of the receiver.' But you, having confessed that a hidden conscience cannot be seen, said it is regarded in such a way that it is not itself seen, but what is known about it in public repute. Whence it is gathered that it is now no longer true that the giver's conscience cleanses the receiver's conscience; but, according to you, his reputation cleanses it — a reputation which certainly deceives the beholder, when it speaks good things of the worst man, chaste things of the adulterer, religious things of the sacrilegious. For then it cleanses, when it lies. For if reputation should speak the truth about a secret scoundrel, then it does not cleanse but stains the one who has received baptism from him.
And on this account, this reputation, which you wished to bring in as patroness of so bad a cause, see what sort it is — which when lying cleanses, and when truthful pollutes — so that, forsooth, by your marvellous argument the water with it is then not lying, when it itself is lying. But what need is there to speak longer of this, when Felician today sits among your bishops, and, though he was disjoined from them and clung to Maximian in the chain of sacrilege, whomever he baptized, no one rebaptized after him? I ask Petilian what sort of conscience that man then had, and I read the decree of the council of Bagai, where it is written: 'Not this one alone does a just death condemn for his crime; the chain of sacrilege drags many others also into fellowship of the crime, of whom it is written:
the venom of asps is under their lips, whose mouth is full of cursing and bitterness.' Among these many, then, Felician too is reckoned; and to him, with such lips and such a mouth, you did not spit back the water, you did not rescind it, you did not destroy it; and because it was consecrated with the gospel words, in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, through whatever tongue and conscience, you acknowledged it not as lying but as truthful, and received it. But of you I ask, concerning that Felician whose conscience was so evil when he baptized in the chain of sacrilege, what was then in public repute; and I recite that same council again, where it is written:
'Know, therefore, that the men guilty of a notorious crime — Victorian of Carcabia, and, among the rest whom it is irksome to repeat, Praetextatus of Assuras and Felician of Musti, who by the deadly work of perdition glued together a filthy vessel with the collected dregs' — and a little later — 'have been condemned by the truthful mouth of the plenary council.' What do you answer to these things? If one separated from your communion does not baptize, I read that men drawn into fellowship of the crime with Maximian did baptize. If one who sins against God does not baptize, I read that men bound in the chain of sacrilege did baptize. If the conscience of him who gives in holiness is regarded, which cleanses that of the receiver, I read that men venomous with the bites of asps did baptize.
If, that the giver's conscience may be able to cleanse, his public reputation is regarded, I read that men guilty of a notorious crime did baptize. Felician still remains in the body; with him are all those baptized by him in the sacrilege of schism, who were received into your communion and rebaptized by no one. Against Petilian, one stained with a sacrilegious conscience baptized; against you, one guilty of a notorious crime baptized. By what reasoning, I ask, do you defend yourselves, except that — as we too say — convicted by your own deeds, you may at last say that neither the giver's conscience nor his reputation cleanses the receiver's conscience, but the faith of the receiver himself, and, on the giver's part, the grace of God, not of man?
And if in the receiver there be not even the inquiry of a good conscience, and faith itself either wholly or in some part waver, then men's morals are to be corrected, not the sacraments destroyed — sacraments which you confess to be not other or similar, but altogether the same; just as you reckoned that the life and will of those whom Felician and Praetextatus baptized in sacrilegious schism were to be corrected, lest they should remain in that sacrilege of schism, but that the baptism was not to be violated, though administered to the most unworthy through the most unworthy.
In vain, therefore, with slanderous mouth did you wish to accuse our conscience, as though made public and condemned for the crime of offering incense, of surrendering the scriptures, of persecution, so that from this you might as it were prove that we cannot give baptism — since you both boast falsehoods and, however that matter may stand, certainly a conscience condemned for the crime of the Maximianists' sacrilege was able to give a baptism which you were afraid to rescind, and which is shown even by yourselves to be able to be given even by persecutors — you who, having most fiercely persecuted those same Maximianists, contend not only that men baptized by them, but that you alone, ought to baptize. You say it is written in the law: 'The oil of the sinner — let it not anoint my head.' Which is neither so written nor to be understood as you suppose.
But is not the oil of the sinner the oil of the sacrilegious Praetextatus and Felician? You say likewise that it is written: 'He who is baptized by a dead man — what does his washing profit him?' Which you neither attend to carefully nor understand, from the very context of the reading, what it means. But nevertheless attend to what that most eloquent Bagaian sentence resounds: 'Longed-for indeed,' it says, 'is the united brotherhood of peace and concord, as it is written: Justice and peace have kissed each other. But the truth-telling wave, shipwrecked, has cast forth limbs upon the harsh rocks of certain men; quite after the manner of the Egyptians, the shores are full of the corpses of the perishing, whose punishment is greater in death itself,
in that, after their soul has been wrung out by the avenging waters, they do not even find a burial.' These men, then — not only dead but also, what is graver, unburied — how could they baptize? How did the washing profit those who were baptized by these dead men, whom, received in the same laver, you did not wash again, if, as you suppose, that is to be understood so? For as to what, in my letter to which you seem to yourself to be replying, you think — that I excepted only the worshipper of an idol as guilty of a most grievous sin — and you insist vehemently that you may prove that no sinner is excepted in what you say is written:
'The oil of the sinner — let it not anoint my head' — look at Felician and Praetextatus, whether they were not sinners, when they were said by so great a council to be dragged along in the chain of sacrilege with Maximian. Dare to assert, dare to contend, dare at least to say that they were indeed sinners but hidden ones — men whom there I read to be guilty of a notorious crime. Yet even if they had sinned lightly, even if they had lain hidden, you by this testimony, which you cite about the oil of the sinner, in this suggestion try to wring out that no sinner is excepted. Where will you be, if it is so? Whither will you flee? In what hiding-places will you be able to conceal yourselves, with your own sacrilegious ones, with your own men guilty of a notorious crime, with your own unburied corpses?
You say that, when it is objected by what licence we claim the right of baptism — that we treat not of the merit of deeds, not of innocence of life, but say that it is lawful for anyone, and that, as though guilty of pre-judged crimes, while we wish to show that even sinners have the faculty of baptizing, we openly confess that we have sinned. As though we must speak against God on account of our own merits, so that we may make baptism as righteous as we ourselves are righteous — whereas no man ought to presume upon his own righteousness, and hence above all we prove that baptism is Christ's, not men's, because it is not made various by the variety of human merits. Whence I would argue more fully, were I not rather using the shortcut given by you.
For since the baptism which the Maximianists gave was received and not destroyed — asps, vipers, parricides, Egyptian corpses, and whatever else was declaimed against them with grandiloquent mouth in the council of Bagai, so that our cause might be made most easy — you yourselves too have sufficiently judged that baptism consists neither in the merits of those by whom it is administered, nor of those to whom it is administered, but in its own holiness and truth, for the sake of Him by whom it was instituted — to the ruin of those who use it ill, to the salvation of those who use it well.
But I marvel how they could even persuade you to make mention of Cyprian in your argument — by whose very letters, which you say are his, concerning the destruction of a baptism given among heretics or schismatics, your whole cause is overthrown. But we ought to argue this against the Maximianists or others who do not accept baptism given whether among you or among us; you, however, have already finished this cause with marvellous ease, you have already accepted the baptism given in the sacrilegious schism of Maximian, together with Praetextatus and Felician, among their peoples; you have already, against the letters you say are Cyprian's and against whatever others it seemed good, done this without any hesitation.
For as to your saying that the Easterners were on that account cut off from your communion, because afterwards, by holding our view, they preferred to rescind their judgment which they had held about baptism — if this was done by some few Easterners (whether it can be shown is indeed a matter of question), they assuredly corrected their judgment. And you too, by receiving the baptism which was given in the schism of Maximian, rescinded your old sentence; yet you are with yourselves, and are unwilling to be with the Easterners. But of course you seem to yourself to have found where you might expand your eloquence, when at this — which I set down in my letter: 'Whether from a faithful or from a faithless dispenser anyone receives the sacrament of baptism, let his whole hope be in Christ' — you cry out and say:
'O glorious command of a priest! O praiseworthy precepts of righteousness from a good father! You must make no distinction,' he says, 'between the faithful and the faithless; the pious and the impious must seem the same to you; it profits nothing to live by good morals, since whatever is lawful for the just man the unjust also can fulfil.' What can be said more iniquitous than this precept: let the stained man purify another, the filthy wash clean, the unclean cleanse, the unbeliever give faith, the criminal make innocent?
These are certainly your words, with which you reproach my opinion — although I by no means agreed to this nor wrote it, since between the faithful and the faithless there is indeed a very great difference, not as to the sacrament, if each has it, but as to merit, because the one has it unto salvation, the other unto punishment; nor can the unjust fulfil whatever is lawful for the just, because although the unjust man can baptize, yet the unjust man cannot enter into the kingdom of heaven; nor does he who administers baptism to anyone purify or wash or cleanse or make him innocent, but the grace of God who gives and the good conscience of him who receives. But you, look whether there was no difference between Primian and Felician, when Primian was sitting among the three hundred and ten,
by whom that man was said to have the venom of asps under his lips, and swift feet to shed blood, and destruction and unhappiness in his ways, and to know not the way of peace, nor to have the fear of God before his eyes — whether then he was not stained, unclean, filthy, who glued together a filthy vessel with collected dregs; not unfaithful, having the venom of asps under his lips; not criminal, guilty of a notorious crime. And yet he too now sits with Primian as your bishop, and those whom he then baptized, nowhere afterwards washed, he now has with you.
And still you fight against the truth, and do not concede that Christ always gives faith, that Christ is the origin of the Christian, that in Christ the Christian fixes his root, that Christ is the head of the Christian. To these my words, set down in that letter against Petilian, you subjoin your own words and say: 'This we too urge, this we wish; but we ask through whom this may better be done' — and you do not attend that Petilian does not urge this, Petilian to whom I then replied, and whose letter you try to defend and affirm against my response. For he indeed openly said: 'The conscience of him who gives in holiness is regarded, which cleanses that of the receiver. For he who receives faith from a faithless man receives not faith but guilt.'
Tell me, what place he has left to Christ for cleansing the conscience of the baptized, or from whom the baptized receives faith, when he says that the giver's conscience is regarded, which cleanses that of the receiver, and that he who takes faith from a faithless man receives not faith but guilt. You indeed seem to yield to so great a weight of truth, and say that you urge this and wish this — that Christ give faith, and that, for entering upon a new life, Christ cleanse the Christian; but you ask through whom it may better be done, which ought not to be done without a minister. Yet Petilian did not say:
'The conscience of the minister is regarded, through which Christ may cleanse the receiver, or through which Christ may give faith'; but he wished the receiver's conscience to be cleansed by the very conscience of the giver, nor did he say: 'Whoever takes faith through a faithless man receives not faith but guilt,' so that he might seem to take it from Christ, albeit through another; but he said outright: 'takes it from a faithless man,' and to this, as if to prove it, he added: 'for everything consists of an origin and a root, and if it have not a head, it is nothing' — the minister himself, namely, whose conscience he said is regarded, not that through which Christ may cleanse, but which itself cleanses the receiver — making the minister himself outright the origin, root, and head of the baptized.
Accordingly, in this place I reply not to Petilian, whose words you did not defend, but to you, who on behalf of your opinion said something else, I know not what, not what he said. For you, as you write, wish this, urge this: not that, as he said, the conscience of him who gives in holiness cleanse the receiver or give faith to the receiver, nor that it be itself the origin and root and head of the believer; but that through it Christ cleanse, through it Christ give faith, through it Christ be the origin of the Christian, through it the Christian fix his root in Christ, through it Christ be the head of the Christian.
For therefore you ask through whom that may better be done which you grant is done by Christ — wherein you too, as far as I see, do not deny that this can be done even through an evil minister, but you say it can better be done through a good one. For what else is it that you say: 'This we too urge, this we wish; but we ask through whom it may better be done'?
