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In Defence of the Three Chapters 39

Latin original · 22 verses · some words can be tapped for a gloss

← ch. 38ch. 40 →
39:1
Quod Ibas de Cyrilli capitulis male suspisatus sit, tanti synodo visum non fuisse, ut propterea ejus epistolam condemnandam censeret. Solum ergo est, quod cum malitiosis et obstinatis accusatoribus venerabilis Ibæ iu ejus epistola criminari possint hæretici, vel fautores eorum, quia de beato Cyrillo, sicut alii quoque plurimi, aliter quam res habuit aestimaverit. Quamvis et in hoc malitiosiores et obstinatiores isti probentur, qui hominis de bomine ignorantiam ad hæresis crimen trahunt: quia hoc post concitii sententiam faciunt, quod illi ante fecerunt; nec patiuntur antiquitus refutatas antiquari calumnias; sed olim suis auctoribus sepultas rediviva contentione resuscilant.
That Ibas held an ill suspicion concerning Cyril's chapters did not seem to the Synod a reason on account of which it should judge his letter deserving of condemnation. This alone, then, remains—that, together with the malicious and obstinate accusers of the venerable Ibas, the heretics or their abettors may find fault in his letter, because concerning the blessed Cyril he reckoned otherwise than the matter stood, as did many others also. Although in this too these men are proved the more malicious and obstinate, who drag a man's ignorance of a man into the charge of heresy: because they do this after the sentence of the Council, which those others did before it; nor do they suffer calumnies long ago refuted to grow old, but revive in renewed contention those once buried with their authors.
伊巴斯對區利羅的條款持有惡意的猜疑,在會議看來並不構成足以判定其書信當被定罪的理由。如此,所餘下的只有一事:異端者或其黨羽,可以同那可敬伊巴斯惡毒而頑固的控告者一起,在他的信中找錯處,因為他對有福的區利羅,正如其他許多人一樣,所估量的與事實不符。然而在此事上,這些人也被證明更為惡毒、更為頑固,因他們把一個人對另一個人的無知,硬拉扯成異端之罪:因他們在會議判決之後行此事,而那些人卻在會議之前行;他們既不容那早已被駁倒的誣告漸歸陳舊,反倒以重新挑起的爭競,使那些早與其倡導者一同被埋葬之事死灰復燃。
39:2
Verum de hac ignorantia, per quam memoratus reverentissimus Ibas cum tot provinciarum episcopis fallebatur in persona beati Cyrilli, multa jam dicta sunt, et plus quam sufficiebat ostensum est quod hæreticum res ista non faciat. Sed quia nonnullos videmus in suis remissiores, in alienis vehementiores esse peccatis, suamque sanctitalem in exaggerandis proximorum offensionibus ostentare, illam quoque removeamus invidiam, qua graviter conqueruntur, dicentes in his capitulis non tam beatum Cyrillum quam synodum Ephesinam quæ illa jam receperat, fuisse culpatam: nec posse approbari hanc epistolam, nisi eadem synodus improbetur.
But concerning this ignorance, through which the said most reverend Ibas, together with the bishops of so many provinces, was deceived as to the person of the blessed Cyril, much has already been said, and it has been shown more than sufficiently that this matter does not make a man a heretic. But because we see that some are more lenient in their own sins and more vehement in others', and parade their own sanctity in exaggerating the offenses of their neighbors, let us also remove that odious charge by which they grievously complain, saying that in these chapters it was not so much the blessed Cyril as the Synod of Ephesus, which had already received them, that was faulted; and that this letter cannot be approved unless that same Synod be disapproved.