And thus Christ washes even through the defiled conscience of one who does not give in holiness, yet better through the pure conscience of one who gives in holiness; Christ gives faith even through an evil minister, yet better through a good one; Christ becomes the origin of the Christian even through an unfaithful dispenser, yet better through a faithful one; the Christian fixes his root in Christ even through a reprobate husbandman, yet better through an upright one; Christ can be the head of the Christian even through Felicianus, yet you reckon it better through Primianus. There is therefore little disagreement between us in this matter, or perhaps none at all.
For I too say that the divine sacraments are better dispensed through a good minister than through an evil one; yet this is better for the sake of the minister himself, that his life and conduct may agree with the things he administers, not for the sake of the one who — even if he has fallen upon an evil minister dispensing the truth — receives assurance from his Lord, who warns and says: 'Do what they say, but do not do what they do; for they say and do not do.' I add further that it is better for this reason too, that the one to whom it is ministered may more easily imitate the probity and holiness of a good minister by loving it; but the things administered are not therefore truer and holier because they are administered through a better man.
For those things are of themselves true and holy on account of the true and holy God whose they are; and so it may come about that one drawing near to the fellowship of God's people may find one by whom he may easily be baptized, and choose another whom he may healthfully imitate. For he is sure that the sacrament of Christ is holy, even if it has been administered through a less holy or an unholy man, but that he himself is punished by the holiness of that very sacrament if he has received it unworthily, if he has used it ill, if he has not lived toward it fittingly and suitably. For I ask of you:
if perchance one whom Primianus baptized in your communion should live most wickedly, while one whom Felicianus baptized in the schism of Maximianus should live most excellently, to which of them do you judge the kingdom of God to lie open — to him whom, according to you, a good man baptized wickedly, or to him whom, according to the Council of Bagai, a sacrilegious man baptized as a religious man? But perhaps you say, and say truly: 'One established in schism cannot be religious.' I agree. Yet in your communion there can be a sacrilegious man, even one hidden, baptized by Primianus, whom you believe to be religious.
Furthermore, if that man whom Felicianus baptized in the chain of sacrilege, having forsaken the sacrilege of schism, were corrected by ecclesiastical communion, would you dare to say that a better baptism came to be in him — although you would not dare to deny that the man himself could be made better? For this you yourselves have judged by the very deed, since all those whom Felicianus and Praetextatus baptized in the schism condemned and detested by you, you received, when they returned to you, without any undoing or repetition of baptism. But if, as you said, 'we ask through whom it is done better,' you have put the comparative degree for the positive, saying thus: 'we ask through whom it is done better,' as if you said:
'we ask through whom it is done well,' wishing it to be understood that through an evil minister it is done ill — I do not press you upon the word, but rather admonish you that you ought to have said: 'we ask through whom it is done,' rather than: 'we ask through whom it is done well,' as if it could come about that Christ should not well give faith, that Christ should not well be the origin and head of the Christian, that the root should not well be fixed in Christ. For either it is not done, or, if it is done, without doubt it is done well. Yet we treat these matters lest, on account of evil dispensers — not, however, of their own sacraments but of the Lord's, who must needs be mingled together until the time of the winnowing of the Lord's threshing-floor — the very unity of the wheat be forsaken.
But to make a schism from the unity of Christ, or to be in schism, is assuredly evil, and a great evil; nor can it come about at all that Christ should give to the schismatic not faith but sacrilegious error, or that the schismatic should fix his root in Christ, or that Christ should be the origin or head of the schismatic — and yet, if he has given the baptism of Christ, it will have been given; if he has received it, it will have been received, not unto eternal life but unto eternal punishment, if he has persevered in that sacrilege, not by converting into evil the good he has, but by having a good thing to his own harm so long as he, an evil man, has it. Perhaps you ask that I prove this. What else shall I tell you than that which I have undertaken in this work? Read the decree of Bagai; look upon Felicianus and Praetextatus.
Schismatics gave, schismatics received; both were received and gathered in by you, neither the former degraded nor the latter rebaptized. Now surely you no longer ask whether it is done better through a just minister or through an unjust one, since the baptism which Primianus, according to you a just man, gave, is not therefore better than that which Felicianus, an unjust man, gave. Surely now you are compelled to understand how the apostle said: 'Neither he that plants is anything, nor he that waters, but God that gives the increase'; and you recall that you said in vain: 'Just as he who plants and waters is required to be none but a diligent and faithful husbandman, so also in the sacrament of baptism none but the most just workman is approved.'
Behold, neither diligent nor faithful nor most just, but rather negligent of his own salvation, unfaithful, and most unjust, was Felicianus, when, allied to Maximianus and — as your three hundred and ten proclaim with one most eloquent mouth — established in the chain of sacrilege, he administered a baptism which you did not dare to rescind. Surely you see that the testimony which you cited from the prophet does not pertain to this cause: 'I will give you shepherds according to my heart, and they shall feed you, feeding you with discipline.' For Felicianus was neither a shepherd according to God's heart, being sacrilegious, nor did he feed His sheep with discipline in a sacrilegious schism; and yet he baptized those in whose reception you recognized that what he gave was not his own but God's.
Surely you perceive how I have recalled from holy Scripture that it is good to trust in the Lord rather than to trust in man, and that you have answered emptily, as far as pertains to this cause, when you say that you the more inquire that he through whom this sacrament is celebrated be just and faithful, because you have your hope and confidence in God, not in man, and that the faith and justice which you always look for in His ministers belong to God. Behold, in Felicianus, when he was guilty of a notorious crime, there was neither justice nor faith, and yet there was baptism; and to those to whom it was given by him, when they were gathered in by you, you say that justice accrued — you do not say that baptism was lacking. Accordingly, as to what you next ask of me:
if a baptism, given by whomsoever and in whatever manner, ought not to be rescinded, why did the apostles baptize after John — do you now yourself solve the question, if, as you say, the apostles baptized after John. Why after Felicianus did your people not baptize those whom he had baptized in a sacrilegious schism? And from this at least learn that whatever it is that is read or discussed concerning the baptism of John is utterly foreign to this cause. But what has seemed good to you I know not, that you should say that the Jews, to whom Peter says, 'Let each one of you be baptized in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ,' had already been baptized by Moses — men who were born so many generations after that servant of God led their forefathers across the Red Sea.
Or if for that reason they had baptism from Moses, because they were propagated from those whom the apostle says were baptized in Moses, then dare to say that all who are born of faithful Christians already have Christian baptism — which you see, I suppose, with how great vanity it is said. But however that stands — even if the apostles had baptized after Moses the servant of God — I would press you to render account why after Felicianus the Maximianist, a sacrilegious man, your people did not baptize. Now as to that which I set down: 'If those erred who wished to be Paul's, what hope, in the end, is there for those who wish to be Donatus's?' — I think you have not refuted it in the earlier parts of your letter, as you yourself consider in those things which we have said sufficiently above.
Not therefore, as you seem to yourself and, as if assured, exult, do you rightly conclude that all those things which were said by Petilianus or by any other were rightly said. Indeed, by the very order in which they were run through by you briefly, as if recollecting and calling to mind, I rather conclude in this cause of the Maximianists that those things were not rightly said.
For neither was there in Felicianus the conscience of one giving in holiness, when, cleaving to Maximianus, he was being dragged in the chain of sacrilege; and those who were baptized by him were baptized by one guilty of a notorious crime, and thereby by a manifest traitor; nor was the sacrilegious man origin and root and head unto salvation for them; nor was he a good tree, being condemned in the fellowship of a sacrilegious schism and still established in that same sacrilege; nor was he a good man to bring forth good things out of the good treasure of his heart, when of him and of his other associates it was said: 'whose mouth is full of cursing and bitterness.' And yet, when your people came to concord with him, at some time terrified by the force of truth, they recognized that the baptism which such a man had given was not his own but Christ's.
Come now, let us see in its place, in your letter, how you extricate yourself from the cause of the Maximianists. For all who read these writings await, without doubt, either what was said here by you where it was said, or what was answered by me. And so, concerning Optatus the Gildonian, as to what you answered to my objections, I do not wish to discuss; I do not wish to linger longer in the case of a man about whose condemnation by your people I do nothing. I certainly make loss of this objection, and this perhaps among posterity, when the memory of him shall have been blotted out. But now, so long as there are men who knew his life and conduct, they would rather complain that I said too little about him than something false.
For they do not read our writings as you do, who ask of me — that one whom I called as it were a raging wave — what he swallowed up, when right there you have Praetextatus and Felicianus. For my words there stand thus: 'So indeed,' I say. 'These men insult their own schismatics, calling them both dead and unburied. But surely they ought to have wished them buried, lest, from the multitude of corpses lying unburied on the shore, Optatus the Gildonian, advancing with a military column like a raging wave, leaping forth further, should afterward suck Felicianus and Praetextatus back inward.' Since you read these words of mine there, why did you not set them all down, when you attempted to answer them?
Why do you as it were charge me with not having said what that raging wave swallowed up, when right there you see written: 'should afterward suck Felicianus and Praetextatus back inward'? For what else are your people wont to answer, as if for their great defense, when the reception of such condemned men, Praetextatus and Felicianus, is objected to them, but: 'Optatus willed this, Optatus did this'? To which the very cities of Mustis and Adsuras bear witness, which say that, out of dread of the Gildonian soldier through Optatus's threat, they compelled their bishops to return to the communion of Primianus. But you, because you saw that it could not be shamelessly denied that this was done by him, denied that it was written by me, thinking perhaps that my letter could sooner be unknown than that deed.
But granting that your bishops were permitted, by I know not what Donatist or Numidian privilege, to be ignorant concerning their own colleague of whatever all Africa was crying out — since they do not allow the crimes objected by Africans against Africans, never proved, so often absolved, to be unknown to the eastern and western ends of the earth — let the baptism given by Optatus, which you were so unwilling to condemn, yet did not dare to absolve, be valid among you, and let the baptism given in the churches founded by apostolic labor — of the Corinthians, Galatians, Ephesians, Colossians, Philippians, Thessalonians, and the rest written of in the holy Scriptures which you too read, where not, I do not say the false crime of Caecilianus, but perhaps not even his true name was heard — not be valid;
granting that Optatus had the conscience of one giving in holiness in that life which you — as your writings indicate — though for our sake you were ashamed to condemn, yet for God's sake feared to absolve; and granting that in that public report too, where the conscience seemed to you able to be attended to though hidden, the conscience even of so many and so great Christian nations be accused, because it was ignorant of the most remote lawsuits of the Africans: could they not likewise have been able to be ignorant even of the crimes of those men, namely Felicianus and Praetextatus, whom three hundred and ten condemned in a plenary council? And still you object to catholic unity I know not what deeds of ours, which either are false, or are not sins, or, even if they are true and are sins, cannot stain the fellowship of the good.
For the good do not communicate in the sins of others, to the doing of which they by no means consent, although, together with those very persons who do them — until they are separated from the Lord's threshing-floor like chaff by the final winnowing-fan — they communicate not in their sins but in the sacraments of God; and within the same net, like good fish with the bad, they are, until the separation which is to be on the shore, that is, at the end of the world as at the end of the sea, disjoined from them not by a segregation of bodies but by a diversity of life and conduct;
just as the eleven apostles did not communicate in the thefts of Judas, and yet visibly cleaved with him to the same Lord, heard the same Master, received the same Gospel to be believed, took the same sacraments, mingled with him in bodily assembly, separated by spiritual dissimilarity; just as the apostle Paul did not communicate in the contumacy and envy — that is, the devilish vices — of those who did not chastely announce Christ, and yet with them preached the same Christ, partook of the sacraments of the same Christ, and said of them:
'Whether in pretense or in truth, let Christ be announced' — for these men the martyr Cyprian, most loving of unity, both understood and wrote to have been not separated by any schism or heresy, but mingled with the brethren in bodily assembly; just as the same Cyprian did not communicate in the avarice, the plunderings, the usury of his colleagues, whom he said, while the brethren in the church were hungering, to wish to have silver abundantly, to seize estates by treacherous frauds, to increase their gain with multiplying usury — an evil which he even compared to idolatry — whose bodily assembly nevertheless he did not flee, but stood at the same altars, and took the same most sacred food and drink.
For those men ate and drank judgment not to others but to themselves; but he, with such men, communicated not in their sins but in the mysteries of Christ, most conjoined in their assemblies, most disjoined in their morals. For to this end both those similitudes in the Scriptures and those examples were set forth beforehand, that we might learn to be wheat and not to forsake the Lord's threshing-floor on account of the admixture of chaff, to be good fish and not to go forth, by bursting the nets, on account of the admixture of the bad, to be vessels of mercy made unto honor and cleansed, and not, on account of the vessels of perdition and dishonor, to flee from the great house. For by no cause are the evil laudably tolerated in the temporal assembly and admixture of both, save lest the good be damnably forsaken.
Since you too, in your so many and so manifest evils, do the same thing by the same necessity, you can easily, if you will, observe that it is by nothing but a sacrilegious animosity that you separate yourselves from Christians of so many and so great nations. And so, not only Optatus, most notorious in that Gildonian fellowship, but any obscure man among you, with your knowledge, should do some evil — since you could not separate him from your communion, because either you are not believed when you accuse, or you dare not accuse lest you be unable to prove it — either the party of Donatus must be forsaken by you, or you will be such as he whose sin you are not ignorant of, although you live differently. This is said to you most rightly, not according to the true opinion, but according to your own.
For who does not know that you are free from that man's evil, if by consent you do not communicate in his sin? But hence you are compelled to acknowledge with how great impiety you object to the Christian world either false or at least unknown crimes of the Africans, when you are unwilling to have objected to you what you know of another, because you cannot persuade of it those from whose fellowship you are unwilling to depart. Thus, lest you forsake those whom you think good, you are compelled to bear those whom you know to be evil; and thereby the truth convicts all as evil who, on account of the crimes of others — whether true or false, yet unknown to the rest, and not going to harm themselves — having burst the unity of so many nations, have forsaken the good.
Lest you should in any way be able to excuse this so great wickedness of the party of Donatus, the cause of the Maximianists has been procured for you, in which, as in a mirror, having beheld your own depravity, you may correct it if you will; but if you will not — I do not wish to say anything more grave, since I know you have a heart. For what will you say against these things? Well is it that you yourself write that, when you had read all that I inserted in my letters concerning the condemned and received Maximianists, you were greatly moved. I believe it: I plainly see the cause which ought greatly to have moved you. Let us see, then, by what rendered reason that disturbance of yours was quieted.
You say that at once you inquired more diligently of your bishops, and, with them teaching, learned both the decree of the council and the sentence pronounced against those who were condemned, and the order of the whole matter. Then, believing that I still do not know what was done, and admonishing me to learn what the truth holds, you narrated plainly not what the truth holds, but what your people substitute for the truth to the incautious and negligent. For you say that, when the error of Maximianus strove to associate to itself as many bishops as possible, a council having been convened by your people, a sentence was pronounced against all those who had persisted in his schism, which you recall that I too have read.
And that, when this sentence was confirmed by the consent of all, it nevertheless pleased the council by its decree to grant a delay of time, within which, if any had wished to be corrected, he would be held innocent. That so it came about that not only those two whom I mention, but also many others, purged and innocent, were restored to the church; whose baptism you therefore think ought not to have been rescinded, because, restored within the appointed day, they were not held by the peremptory sentence, nor, when they baptized, had they been separated from the church — not yet, that is, disjoined by the defined limit of the elapsed time. Here I, in that very falsity of your narration — since I have set down not only your meanings but your very words — marvel at your talent, marvel at your mind struggling against your talent.
Nowhere has it ever so appeared how much the prejudice of human presumption avails, whether toward not perceiving the most manifest truth, or toward affirming the most shameless falsehood. Do you not perceive that you have set down things so openly repugnant that it is scarcely credible that one man could have said both? You indeed say that a sentence was pronounced against all those who had persisted in the schism of Maximianus, and that it pleased them to grant a delay of time, within which, if any had wished to be corrected, he would be held innocent. How then do you yourself likewise say that they did not baptize outside the church, before they had corrected themselves from that schism? So, when they were with Maximianus, were they not outside the church?
Do you observe what you say? Do you find where you may come out, whither you may flee, where you may hide yourself? You surely see that, while you try to defend the manifest errors of others, you do nothing but add on your own more manifest ones. Behold, read your words — thus are they recalled by me exactly as they were written by you —: 'When,' you say, 'the error of Maximianus strove to associate to itself as many bishops as possible, a council having been convened by our people, a sentence was pronounced against all those who had persisted in his schism,' which you testify that you too have read. 'And when this sentence was confirmed by the consent of all, it nevertheless pleased them by decree of the council to grant a delay of time, within which, if any had wished to be corrected, he would be held innocent.'
Saying these things, do you so shut up your understanding against yourself, that you do not perceive that all these, who deserved that the council's sentence should be borne against them for this reason, that they were associated with Maximianus, before they corrected themselves within the time of delay, stood fast in the same schism? There, then, they also baptized. I beseech you: why do you sprinkle empty fog over perspicuous things, which again you scatter by the no lesser perspicuity of your own words?
For I say that Praetextatus and Felicianus, the ordainers of Maximianus, baptized in that sacrilegious schism which they committed, and that those baptized by them were received together with them, without the baptism being rescinded which they had given in schism, which the sacrilegious had administered, which they had consecrated with a mouth full of cursing, with lips bearing the poison of asps. For such things are said against them in that sentence which you do not deny was pronounced against all of them. Here you answer that not only those two whom I mention, but also many others, purged and innocent, restored themselves to the church within the day of delay. By which word you help me, by which word you assert with me the truth, and dispel that fog which you were trying to spread over it.
For when you say that they restored themselves to the church, you doubtless confess that they were outside the church. Where, then, before they restored themselves to the church, they were, there they baptized; therefore the baptism which they gave was outside the church. While you try to unwind yourself from this inexplicable entanglement, you are again entangled. For you say that their baptism ought not to have been rescinded for this reason, because, restored within the appointed day, they were not held by the peremptory sentence. How then do you say that before the day of restitution they were not separated from the church, whom you confess to have been restored to the church before the day of delay? If we are men,
if we have any reason whatever, if we have human sense, if we are not cattle speaking to cattle, if we are not wood and stones speaking to wood and stones — not from my words only, but even from your own words, it stands out, appears, and shines forth, that your people did not dare to rescind the baptism given in the sacrilegious schism of Maximianus, while they do not hesitate to deny to be Christians, to exsufflate, and to rebaptize men baptized in the churches which the apostles propagated by their own labor in the grace of the Lord. You say, you write — behold, hear yourself, read yourself —, you, I say, say, you write that against all those who had persisted in the schism of Maximianus, a council having been convened by your people, a sentence was pronounced;
you say, you write that, this sentence having been confirmed by the consent of all, it nevertheless pleased them to grant a delay of time, within which, if any had wished to be corrected, he would be held innocent; you say, you write that not only the two from among them whom I mention, but many others, purged and innocent, restored themselves to your church; you say, you write that their baptism ought not therefore to have been rescinded, because, restored within the appointed day, they were not held by the peremptory sentence. How then? What, what so prevails, in so good a talent, of a cause so bad, O man of heart, O lettered man?
These men, against whom that sentence was pronounced for this reason, because, as you yourself say, they were persisting in the schism of Maximianus — before, as you say, they were restored — where they were, there they celebrated the sacraments, there they baptized, and — to use rather the words of that plenary council — there they hatched with slow heat the noxious offspring of viperous seed, there they begot the teeming vows of crimes of their public wickedness and parricide, there they travailed with injustice, conceived labor and brought forth iniquity; there now, not in a confused thicket of crimes, were their names designated for punishment; there, at the end of indulgence, while the line of clemency was being let down, the cause had already found whom it should punish; thither the truth-telling wave, shipwrecked, had cast their limbs as upon rough rocks,
casting forth their perishing limbs; there were the shores full of corpses after the example of the Egyptians, not finding even burial itself; there the thunderbolt of the sentence had struck forth, out of the bosom of peace, not only Maximianus, the rival of faith, the adulterer of truth, the enemy of mother church, the minister of Dathan, Korah, and Abiram; nor did a just death condemn only the author of his own crime, but also drew very many to the consorting of the crime by the chain of sacrilege; there was the poison of asps under their lips, there their mouth full of cursing and bitterness, there their feet swift to shed blood, there destruction and unhappiness in their ways, there they knew not the way of peace, nor was the fear of God before their eyes; there lay the severed limbs, which
a pestiferous rottenness had so corrupted, that there was more of solace in the cutting-off than of remedy in the remitting; there were the guilty of notorious crime, Victorianus of Carcabia and the rest, twelve with him, among whom Praetextatus of Adsuras and Felicianus of Mustis, concerning whose reception we treat, who present had ordained the same Maximianus — that is, by the deadly work of perdition had glued together a filthy vessel with gathered dregs — where the clerics of Carthage furnished pandering to so great a crime, as to an unlawful incest.
Such ministers of the sacraments, not yet corrected, not yet restored and given back to you, baptized in the schism of Maximianus; after such ministers of the sacraments were corrected, given back, restored, your people did not rebaptize. Why does animosity alone prevail in you? Let the truth also, at some time, be attended to, at some time be heard. Why are the most empty mists of a granted delay cast in? It was not granted to those very men of whom it was said, 'Know that they are condemned,' of whom it was also foretold what they had been, what they had done, why they ought now to be condemned without delay — namely, that being present they had ordained Maximianus with imposed hands;
for this is what they signified by saying that by the deadly work of perdition they had glued together a filthy vessel with gathered dregs. But delay was granted to those who were not present at the ordination of Maximianus, although established in his fellowship and schism — only because, since they had been absent, they did not impose hands upon him. For thus, by the same sentence of the council, they are distinguished from his condemned ordainers. For when they had said of those — whose names too they wrote down — 'Know that they are condemned,' they say, 'but those whom the sacrilegious shoots did not pollute as seedlings' — that is, who withdrew their own hands from the head of Maximianus by a modest shame of faith — 'we have permitted to return to mother church.'
What could be plainer, what more distinct, what more open? Learn that those whom they call guilty of a notorious crime — those who by the deadly work of perdition glued together the filthy vessel from the accumulated dregs — have been condemned; but as for those whom, they say, the branches sprung from a sacrilegious shoot did not defile, that is, those who with the modest shame of faith drew back their own hands from the head of Maximian, these we have permitted to return to their mother the Church. And because two of those condemned men were afterwards received back with their honour intact, no way is found to defend this except by saying that a delay was granted to all. But granted that it was conceded to all.
Surely all who returned to you from that schism, before they returned, were there; there they baptized; and coming thence back to you without the loss of their honour or of their baptism — if you have any shame — they shut your mouths. For when we ask where they were before they had, as you yourself said, restored themselves to the Church and before the appointed day had been reinstated, what else does the very fact compel you to answer than: in the schism of Maximian, on account of which that sentence was pronounced against all? There, then, they baptized those in whom, when they came together thence back to you, you did not dare to rescind the baptism of Christ, because you were compelled to acknowledge it.
Whence by your very deed, by your own act, by your own judgment, it is rightly and justly concluded against you that the baptism of Christ must be acknowledged even if it was given outside the Church; and therefore that we piously recognize it in your case, while you impiously rescind it in ours. But perhaps you regret having set down such words, which press this truth too hard, since you said: «It came about that they restored themselves to the Church and, being reinstated before the appointed day, were not held bound by the definitive sentence» — so that this may be answered to you: How did they restore themselves to the Church, how were they reinstated to it, if they had not been separated from it?