然而關於這無知——前述至可敬的伊巴斯偕同如此眾多省份的主教,藉此在有福區利羅的位格上受了蒙蔽——我們已說得不少,並已綽綽有餘地表明:此事並不使人成為異端。但因我們看見有些人對自己的罪較為寬縱,對別人的罪卻較為激烈,並藉誇大鄰舍的過犯來炫耀自己的聖潔,所以讓我們也除去他們那令人不滿的指控;他們嚴詞抱怨說:在這些條款中受責備的,與其說是有福的區利羅,不如說是早已接納這些條款的以弗所會議;又說:除非那同一會議受否定,否則這封信不能得到認可。
39:3
Hinc volentes efficere, ut magnum Chalcedonense concilium, quod illam judicavit orthodoxam, ipsius Ephesinæ synodi videatur impugnare decreta. At ego dico, quia propterea magis sæpe dictam epistolam pronuntiavit orthodoxam, quoniam vidit eam secundum ipsius Ephesinæ synodi decreta confessam unum Filium Dominum Jesum Christum in duabus esse naturis.
Hereby they wish to effect that the great Council of Chalcedon, which judged that letter orthodox, may seem to impugn the decrees of the very Synod of Ephesus. But I say that for this very reason it the more often pronounced the said letter orthodox, namely because it saw that, in accordance with the decrees of the Synod of Ephesus itself, it confessed the one Son, the Lord Jesus Christ, to be in two natures.
他們由此想造成這樣的局面:使那判定此信為正統的偉大加爾西頓會議,顯得像是在攻擊以弗所會議本身的諭令。但我卻說:加爾西頓會議正是因此緣故,才更頻頻地宣告這屢被提及的書信為正統的,因為它看出:這信乃是按以弗所會議自身的諭令,告白那獨一的聖子、主耶穌基督存於二性之中。
39:4
Unde prudenter cognovit quod hoc solum conscriptor ejus, cum Orientalibus et aliarum proviociarum episcopis, in omnibus quæ illicacta sunt non intellexerit quomodo capitula beati Cyrilli juste receperit, in quibus ab eis putabatur quia sic dixerat Deum Verbum hominem factuæ, ut auferret differentiam naturarum, et unam perhiberet esse naturam deitatis et humanitatis Domini nostri Jesu Christi, quod omnis catholicus exsecratur.
Whence it prudently recognized that its writer alone, together with the Eastern bishops and those of the other provinces, in all that was there done, failed to understand how he might justly receive the chapters of the blessed Cyril, in which it was thought by them that he had so said that God the Word became man as to take away the difference of the natures and to declare there to be one nature of the deity and the humanity of our Lord Jesus Christ—which every catholic abhors.
由此它明智地認出:唯獨那信的撰寫者,偕同東方諸主教及他省的主教,在那裡所行的一切事上,未能明白他當如何正當地接納有福區利羅的條款——他們以為這些條款是這樣說:上帝之道成為人,乃是要除去二性的分別,並主張我們主耶穌基督的神性與人性只有一個性——這乃是凡大公信徒所憎惡的。
39:5
Cognoscens autem magna synodus Chalcedonensis, illorum capitulorum intentionem quam diligenter a praesente beato Cyrillosynodus Ephesina didieerat, Ibam atque alios tanquam absentes, sicut exitus causae docuit, ignorasse, nihil differre judicavit, quod in iisdem capitulis, sicut beati Cyrilli dicentis, ita etiam sanctæ synodi Ep! esinæ probantis, intentionem minus intellexerant: cum utrorumque fides eadem fuisset, qua simulomnes ita credebant Deum Verbum hominem factum, ut in una Christi persona maneret duarum differentia naturarum. In hoc quippc nulla partis aherutrae fuit ignorantia, nulla dissensio.
But the great Synod of Chalcedon, knowing the intent of those chapters—which the Synod of Ephesus had diligently learned from the blessed Cyril when present, while Ibas and others, as absent, had, as the outcome of the case showed, remained ignorant of it—judged it to make no difference that in those same chapters they had failed to understand the intent, alike of the blessed Cyril who spoke them and of the holy Synod of Ephesus which approved them: since the faith of both was the same, by which all alike believed that God the Word became man in such wise that in the one person of Christ the difference of the two natures should remain. In this, indeed, there was no ignorance on either side, no dissension.