Or if they had been separated, how did they baptize? But what else could you say, except what you had heard from those you consulted, when on this matter you were greatly disturbed by my letters? And yet perhaps they may accuse and reprove you for having incautiously set down such words. There is something that especially fortifies you against them and consoles your sadness. For they too put down such things in the decree of the same council; so that, if once this little work of ours has been read they should wish to reply to us that the words of their layman do not prejudge them, we shall at once recite their own words:
«But those whom the branches sprung from a sacrilegious shoot did not defile, that is, those who with the modest shame of faith drew back their own hands from the head of Maximian, we have permitted to return to their mother the Church.» For when it is said to them: «These whom you permitted to return to their mother the Church — before they returned, where were they?», they are pressed in the same way as you were pressed a little before by the words you set down. For where will they answer that these were, except in the schism of Maximian? But let them contend that they were wherever they wish: certainly those who were permitted to return to the Church were not in the Church.
Therefore they baptized outside the Church, and both baptizers and baptized, returning together to the Church, lost neither those honours which they had held outside nor that baptism which they had received outside. And you indeed, as far as you could in a bad cause, spoke cautiously when you said: «Yet it pleased the council by its decree that a delay of time be granted, within which, if anyone wished to be corrected, he should be held innocent.» But they said that those to whom that delay was given were not even to be corrected, but they speak of them as if they had been in the fellowship of Maximian wholly unpolluted and innocent, when they prolong that very delay. For what else is it that they say:
«But those whom the branches sprung from a sacrilegious shoot did not defile, we have permitted to return to their mother the Church» — what else does it mean but: «Those whom the company of Maximian did not pollute, we have permitted to return to their mother the Church»? And lest this be too little, see what they add: «For the more we are cleansed by the death of the guilty, the more we rejoice at the return of the innocent.» Why then do you say that it pleased them that a delay of time be granted, within which, if anyone wished to be corrected, he should be held innocent, when you see it given to the unpolluted and innocent? But evidently you feared lest it be said to you: «Why was a delay given to those whom Maximian had not polluted?» — and so you judged that they should be corrected by that delay. They feared lest it be said to them:
«Why did you wish to receive polluted men in their honours?» — and so they said that they had given the delay to unpolluted men. Accordingly you each feared different things, but the one is assailed by the other. For to you it is said: «How do you think those should be corrected whom your own men proclaim unpolluted?» And to them it is said: «How do you assert them to be unpolluted — even if not by laying hands upon the head of Maximian, yet stained by communion in his schism?» But whose mind, whose strength, whose tongue could suffice to utter so intolerable a grief? That the torn portion of Donatus may be patched up, Maximian did not pollute even his African allies in Africa; but that broken branches may not be permitted to return to the very root of unity, Caecilian polluted so many most remote nations away from Africa.
From the day of the Council of Bagai, that is, the eighth before the Kalends of May, up to the day of that granted delay, that is, the eighth before the Ides of January, eight months are counted. In this so long interval of time, were those to whom the delay was given being stained by fellowship with the condemned Maximian, or were they not being stained? If they were being stained, how is it said: «But those whom the branches sprung from a sacrilegious shoot did not defile, we have permitted to return to their mother the Church»? If they were not being stained, how could the contagion of the sins of unknown men — I will not say false ones — of strangers, pollute us and all Christian peoples wherever they are? But — you say — for this reason the delay was given, so that if it passed while they did not return, then they would be stained and would incur the penalty of condemnation.
Therefore it was not the sin of that fellowship, but the fixing of a day, that stained them. If then no day were fixed, they would surely remain unstained. What ill did the whole world deserve from you? Why do you declare it stained with the sins of others, when for it you fixed no day of delay — since so great is your power that men are joined to sinners when they wish, and are defiled whenever you will? Innocent and unpolluted were those to whom, on the side of Maximian, a delay was given, within whose day if they returned to you, they would have the foundations of unimpaired honour and faith;
but if that day passed while they did not return, then, polluted, then wicked, then lost, they would incur the punishment of condemnation, then they would be humbled, degraded through penance. O the wondrous reasoning of men who make proclamations — not now, as the old proverb has it, «what we wish is holy», but even «when we wish and as long as we wish»! Suppose it should befall one of you to pray with us aboard ship: at once he is called polluted, at once a traitor. The condemners of Primian share the altar with Maximian, the adulterer of truth, the enemy of mother Church, the minister of Dathan, Korah, and Abiram — and for eight months they persist innocent and unpolluted!
Accordingly, if any of these restored themselves to your communion before the ninth before the Kalends of January, you rejoiced at the return of the innocent — namely of those whom the branches sprung from a sacrilegious shoot did not defile. What did those eight months of days, from the eighth before the Kalends of May to the eighth before the Kalends of January, deserve from you, that you so sanctified them that through them whoever clung to the communion of the sacrilegious and condemned Maximian was not polluted nor made guilty? And what offence did that most holy day, the very birthday of our Lord himself, do to you, that it alone, by its coming and passing, should pollute the innocent — so that in those who baptized in that schism the baptism of Christ should remain holy through all those days, and become unclean through the birthday of Christ?
What would human rashness not dare, when it is hurled headlong into the opinion of an abominable error, which it is ashamed to abandon on account of vanity, and is not ashamed to defend against the truth? But why say more here, where any most obstinate man, who has hardened himself against all the voices of reason, must needs confess concerning those of whom it is said: «they restored themselves to the Church and were reinstated before the appointed day» — words which you yourself set down — those, finally, of whom it is said: «we have permitted them to return to their mother the Church», «we rejoice at the return of the innocent», «and lest the pressure of a narrowed span withdraw the hope of salvation from those returning within a scanty time, we open the door up to that day of recognition, that returning they may have the foundations of unimpaired honour and faith,
which if anyone through sluggish idleness has been unable to enter, let him know that the way to all the paths of pardon has been withdrawn from him» — «and for those returning after the appointed day, penance is fixed» (words which the three hundred and ten so often drove home in their sentence) — it is necessary, I say, that any adversary confess that those of whom these things are said, before they restored themselves to you, before they were reinstated to you, before they returned to you, before, on their return, they entered the door of the delay, were not with you, but outside your communion in that schism, in which they had separated themselves from you, and that they baptized there.
From there, restored and reinstated to you where they had been estranged from you, from there returning and coming back to you from where they had been outside you, they both kept their honours undiminished and brought in with them their own baptized persons, not to be rebaptized. Why do you still furnish so pertinacious a patronage to a most wicked cause? Yield at last, not to me, but to the very truth by which you are convicted. See how truly I spoke — what you have vainly tried to overthrow — «how great are the things to be endured for peace»; and, to use the very same words which I used in that letter: «For the peace of Christ return to the Church which condemned nothing unknown, if for the peace of Donatus it pleased to recall the condemned.»
For if out of those twelve whom they had condemned along with Maximian without delay, they afterwards received back Felician and Praetextatus, how is it false that they recalled the condemned? But if a delay was given even to those very men whom they said «know to have been condemned», then even if none of them afterwards returned, it still pleased them to recall the condemned, since after the sentence in which it was said «know that they have been condemned», a delay was given by which it was permitted to them, the condemnation being annulled, to return. These things said would suffice, even if what you say were true — that on this matter of the Maximianists, being greatly disturbed, you learned it from your bishops. But what will you do, seeing it is also false?
Seek out, or if you have it, inspect the day of the proconsular acts, on which the petition was made by Titianus against Felician and Praetextatus, that they should be driven from their places; and see how long after the day of that delay this was done. For the day of the Council of Bagai was, in the consulship of the Augusti Arcadius for the third time and Honorius for the second, the eighth before the Kalends of May; but the day of the delay was thence up to the eighth before the Ides of January; while that petition of Titianus was made after that consulship, on the sixth before the Nones of March. Accordingly it appears that nearly the third month was in progress when it was sought from the proconsul that Felician and Praetextatus be driven from their seats as colleagues of Maximian, whom he had joined to himself for his madness.
For when the aforesaid advocate had said concerning Maximian what seemed to suffice, he added in the same petition: «Those also whom the error of another's presumption had drawn away, having first set before them a haven of penitence, if they should desire to return within the time appointed to the path of religion, he restrained by an equal admonition of vigour. But iniquity delights in its own institutions and does not forsake itself, once it has fallen headlong. For the same Maximian nourishes the audacity he has begun and joins others to himself for his madness.»
Among whom also a certain Felician, who at first followed the right path but is now darkened by the taint of this depravation, being established in the city of Mustis, believed that the walls consecrated to almighty God, the venerable church, must be held as if by a kind of siege. Praetextatus too imitates him in the parts of Assuras. Do you hear the most distinguished and most manifest words of the advocate, by which he says that these men, of whom we are speaking, because [they had spurned] the haven of penitence set before them —
while «iniquity delights in its own institutions, once it has fallen headlong» — [because these men, I say] spurned it — must be expelled from ecclesiastical places? Here, even if the day of the acts could lie hidden, it would shine out plainly enough to anyone however dull, that the proconsular power would not be approached against them in this way, unless either they had been condemned in that council — as is rather apparent concerning them — without any delay granted, or, within the day of the delay, if it was given to all, they had refused to be reinstated to you.
But since even the day of the acts strikes the eyes and ears of any obstinate man in such a way, it is thereby so clear that even after the day of the delay had passed they were not in your communion but clung to Maximian, that on this account the authority of so terrible a judicial command was obtained against them. What is said to this? What is still contended, against so plain a truth, with a wondrous blindness of shamelessness? Why is there still rebellion with such madness against the unity of Christ, on the part of those who, for the unity of the party of Donatus, refused to keep even concord with the sacrilegious condemned?
Why is the baptism of Christ, acknowledged with due veneration even in a sacrilegious schism, still spurned with impious presumption among so many Catholic peoples, violated by a sacrilegious repetition? I do not wish to inquire how long after the day of this petition — in which Felician and Praetextatus are so gravely accused by the words of Titianus's advocate — they were received into your communion. It suffices that this same petition proves that those men, whom you afterwards received, whose honours you in no part diminished, from whom you feared to rescind the baptism given even in a sacrilegious schism (as indeed was rightly to be feared), had, so long after the end of that appointed delay, been separated from your communion in the schism of Maximian.
Would the tongue of any most pertinacious man stir itself against us in this cause, if it perceived that it was being stirred in a man's mouth and beneath a man's brow? I clearly erred, I confess, in that which I set down in that letter about that sentence of the Council of Bagai, since I said: «When it was recited among them to be decreed, they applauded with widest mouth; but now, when it has been recited by us, they fall silent.» It is true what you said: «Behold, they do not fall silent»; for shame, in matters so manifest — or even shamelessness itself — can fall silent, but madness cannot.
And do not take this as said of you, who believed your bishops when they lied, nor of all those men — for you could not, being disturbed about this matter, consult them all — but of those who, though they knew how great things and when they were done against Praetextatus and Felician before the judges, dared to say to you what you inserted in your letter: that before the day of the appointed delay Felician and Praetextatus, being reinstated to your communion, were not held bound by the definitive sentence. Or if they too perhaps did not know these things, now at least, when you read these things, let shame fall silent, let even whatever shamelessness there is in a man fall silent; only let madness certainly be left, which alone cries out against so evident a truth.
And that will perhaps be curable, if it is checked by the sane. Now see how you have said of me: «A false witness shall not be unpunished», when you thought that I had lied in this cause of the Maximianists. I do not repay you this; for perhaps you spoke what you believed through incautious friendship, not what you feigned with a deceitful heart. We are human beings; with what vigilance, after all, can we bring it about that we do not slip in something, either in thinking or in speaking? But we ought not to grow deaf against the medicine of correction. Now attend to how much facility of answering this cause of the Maximianists affords me even in the other parts of your letter.
Whatever you thought must be said about the traditors as though they were ours — although your own men are rather shown to have done this, which I have more than sufficiently demonstrated in that work of three volumes — yet see and answer, if you can, whether this crime, whosesoever it may have been, could pollute, in the unity of so many nations, Christians either very far removed or very far in later generations, if the crime of Maximian's sacrilegious shoot could not stain even his African allies — to whom your three hundred and ten bishops, in giving a delay, said: «whom the branches sprung from a sacrilegious shoot did not defile» — nor you yourselves, who received with such concord not only those whom you called innocent, but even those already condemned in that sacrilege.
You say that the crimes of the traditors were known to the Orientals, when to you, an African, the schism of the Maximianists — committed in the very capital of Africa — was, before you read my letters and, greatly disturbed, consulted your bishops, unknown; and when you had consulted them, you were quite unable to hear the truth from them. If indeed you defend them, so as not to say they lied, you grant that they were ignorant; and yet you allow neither us nor so many and so great peoples of East and West even to be ignorant of the case of Caecilian — while these men are ignorant of that of Praetextatus and Felician, whom three hundred and ten, that is, either all or nearly all the bishops of the party of Donatus, Africans, condemned Africans in Africa; Africans received Africans in Africa.
You insert the opening of the Council of Serdica, from which you try to prove that the Oriental bishops, knowing the crime of the traditors, held communion with the party of Donatus — by this one great document, forsooth, that among the bishops to whom they write the name of Donatus is found. Yet nothing is there read of their having learned anything about the African traditors. And this council, lest it escape you, is one of the Arians, whom you have already named among other heretics; nor is it usually read with the names of the cities added, since it is not the ecclesiastical custom, when bishops write a letter to bishops.
Hence I do not know who this Donatus is; I should marvel if in your letters he has not been made a Carthaginian — although those men, separated by such distant lands from Africa, could at the very time they wished to write have inquired who was bishop of Carthage, and have found it to be Donatus. For I forbear to say that perhaps the Oriental heretics had in some way attempted to ally themselves with the African heretics. But you, a prudent man, when you wished to resolve the question, when it could be said to you: «If these things are so, that the Orientals wrote to your Donatus, how were the Orientals afterwards separated from the communion of your men?» — you answered and said:
«Because in receiving your men again they could not preserve constancy in a condemned cause.» And it is written: «He who is joined to a harlot is one body.» Here you have now atrociously accused your own men, if in this cause of the Maximianists they could not preserve constancy, execrably condemning the sacrilegious, honourably receiving the condemned. For that about the Orientals you by no means prove; this about your own men you hear and read and discern and judge. You bid me leave the church of the traditors, whom neither you among us nor your elders among our elders could convict and demonstrate to be such;
whom now, if you had demonstrated it, I would condemn their misdeed and crime, yet I would not on their account desert the Catholic society of so many nations to whom they are unknown. But see with what consideration you are unwilling that in our communion the memory should be kept of those dead men whose deeds we do not know, whose good repute even among their own we have learned by the succession of posterity, while in your communion there live without any degradation those whose evils you have felt, whose sacrileges you have condemned. You dare to say to me, a prudent man: «He who betrayed created you» — thus not knowing that he is our creator in that we are Christians, who is our creator in that we are men, although you have not even convicted of betrayal him whom you think my creator.
But I do not repay you this injury; I call neither your creator, nor your sons', nor your grandsons', nor your great-grandsons' — if they should be in the party of Donatus — Felician. Only, since you permit it, I admonish you: let not your Creator find you a deserter, running after the name of a man with impious vanity. Then you think you add plausibly: «From the fountain the stream is drawn, and the members follow the head. With a sound head the whole body is sound, and if there is any disease or fault in it, it weakens all the members. Whatever grows up in the stock looks back to its own origin. He cannot be innocent who does not follow the sect of an innocent one» — especially since it is written: «Walk not in the ordinances of your fathers.»
In all these words of yours I pass over that what you have compared from the human body is not similar; for it can happen that the foot ache while the head is sound, and the head while the foot is sound. I pass over too that you have forgotten what you said a little before; for this we too wish, this we urge, that Christ be the head of the Christian — you who now wish some traitor or other to be the head of unknown Christian nations, where you refuse to acknowledge the baptism of Christ given and received, as though the baptized were created by none but that traitor. I pass over also how much it aids me that you yourself have set down this testimony from Scripture, that it was said to the Jews:
«Walk not in the ordinances of your fathers» — since whoever then wished to observe this precept, as did the holy prophets and the seven thousand men who did not bend their knees before Baal, nevertheless did not separate themselves from their own people and from the common sacraments. This I say, this — whether you will or not — repeating it I drive home, however troublesome I may seem to you: do not so often make Caecilian, who has been absolved, the head for us who come after, since I for my part will not make either Primian, condemned by Felician, or Felician, condemned by Primian, the head for your posterity. But now concerning the odium of persecution, which you boast of suffering from earthly powers on behalf of the party of Donatus —
although in that work of three books I have answered you fully and abundantly, yet even now I will not be silent to you as to what can be briefly answered from this cause of the Maximianists — [not] even if for this reason you commend yourselves to unskilled and imprudent peoples. For so does Maximian himself, so do his associates who could not, even under the persecutions of your men, be made to yield so as to return to their communion, commend themselves to the vain and unskilled. But those who soberly consider that in the case of men who suffer some trouble, one ought to consider not the penalties but the causes, understand that these men, for the crime of a sacrilegious schism in which they were rightly and justly condemned by you, rightly and justly suffered even the disturbances of secular judgments.
For I do not mention that which you set down in your letter, that it was not Maximian's basilica but a cave, and not Optatus but the populace, that overthrew it. Although even there, even if it is uncertain that your men did it, it is nevertheless certain that he suffered persecution — yet a persecution that was not just but impious. Whence you are now compelled to confess that one ought not to attend to what each man suffers, but why he suffers. But it is too little for me to demonstrate for the present, by this example of Maximian, that he who suffers persecution is not thereby immediately just,
seeing that Maximian too, a sacrilegious man, suffered — obtaining and putting on the shadow of the name of Christ; [it is too little] unless I compel you to confess that even the religious persecute the sacrilegious, and the just the impious, not indeed from a zeal to harm, but rather from the necessity of taking counsel. Nor do I bring forward examples from the Old Testament, although you said you wished to be taught even by prophetic examples. Those, I say, too ancient, I do not bring forward; for they belonged to another dispensation and time. Now, after the meekness that was revealed and commended in due time — which indeed we say is just, but so long as you defend such a cause and such a thing there you are compelled to say — now, I say, your bishops have persecuted your own schismatics.
And so now I do not say: «Maximian suffered persecution, Optatus did it», since you answer that we are ignorant of this, and he acted in such a way that from this I can recite no acts — although, in a memory so recent, the cities themselves, if they were questioned, could not deny it. This, then, I do not say; but I do say: «Maximian suffered persecution, Primian did it», and I recite the acts by which I shall show that the house which Maximian was defending as his own, Primian took away, having committed the management to an exorcist under the name of the ecclesiastical office, with the legate Sacerdos favouring him — as the acts themselves indicate. But let him have been a judge of justice, not of favour — I do not deny it, I do not refute it —:
why then did Primian, in the acts of the magistrate of Carthage, among other things which he charged to be contumeliously pursued against us, say: «They take away what belongs to others; we [merely] withhold what has been taken away» — when he himself had taken away what belonged to another, if the house was Maximian's; but if rather Maximian had usurped it, he would not have withheld what had been taken away? But if you are unwilling that even this pertain to persecution, I say that your bishops and your clergy, while the Maximianists remained in those seats in which they had of old been ordained, carried out persecutions, accused them before the proconsuls, obtained commands, and, for executing those same commands, deserved the diligence of the officials and the aid of the cities:
so that those men — who had already been condemned by the severity of the sentence of Bagai, and, that a pestilent poison might not creep through all the members, had been cut off from the body of your communion by a summary pain, and, now causing you no danger through the diseased contagion of their communion, were, together with their own cut-off congregations, frequenting their own assemblies; who were holding, with the peoples clinging to them, in perpetual possession the places and basilicas which they had not invaded — that these men might be terrified, driven off, expelled, and, resisting, be haled forth. Read what things were said about them, or against them, by the prosecuting advocates; what crimes of sacrilege were objected; with what onset of accusation the powers were roused;
Inquire what was done to Salvius of Membressa, because he could not be forced by the harassments of that persecution to withdraw from complicity in the crime, and preferred to commit himself to trial and to answer his persecutors before the proconsular court, out of this confidence, I suppose: that he knew his adversaries could not employ the laws promulgated against heretics before the judge without ensnaring themselves equally in them. But that reasoning deceived him. For before Seranus, who was then proconsul, either favor prevailed more, or perhaps rather the Council of Bagai, which was there recited against this same Salvius.
By a certain interlocutory ruling he indeed showed what he was doing of his own accord, namely that he would either restore Salvius to the college of bishops in communion with Primianus, or drive him from his seats, so that Restitutus, whom Primianus had ordained against him, might possess without an adversary all the places that were held by Salvius; and yet in that same interlocutory ruling he made plain that Salvius was suffering persecution. For thus one reads in those very proceedings: Seranus the proconsul said: A dispute of bishops must, according to the law, be heard by bishops: the bishops have judged. Why then do you not either return to the college of old, offering satisfaction, or, as you have it written, turn your back and flee your persecutors? What seems best to you here?
Does it please you to call that Salvius righteous, to whom the proconsul—before whom he was being accused, with your bishop Restitutus standing against him—even gives counsel from Holy Scripture, that he should turn his back on his persecutors, since it is written in the Gospel: If they persecute you, flee? Surely you see what an appearance either of martyr or of confessor Salvius displays among his own people, who, while Restitutus persecuted him, deserved to hear these words from the proconsul—and yet is judged impious and sacrilegious not only according to us, but even according to you.
Now indeed, after the proconsul's sentence was alleged against the people of Abitina—by which they had obtained that the judgment be carried out through a neighboring city, seeing that almost all the people of Membressa loved Salvius—what those same Abitinians did to a man most advanced in age, it grieves me to tell, because they did it not before the court records; but since the very testimony of the cities, being of such recent memory, is clearer than any documents, I shall touch on it briefly—what I learned there while making my journey. For because Salvius had attempted to resist even after the proconsul's judgment, in defense of his seats to whatever extent, trusting in the crowd that favored him, at length being overcome he was seized—no longer to be led to the judge, where the sentence had been pronounced between the parties.
but to be triumphed over in a pitiable procession. For when the old man was captured, they tied dead dogs about his neck, and thus danced with him as much as they pleased. If I wished to exaggerate this by describing it, would I not perhaps show that this punishment could scarcely be compared even to the tortures of the Etruscan kings, who joined dead bodies to the living? Would not this old man, who wished to be regarded as a bishop, in the judgment of all deserve to be banished from the society of the living and the dead alike, if, when two punishments were set before him of which one had to be undergone, he chose rather to dance with the dogs' carcasses than to cling to human corpses? Now look at those words of mine which you supposed you had refuted—or rather, no longer those words themselves, but in their place these which I shall now say. For behold, I do not say:
'If it is not lawful to carry out a persecution, Optatus did so'—but I say: 'If it is not lawful to carry out a persecution, Restitutus did so.' Nor do I say: 'If one who suffers persecution is to be held innocent, Maximianus suffered it.' But I say: 'If one who suffers persecution is to be held innocent, Salvius suffered it.' I recite the proceedings, I repeat the words you do not wish repeated: Restitutus did it, Salvius suffered it. Which of these two will you answer me is a Christian, if not Restitutus? Which sacrilegious, if not Salvius? It must therefore lie rejected and be spurned as disproved—both what you said, that there is no just persecution, and what you said:
Who is unwilling to consent to the testament that has been produced—he who suffers persecution or he who inflicts it? For there is also a just persecution, which Salvius endured and Restitutus inflicted. Salvius suffered it, and yet Restitutus is praiseworthy to you, Salvius damnable. Nor indeed will you say that it was done in secret, nor could this be hidden from Primianus—what was done in that city, where he himself was the presiding bishop, and in so great a city, before so great a judge, that from this it could not be hidden even from other cities.
Or if this too must be reckoned among hidden things, why are you unwilling that the whole world should be ignorant if Caecilianus did anything wrong—which God forbid he did—in the time of persecution, if Primianus could be ignorant of the persecution which Salvius suffered from the very man whom Primianus himself ordained against him, and that in the city where he holds primacy over his colleagues? You will therefore confess, whether you will or not, that—lest you be compelled to condemn Restitutus, or Primianus, or the party of Donatus—not only can the unjust suffer persecution, but also the just can inflict it.
Or if you think that what is justly done should not be called persecution, then you will be able to prove neither that you suffered persecution from us, nor your people from ours; and we shall rather demonstrate that we suffer it from your clergy and Circumcellions, who with hard and senseless heart, neither understanding nor enduring what we counsel them for their salvation, rage against us with such fury that I am not able to number, nor recount, nor worthily set forth in words the things they do to us. Accordingly, when a frenzied man torments the physician and the physician binds the frenzied man, either both persecute each other in turn, or—if there is no persecution except what is wrongly done—it is by no means the physician who persecutes the madman, but the madman who persecutes the physician.
Your savagery, therefore, and most violent boldness through your Circumcellions, the henchmen of your clergy, known to all, had to be curbed by the laws that were enacted against you, and in some way to be bound—at the same time that, being at least admonished by that very terror, you might be willing to consider and amend in what error you were and by what sacrilege you were divided against the unity and peace of Christ; just as Felicianus and Praetextatus, harried by your terrors through the commands of the secular powers—which, with too hard and most perverse heart, Salvius refused—corrected the schism they had made from you and returned to your communion and fellowship. And the whole would be corrected, if by all of you a return were made to the Catholic root.
But whatever was done against you that exceeded the moderation of Christian love is as little to be imputed to the Catholic Church as I would impute to Primianus or Restitutus what the Abitinians did to Salvius. But whereas, after the persecutions you exaggerated—which you said the party of Donatus had endured—being wholly silent about what preceded on your side, and saying many things that are not proven against ours, you added a testimony from the Psalms and said: Was it not said of those who do such things: Their feet are swift to shed blood, and they have not known the way of peace?—these very things, and many others far graver, your bishops said against Felicianus and Praetextatus in that Council of Bagai.
And certainly those men shed the blood of no flesh, made no assault of bodily violence upon you; yet those who said these things against them judged that they were shedding spiritual blood far more wickedly by the sacrilege of schism. Whence, if with those men—after words so grievously and sharply spoken against them—you made peace without any tarnishing of their honor, without any rescinding of baptism, it is not to be despaired of that you might also be able to be reconciled with us.
For the whole Christian world ought to entice you to make peace far more than Praetextatus and Felicianus, since, if those whom you condemned with such atrocity of accusation did not defile you, much less does the unity of so many Christian nations defile you—against which you have not demonstrated the crimes of certain unknown Africans; and greatly does that wickedness defile you, by which you have separated your fellowship from the fellowship of that Church, on whose behalf so many and so great divine testimonies are recited. Against these divine testimonies you dared with human rashness to speak, though you yourself too were somehow compelled by the same force of truth to confess that the whole world is daily being turned to the Christian name.
You dared, I say, to resist the testament of God, though the Apostle says: No one makes void or adds provisions to a man's confirmed testament. To Abraham the promises were spoken, and to his seed. This testament you did not in the least fear to make void, and to superadd to this testament the party of Donatus; and although God says in that same testament to Abraham: So shall your seed be as the stars of heaven and as the sand of the sea, you—making this void and superadding the party of Donatus, for which you recite no testimony—say: In the few is truth often found, and to err belongs to the many.
—not understanding in what sense it was said by the Lord that few enter through the narrow gate, since He also said that many would recline from the east and the west with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and in the Apocalypse there are shown, out of every nation and tribe and tongue, thousands clothed in white, whom no one can number. These are indeed both many in themselves, and yet the same are few in comparison with the far more numerous who are to be punished with the devil. Yet this grain, destined for the divine granaries forever, joined throughout the whole world by the unity of love, endures—whether from the scandals and violence of heretics, or from the inner chaff, as it were, of the many who do not live rightly—the heat and threshing of this present age, to be purged at the final winnowing.
But to all these things nothing answers you more easily than the case of the Maximianists. For if truth is often in the few and to err belongs to the many, allow that the Maximianists, by as much as they are unequal to you in fewness, by so much surpass you in truth. You do not do so: therefore do not glory in your fewness in comparison with the multitude of the Catholic nations, just as you do not wish the Maximianists to glory in their fewness in comparison with your multitude. But as for what you narrate about the African traditors, do you really not know, or do you—in the heart of whatever sort of man—not perceive, in a contest where truth is sought, when proof does not follow, how vain and inept a narration is?
In refuting which I would not spend labor, even if I did not have in the case of the Maximianists so easy a shortcut, without any circumlocution. The Scriptures are sacred: The God of gods, the Lord, has spoken, and has called the earth from the rising of the sun unto its setting: out of Sion is the form of His beauty. To this prophetic testimony the Gospel agrees, where the same Lord says of Himself: It behooved Christ to suffer and to rise from the dead on the third day, and that repentance and remission of sins should be preached in His name among all nations, beginning from Jerusalem. For what was said there—He has called the earth from the rising of the sun unto its setting—this is said here: among all nations; and what was said there:
Out of Sion is the form of His beauty—this is said here: beginning from Jerusalem. For not only did Christ suffer there, but there also He rose again, thence He ascended into heaven, there He filled with the Holy Spirit sent from heaven the hundred and twenty men gathered on the day of Pentecost, there on one day He received three thousand, on another five thousand believers converted into His body; thence into all Judaea and Samaria and into the rest of the nations of the whole world the Church spread itself by bearing fruit, and still spreads. Foretelling this to His disciples, and now about to ascend into heaven, He said: You shall be witnesses to me in Jerusalem and in all Judaea and Samaria, and even to the ends of the earth.
This Church, therefore, beginning from Jerusalem and spreading itself through all nations with such evident fruitfulness that it compels you yourself to confess that by the providence of God the whole world is daily being turned to the Christian name—this Church, I say, which, at the speaking of the Lord God of gods, is called from the rising of the sun unto its setting, could in no way have been polluted by African traditors whom it wholly did not know, if the sacrilegious twigs of Maximianus did not pollute the seed-plots of so many of his colleagues—merely because in ordaining him they did not lay hands upon him—although they praised him after he had been condemned by Primianus, and condemned Primianus, although, being established in his schism, they received a delay within which they might return. Nay, further, because I said:
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traditionemmultoprobabiliusnosuobisobicimus, respondesmehocmodofuisseconfessum, quodeamuosnobisprobabiliterobiecistis. docensetiamregulamlocutionis, quaconparatiuusgradus (quodantepositumestauget, nonquodantedictumestinprobat\', etadiungens, sicut \'bene*et \'melius\', \'male\' et \'peius\', (probabiliter*et (horribilius), itaesse (probabiliter) et \'probabilius*. undetibicolligereuiderisetdicis: siuosprobabilius, nosergoprobabiliter .
We charge you with the tradition far more probably—you answer that I in this way confessed that you charged us with it probably; and you even teach a rule of speech, whereby the comparative degree augments what was placed before, not disproves what was said before, adding that just as 'well' and 'better,' 'badly' and 'worse,' so 'probably' and 'more probably' (and 'horribly' and 'more horribly'). Whence you seem to gather and you say: If we did so more probably, then we did so probably.
On this point I answered you sufficiently—or perhaps more than sufficiently—in its proper place in that more extensive work of three books, and I showed from those writings whence we learned words, how the comparative degree does not always augment what it compares, but sometimes disproves that to which it is compared. Hence: The gods grant better things to the pious; hence: I pray for better auspices. Read carefully, you will yourself find more instances. But do you not marvel, I beseech you, that in this case of the Maximianists—from which I have now determined to answer you on all points—an example even of this manner of speaking was not lacking to me? For in that most brilliant and eloquent sentence of the Council of Bagai:
A more wholesome course was found, they say, lest the pestilential poison creep through all the members, so that by a compendious pain the arisen wound might fall away. Certainly, according to your rule, they ought to have said 'wholesome,' not 'more wholesome'; for that was not wholesome, but pernicious—that the pestilential poison should creep through all the members. The course, therefore, was more wholesome, that by a compendious pain the arisen wound might fall away, although it was not wholesome but, on the contrary, destructive, that the pestilential poison should creep through all the members. Thus we charge you with the tradition more probably, although you charge us with it not probably.
Now as for what I said against Silvanus, your bishop of Cirta—that he was a traditor—the municipal proceedings bear witness, drawn up there at Cirta by Munatius Felix, curator of the commonwealth. For as we read written there, after the library was opened, empty cupboards were found there. There Silvanus produced a small silver casket and a silver lamp, saying that he had found them behind a chest. To him Victor son of Aufidius said: You would have been a dead man, had you not found them. And when Felix the curator had said to him: 'Search more diligently, lest anything remain here,' Silvanus said: Nothing remained here; we threw it all out.
When these proceedings were being recited before the acts of Zenophilus the consular, and were being inserted among many other documents of witnesses, the consular asked: What office was Silvanus then administering in the clergy? Victor answered: When persecution arose under Bishop Paulus, Silvanus was a subdeacon. Against this most evident document of the public proceedings, that it might be less believed, you seem to yourself to set something great in opposition, because you recall the sentence which he pronounced against Caecilianus as though punishing traditors, and you argue that it could not have happened that he was a traditor who stood forth as so severe an avenger of the tradition:
—as though anything more severe seemed to those most wicked elders, when they raged with such insistence to have Susanna put to death, while their own conscience was pierced by the very crime which they pretended they wished to punish in her. But let us pass over such things. What of Felicianus? Does he not now, together with Primianus, condemn what he himself committed together with Maximianus—but plainly by a better verdict more corrected, not more shameless?
If Silvanus had been willing to do this, he would have condemned by a wholesome amendment not a false tradition in Caecilianus, but a true one in himself, and would have passed over to the innocence of Caecilianus, even if not as a bishop, yet with his perversity corrected—just as Felicianus was able to pass over to Primianus (whom, like the other with Caecilianus, he had condemned as innocent) without stain either to Primianus or to himself, and even with episcopal honor. Nor should you take what I said—that certain unknown traditors, whom your forebears reproached, ought (if they truly reproached them) to have been convicted—as though they ought to have done this among themselves. For thus you answer that they did do it, and therefore judged that our people had lost their baptism.
Read first carefully that against which you write, and either understand what is said or do not turn what you understand into something else. I said that not among your people, but before the Churches beyond the sea—to whom those men who were reproached by your people seemed innocent—they ought to have been convicted. For the Maximianists too seem to themselves to have condemned Primianus as convicted, but not before those who, being placed farther off and more removed from favor or ill-will, could bring against him such a judgment as would easily be proved to the whole party of Donatus. But now a hundred condemned him, and left him to be absolved by more than three hundred, among whom they themselves would run the risk of condemnation.
For to those so many they ought to have persuaded their verdict, so that they themselves might be within with them, while Primianus was without, if being condemned he had spurned repentance. But if they could not persuade so much greater a number of colleagues, and so many churches of their communion spread throughout all Africa, then either they should by sounder counsel have rescinded their own verdict, in which, as men, they could be mistaken about a man, or, if they had without any doubt learned his true crimes—which nevertheless they were unable to persuade to so many others—they should more prudently and patiently have tolerated a guilty man whom they knew, rather than separate themselves by an impious schism from so many innocent men who were ignorant of these things.
For they would have held to that most full sentence of blessed Cyprian, full of charity and piety, in which he says: For although tares seem to be in the Church, yet our faith or charity ought not to be hindered, so that, because we perceive tares to be in the Church, we ourselves should withdraw from the Church. Which indeed would then have profited them, if, being themselves purged within the bosom of the Catholic Church, they had tolerated the refuse which they could not separate before the time. But what we say those men ought to have done in this fellowship of your error—which you suppose to be the true Church—this your forebears ought to have done in that manifestly true Church, in whose unity they were, lest they be separated from it. For just as any man of your party, wholly ignorant of the case of Primianus, nevertheless—
although he was condemned by a hundred Maximianists, simply believes him innocent, since he has proved himself to so many more—so too in the Catholic communion, one from whom the case of Caecilianus lies hidden is, not without reason, persuaded that he was innocent who was able, not only throughout Africa but even through the lands of so many Christian nations, either to become known as innocent to so many more bishops, or to remain hidden as guilty—among whom he either deserved to be absolved by one who recognized his cause, or did not deserve to be condemned by one ignorant of it, or, absolved by a corrupt judge contrary to his desert, could not be shown to be so to others who had not judged.
You therefore, by a sacrilegious separation, are cut off from the unity of so many and such great innocent peoples—who, since they could not be judges in this case, either did not know that there had been any judges in it, or whether anything at all, or what, had been judged in it, or trusted the chosen judges rather than the defeated litigants. Hence it is taught, even in that which, out of that fourfold distribution of mine, you chose as the last option—for neither could you choose otherwise—how easily you are overcome. For I said that if documents of the crimes of tradition were produced on both sides, either both are true, or both false, or ours true and yours false, or ours false and yours true.
And when in the three former cases I had demonstrated our victory to be most easy, in the fourth also you either understood less that you were defeated, or—which I rather believe—lest it be understood by others, you thought you must dispute, under I know not what shadowy pretexts, about the kind of argumentation, seeking to cover it over; whence, if there be need, we shall perhaps treat with you elsewhere, lest we now spend time on unnecessary matters. Accordingly, attend whether I am able, in that clear mirror of yours—that is, in the case of the Maximianists—to demonstrate even this. For, all being dead by whom and before whom these proceedings were done, it may sometime come to pass that between your people and their descendants a question of communion be stirred up.
Those men will say that Primianus was condemned by their forebears—about a hundred bishops or more—and will produce that sentence which was first drawn up against him at Carthage, and then another at Cebarsussi; against them your people will recite the Council of Bagai. Those men will demand that it be proved to them that the crimes of Primianus, contained in the sentence of their forebears, were dispelled. Will not your people say far more justly: These crimes which you cast against one already dead—if they be true, prove this: that you laid them before our forebears, that you showed them these to be true?
But if you attempted to do this and could not accomplish it, alien crimes—however true—which had not been demonstrated to them, could not defile our forebears themselves; how much less, if you did not even attempt to show them! Whence, then, could the guilt of that case pass over to us, which, being unknown and unproven, did not implicate even those who were then living together with Primianus?
We therefore convict you, by manifest truth, as guilty of schism—you whom we see separated from us, your brethren, on account of alien crimes which were not then demonstrated to our forebears when they ought to have been demonstrated.' If the common people and clergy of those places—out of which came the three hundred and ten who established the Council of Bagai against the Maximianists—are going to say this most justly; if, I say, Africans are rightly going to say this to Africans, Numidians and Moors very many to a few Byzacenes and provincials, how much more justly does the whole world say this to the Africans concerning the crimes—even if they were true—of certain unknown traditors in Africa, especially since even in Africa itself the Catholic Church is so great, joined to the rest of the nations by the bond of unity!
which nonetheless cries out: 'The documents even of alien crimes, which you now try to show me, do not make guilty the peoples of the nations, to whom, when they ought to have been, they were not demonstrated—either because you could not, or because you did not care to. From which peoples, innocent in this case, if I dissociate myself for the sake of alien crimes, I shall not be able to be innocent of the sacrilegious crime of schism. Accordingly, may you fare very well, and now teach me that these things are true: We condemn dead traditors, we do not desert living innocent men.' When therefore I had said:
But if your documents were in any way true, you ought to have proved them to the Church—that is, to the Catholic Church—so that you might be within, while those whom you convicted would be driven outside—what is it that you wished to answer: that the separation was made because we were driven outside, whereas your people remained in the full and Catholic Church?
If the Maximianists say this to you in just as many words, what will you answer, except that they are not even worthy to be refuted, but only to be laughed at—those who dare to affirm a full Church, with bishops now fewer than a hundred, against so great a number and multitude over whom more than three hundred preside—since throughout all the regions of Africa where the Maximianists are, the communion of Primianus is likewise not lacking, whereas through the other far more numerous and wider parts of Africa no one finds a single Maximianist, except perhaps with difficulty one passing through as a traveler?
With what face, therefore, do you dare—against the Church promised and rendered by the voice of truth from the rising of the sun unto its setting—to call the party of Donatus the full Church, since it is nothing but of Africa, while that Church exists together with so many nations and also with Africa? 'But of course this one cast that one outside.' Do not, I beseech you, utter this saying outside: the forehead is on the face of a man, not under his armpit. Has this one, then, cast that one outside? Do you not see that, if that one be cast outside—she of whom God says to Abraham: In your seed all nations shall be blessed; she of whom it is foretold in Scripture that in the last days the mountain of the Lord shall be made manifest and all nations shall come to it; she of whom it is foretold in song:
All the ends of the earth shall remember and turn to the Lord, and all the families of the nations shall worship in His sight; of whom it is preached that in the whole world she bears fruit and grows, whom the Lord Himself says is spread abroad among all nations, beginning from Jerusalem—do you not, I say, see that, if she be cast outside, she is cast outside together with the law of God, with the prophets, with the psalms, with the apostles, with the Gospel itself, in short with the whole testament, and with the very Heir? If you consider this monstrous wickedness, if you shudder at it, if you tremble, see where you are and return within, since you did not cast others out, but you rather have gone outside yourselves. See what animated blindness does. It is said that Maximianus cast Primianus outside, and it is laughed at;
It is said that the party of Donatus has cast out the labours of the apostles, which bear fruit and increase throughout the whole world, and one does not shudder at it. Take care that you are neither deceived nor deceive, since — with regard to that which I have so often called to mind — you, either not noticing it or pretending that you did not notice, assert that I said that they are not the Lord's grain. But the Catholic Church, which I have defended in just such a way as the divine Scripture defends it, I have maintained thus: the grain alone is stored away in the barn, but now the Church is threshed like a threshing-floor together with the chaff. This is what presses and burdens you, and unless you are corrected it destroys you, because you are the chaff of this floor;
and you have shown yourselves to be what you have declared you could not tolerate, and you have shamelessly pretended to be purged grain, and so, turbulent with empty slanders, you have gone out from that very floor before the final time of winnowing, like the lightest dust of the threshing carried off through the void. That most arrogant and most false saying, moreover, is yours, not ours: 'What has chaff to do with the grain?' What Jeremiah said concerning the dreams of the vain and the revelations of the prophets, Parmenian writes as if it had been said about us and you. Ask Maximian too; he will say nothing else about himself.
For there is no other swelling of impious pride among all who cut themselves off from the unity of Christ than to boast that they alone are Christians and to condemn all others — not only those to whom their dispute is known, but even those to whom not even their name has been heard. Now as for that which you thought you were saying so elegantly: when I had said concerning the testament of God, 'Let it now be read out, produced from whatever source,' you thought it should be answered that this already contains a confession of the crime, and that I therefore said, 'Let it be read out, produced from whomever it may be,' because it is established in my view both that it was burned by our people and preserved and produced by yours.
But indeed, if, trusting in the truth, you were willing to have the codex of the law produced by Maximian, so that from it you might read out Dathan, Korah, and Abiram, who were swallowed up alive when the earth gaped open — to whom the sentence of the bishop of Bagai likened this man — would it not be read against him all the more firmly, precisely because it is found in his codex? Therefore, when I said, 'Let the testament be read out, produced from whatever source,' this is not a confession of a crime, but confidence in the truth. For what is more advantageous, what more excellent, than that, if it can be done, what is read against you should be produced by you? Not that I do not have it on my side, but the refutation is easier and surer if you should hold against yourself that which, if you are corrected, becomes something in your favour.
But since it pleased you to repeat empty things against the universality of the Church, here too I answer you. Just as in Africa you are the party of Donatus, from which it is evident that the party of Maximian has made a schism — since it does not exist throughout the whole of Africa where you are, whereas you are not absent even in the regions where that party is (for other schisms too have been made out of you, such as the Rogatists in Mauretania Caesariensis, the Urbanists in a certain corner of Numidia, and several others, but where they have been cut off, there they have remained);
and from this it stands out that they went out from you, not you from them, because you also are in those lands where they are, whereas they, wherever you are, are found only, perhaps, as sojourners — so likewise the Catholic Church, which, as Cyprian says, extends its branches over the whole earth in the abundance of its fruitfulness, everywhere endures the scandals of those who are cut off from it chiefly by the vice of pride, some here, some elsewhere and elsewhere still, who, parading their own parties, say, 'Behold, here is Christ, behold, there' — against whom He Himself forewarned that they should not be believed. For they do not point out the way concerning which it was prophesied in the Psalms:
'that we may know Your way upon the earth, Your salvation among all the nations' — but rather they point to the regions of their own communion, 'behold, here, behold, there.' For where they fall, there they remain, and where they are separated, there they wither. Whence the very Church from which they are cut off is extended even into those lands where those fragments lie, each in its own region; but in those single regions, wherever it is stretched out, they do not exist — although sometimes the wind of pride scatters, into foreign parts, a very few most sparse leaves from their dryness. This Church, therefore, which — to use again the same man's very words — extends its branches over the whole earth in the abundance of its fruitfulness, is destined, as it grows, to reach even many barbarous nations beyond the Roman world.
This, I think, you have both inquired into and discovered, so as to say: 'I pass over the peculiar religions of the barbarous nations, the rites of the Persians, the stars of the Chaldeans, the superstitions of the Egyptians, the gods of the magi — so that all these may be as nothing, since by the providence of God the whole world is daily being turned to the Christian name.' These things you said truly, and thus is fulfilled the promise that was spoken to Abraham: 'In your seed shall all the nations be blessed.' 'All the nations,' He says; He did not say, 'all the men of all the nations.' Whence it is necessary that not only by the fecundity of the growing Church, but also by the intermingled multitude of its enemies — through whom its piety may be exercised and proved — the whole world should be filled, right up to the end of the judicial separation.
So was this testament called to mind also to his son Isaac, when the Lord said: 'And I will establish My oath which I swore to Abraham your father, and I will multiply your seed like the stars of heaven, and I will give to you and to your seed all the land, and in your seed shall all the nations of the earth be blessed'; so also to his grandson Jacob: 'And your seed shall be as the sand of the earth, and it shall be spread abroad over the sea and to the south and to the north and to the east, and in you shall all the tribes of the earth be blessed.' (When Scripture generally says 'over the sea,' the one who reads knows that the western part is customarily signified.) If you had been willing to consent to this testament when it was produced, you would not have remained in the south alone.
Therefore, as you say, the Novatians, Arians, Patripassians, Valentinians, Anthropians, Apellians, Marcionites, Ophites, and the rest — to use your own words — the sacrilegious names of nefarious plagues rather than of sects, do not commune with us. Yet wherever these are, there also is the Catholic Church, just as in Africa where you too are; but it is not the case that wherever the Catholic Church is, there either you are or any one of those heresies is. Whence it is evident which is the tree that extends its branches over the whole earth in the abundance of its fruitfulness, and which are the broken branches, not having the life of the root and lying and withering each in its own place. But if they do not remain in unbelief, as the Apostle says concerning the Israelites, they shall be grafted in;
for God is able to graft them in again — not that they should receive again the sacrament of baptism, which, once drawn from the tree, they did not change, but that they should come to life again by that root of love and unity, from which, being separated, they wither in the barrenness of animosity; just as, in turn, you thought Praetextatus and Felician ought to be grafted in again, whom Maximian had cut off along with himself, and you did not reject the baptism of those cut off. To whom you would truly bestow something, if you were to restore, not to your fragment, but both yourselves and them, to the Catholic root. But now, what shall I answer to this: that I seemed to you to have said on your behalf that, since I said baptism does not profit those who depart from unity, it is nevertheless proved to be in them from the fact that it is not restored to them when they return?
For you have confirmed that you too say this: that baptism, which our forefathers had received there, did not profit them when they did not return to the Church. If you were to say this, nothing else would be sought between us except which is the Church where baptism profits. But you do not say that baptism exists in us and does not profit; rather you say that it does not exist at all, that which we received from those who, by departing, had lost it. Whence you were not able, nor will you be able, to answer that which was put by me: that baptism is proved to be in those who depart from here from the fact that it is not restored to those who return. For if Felician had lost baptism by withdrawing from you, why was he not baptized anew on returning, so that what he had lost might be restored to him?
Maximian himself, finally, if he should return to you, is not baptized — which he certainly ought to be, if he had lost baptism. For it is your own words that in his schism, being held by the sentence of condemnation, they lost both baptism and the Church at once. As therefore, when they return, the Church is restored to them, let baptism also be restored; let them be baptized, I say, on returning, if they lost baptism on departing. Since you do not do this, you too confess that in those who depart from the Church baptism is present and does not profit. They give, therefore, as they have — that is, so that even in those who receive from them outside the Church, baptism is present, yet does not profit.
Whence, just as to those returning there is not restored what they did not lose, so also to those there is not to be given what they had received; but one must deal with them so that, through the Church, that may profit both parties which outside the Church was able to be present but not to profit. And by this I neither said anything in favour of your error, nor did you answer what I said. You add also something about the enclosed garden and the sealed fountain, from what source it was said you do not at all understand. 'If,' you say, 'the garden is enclosed and the fountain sealed, how can one who is placed outside, without, and separated from the garden — that is, the Church — and from its fountain — that is, baptism — give what he does not have?'
Ask Felician whether he was in the enclosed garden, when the door of a delay of return was being opened to him, as if to the same enclosed garden. Or did he perhaps steal from there the fountain, where in the schism of Maximian he baptized his laymen? And if it is so, where then did your people wash their own? Or did they equally put them off by that same delay, until those thieves should return to the garden with the fountain? Were those men not then pseudo-prophets, when by lying about the crimes of Primian they led those deceived over to their own sacrilege — ravening wolves, when they dragged those seduced from the flock of Primian to the fragments of their own severance? You deny those tyrannical dominations of your people on other men's estates that I spoke of, and the bacchanals of drunkenness: deny it as much as you can;
I do not fear that on this account you will be loath to be reconciled with us. I have not said against you any such thing as the condemned Maximianists deserved to hear from you. You deny the frenzy of the Circumcellions and the sacrilegious and profane worship of corpses of those who threw themselves down of their own accord; yet you do not deny that, when the shores were full — very much after the manner of the Egyptians — of the corpses of the perishing, for whom in death itself there is a greater punishment, that they did not even find burial, you clung to those unburied corpses. For there lay Praetextatus and Felician; or if they came to life again among you, what do you do about the baptism which the dead then handed over?
You say that I have not kept the peace and gentleness which I had promised at the beginning of my letter, in that I called Petilian a Satan. I compared to Satan not Petilian, nor any man in the party of Donatus, but the very error of the party of Donatus, from whose snares I desire that the men whom I love be delivered. For read more carefully, and you will find it so. And yet, even if I said something rather harsh, read what things you yourselves have said, not against the error of the Maximianists, but against the men themselves. Let Petilian therefore imitate Felician and not be angry at me who desire peace. As for you yourself, certainly I am not indignant that you thought the Manichees should be objected to me obliquely, on account of the error of my youth.
Whence I grieve not so much over my past unhappiness as I rejoice over the perpetual glory of my Deliverer. And yet, if it please you, I advise you to seek out and read what things, and how great, and in what manner I have written against the most pestilent heresy of the Manichees.
There you will see with what faith I have defended the Christian truth against them, and with what clarity I have demolished their deceits; and do not be incredulous towards me, since you believe that Felician faithfully clung to Primian — Felician who, on Maximian's behalf, pronounced so many crimes against him in a sentence of condemnation, and who, against that same Maximian, once separated from him, perhaps wrote something. Whereas I did not fall in upon those men as a young layman and catechumen — as you say I did — but an old man, a bishop, had made an old man, a bishop, the adversary of him to whom he is now joined.
Whence, since I shall read that the letter of our primate — because you had made mention of it under the same veiled indirection with which he, in anger, wrote about me, when in the council of bishops he was pressed to prove what he had aimed at — was condemned by the sentence of that very man correcting himself and asking pardon for this matter: do you seek whether you can read where Felician, corrected, condemned the things which, not accusing but condemning, he said against Primian; or at least whether Primian himself annulled the things which, condemning, he said against Felician.
But if you should find this, not even so will the case be equal, because he had instituted an accusation which, seeing clearly that it was false, he condemned with a request for pardon — not spurning the humility of amendment by reason of the dignity of the primacy, but rather, prudent, recalling that which is written: 'The greater you are, the more humble yourself in all things, and you shall find grace before God'; whereas these men had not accused one another before others, but had sat as judges against one another. Accordingly they condemned one another, and, being condemned, they came to agreement. We do not envy the party of Donatus the peace of the condemned, if only they do not spurn the peace of Christ in the world. You now perceive, I think, how vainly you said that you seemed to yourself to have answered all the things which my letter contains.
For if you answered on this account, because you were unwilling to be silent, then not indeed to everything, but nevertheless you answered. But if you answered to this end, that you might do away with the things said by me, I see indeed that you have answered to many things, but I see that you have refuted nothing. When all the things said by me have been considered, I think you would most easily understand that it is not from a desire to avoid contention — which does not exist when truth is sought, nor is there any strife for empty glory — but from distrust in a bad cause that your people are unwilling to confer with us. For if we bring forward into the open this one cause of the Maximianists alone, perhaps now at least you already recognize that nothing can be contradicted.
Whence, not being arrogant — as you believe or slanderously charge — I wished to commend this cause as though it were an invincible eloquence; rather, that those who read might behold that the cause is such that, for asserting or rather demonstrating it, the patronage of no eloquence need be sought. Behold, now I do not call your error a three-headed beast, since you are a most refined corrector of words, but I say 'a three-part calumny'; nor do I say that we ought to resist it as with a three-pronged weapon out of this Maximianist cause, but I say 'with a three-part defence'; nor do I say 'fix them in the forehead or hem them in at the mouth,' but I say 'restrain their impudence and repress their speech.' Surely, because the words have been changed and turned from figurative into proper —
the Maximianist cause has therefore been changed, by whose brevity you are so overcome that, if you ever come to your senses, nothing remains for you except, having ended your stubborn animosity, to be reconciled? If the question is about communion — not with other men's sins, but with the divine sacraments — communion was held with the condemned, and it was said of other sacrilegious men, who were communing with the condemned Maximian, that the sacrilegious shoots did not pollute the plantings; if it is about persecution, you have persecuted the condemned, you have corrected the obstinate by persecutions; if it is about baptism, you have received baptism given in a sacrilegious schism: why still, so that the truth may not be known and error may not be fled, are divine testimonies, not understood, brought forward? It is written:
'If any man thinks himself to be contentious, we have no such custom.' But not even Restitutus — who fought with Salvius of Membressa, in forensic uproar and controversy, over cells and small plots of land, in order to expel him from the premises — was reckoned contentious by you; how much less ought he to be thought contentious who argues faithfully, not for usurping or carrying off an inheritance, but for sharing the inheritance of heavenly things with those who think otherwise! 'It is written,' you say, 'Speak nothing in the ears of a fool, lest he deride your sensible words.'
Do not speak to us in the ears, as though in secret, if you do not think us prudent — just as Christ did not speak in the ears of the Pharisees, yet nevertheless brought forth, in their very hearing, what was meant to refute them. Show us openly, so that, if we are not corrected, we may be convicted, how the Christian world defiles you — you who come to unity — whom the condemned Felician does not defile. It is written: 'Do not answer a fool according to his folly, lest you become like him.' Does it not there follow: 'But answer him against his folly, lest he seem wise to himself'? Do this too; do not, by your answer, consent to what you consider our folly, but answer with that whereby it may be refuted.
Answer, I say, how you have received, without any destruction of it, the baptism which the Maximianists administered in a sacrilegious schism, and yet destroy the baptism given in the churches which Christ propagated through the apostles. Accordingly, since at the end of your letter you thought that all the things said by you above at greater length should be briefly run through, in order to refresh the reader's memory, receive them in the same order — in a way in which you ought to deceive neither yourself nor others. For it belongs not to arrogance either to seek or to assert the truth; and what you think could never have been settled has not only been settled by the prudent and God-fearing, but you yourselves, by receiving the Maximianists, have brought to an end the whole matter which you thought was without end.
And we call you not to contention but to a conference — you who have struck down the Maximianists even by forensic suits, and who, in those who were baptized in the schism of Maximian, although they ought by no means to have been baptized there, nevertheless acknowledged the baptism of Christ; and you have declared that the fountain of the Church must be understood otherwise — that fountain to which none but the good draws near — by accepting the baptism which sacrilegious men had given outside.
And you are compelled to confess that our forefathers, or the holy Church which we hold, could not have been polluted by the alien crimes of incense-offering and of handing over the Scriptures — although these were never proved by you — you who said that the sacrilegious shoots of Maximian did not pollute the plantings of the associates of Maximian, to whom you were granting a delay for returning. Whence we, born so long afterward, can much less belong to that same origin of traitors and incense-offerers, if at that time it could not defile the fellowship of our forefathers, who were living together in like manner.
And although you are wont to object to us persecutions most savage against the truth, nevertheless you in some part corrected the Maximianists by persecutions, and received them — although the delay was granted while they themselves were not yet condemned — nevertheless after the term of that delay; and the baptism which they had given outside your communion to those to whom you were opening the door of a delay for returning, you did not rescind even after that same delay, once it was recognized and approved.
Wherefore, since you see that nothing could be said by you which this one cause of the Maximianists does not refute and convict, grant pardon if perhaps by some word too harshly uttered I have offended you; and if you, an African in Africa, admonished by my letters, have so late inquired into the great cause of the Maximianists that arose in the very capital of Africa, and, having inquired, could not find it because your people narrate falsely — as you now perceive — then fear God: do not, with the unknown crimes of unknown Africans, drench so many Christian nations spread through the world in so wide a Christian unity; and for the peace of Christ return to the Church, which has not condemned the unknown, if for the peace of Donatus it seemed good to recall the condemned. (P. 162, 4 ED. KNOELL).
TO CRESCONIUS THE GRAMMARIAN OF THE PARTY OF DONATUS, FOUR BOOKS. A certain Donatist grammarian, Cresconius, when he had come upon my letter, by which I had refuted the first parts of Petilian's letter that had then come into our hands, thought that he had to reply to me, and wrote this very thing to me. To this work of his I replied in four books, in such a way, indeed, that I might carry through in three what the whole reply demanded.
But when I saw that from the sole cause of the Maximianists — whom they condemned as their own schismatics, and some of whom they afterward received back into their own honours, and whose baptism, given outside their communion, they did not repeat — a reply could be made to all the things he wrote, I added even a fourth book, in which I showed that very point as diligently and evidently as I could. Now when I wrote these four books, the emperor Honorius had already issued laws against the Donatists. This work begins thus: 'Being ignorant, Cresconius, when my writings could reach you.'