但偉大的加爾西頓會議既知道那些條款的意圖——這意圖是以弗所會議從在場的有福區利羅那裡殷勤學得的,而伊巴斯及其他人,作為缺席者,正如此案的結局所顯示,對此仍懵然不知——便判定:在那同一些條款上,他們既未領會其意圖,無論是說此話的有福區利羅之意圖,還是認可此條款之聖以弗所會議之意圖,這都無關緊要:因為雙方的信仰是同一的,藉此信仰眾人都同樣相信上帝之道成為人,乃是這樣:在基督的一個位格中,二性的分別得以存留。在這一點上,雙方都並無無知,並無分歧。
39:6
Etsi altera pars de altera vel invicem de se aliter crediderunt, quod ad hæresim non pertinet; de Christiana tamen fide eadem fuit partis utriusque sententia. Si quis autem dicit quod Ibas atque Orientales et aliarum provinciarum episcopi ( una quippe horum omnium causa est), etiam in his quae non intelligebant, auctoritatem Ephesini concilii sequi debuerint: ipse quoque primum considerare debet quod etiam synodos Chalcedonensis considerasse credenda est, quoniam tantis dissentientibus, qui moniti fuerant simul in ipsum concilium convenire, non tanta illo tempore quanta nunc est, ejus esse posset aucloritas, cum necdum etiam judicio magnae Chalcedonensis synodi firmaretur.
And even if the one party believed otherwise concerning the other, or each concerning the other—which does not pertain to heresy—yet concerning the Christian faith the opinion of both parties was the same. But if anyone says that Ibas and the Easterns and the bishops of the other provinces (for the case of all these is one) ought, even in those things which they did not understand, to have followed the authority of the Council of Ephesus, he himself ought first to consider that the Synod of Chalcedon too is to be believed to have considered this: that, with so many dissenting who had been admonished to assemble together in that very Council, the authority of the Ephesine Council could not at that time be as great as it now is, since it was not yet confirmed by the judgment of the great Synod of Chalcedon.
並且,縱使一方對另一方、或彼此互相有不同的相信——這也不關乎異端——但關乎基督信仰,雙方的見解卻是同一的。然而若有人說:伊巴斯與東方諸主教及他省的主教(因這眾人的情形原是一個),即便在他們所不明白之事上,也理當順從以弗所會議的權威;那麼他自己首先就當思想:加爾西頓會議想必也曾如此思想過,即:當有如此眾多曾受勸告當一同聚於那會議之人持異議時,以弗所會議的權威在那時尚不能像如今這麼大,因它那時尚未藉偉大的加爾西頓會議之判斷得堅立。
39:7
Nam et ipsa multum roboris ad auctoritatem addit antiquitas. Deinde quis cujuscunque temeritatis ac profanationis esse dicitur, quod ea beatus Cyrillus non jam propria, sed totius Ephesinæ synodi, cujus fuerant auctoritate firmata, pro ipsorum Orientalium voluntate ausus est retractare; et si Nestorianæ haeresi deputetur quod orientales cum aliarum proviuciarum episcopis, capitulorum cjus intentionem minime intelligentes, crediderunt quod ea non debuisset synodus Ephesina suscipere;
For antiquity itself also adds much strength to authority. Next, of what rashness and profanation is he said to be, in that the blessed Cyril dared, for the sake of the Easterns' wishes, to retract those things which were now not his own but of the whole Synod of Ephesus, by whose authority they had been confirmed? And if it be imputed to the Nestorian heresy that the Easterns, together with the bishops of the other provinces, not understanding the intent of his chapters in the least, believed that the Synod of Ephesus ought not to have received them—
因為古遠本身也為權威增添了許多力量。其次,論到有福的區利羅,竟敢為著東方諸主教的意願,去收回那些如今已非他自己、乃是屬於整個以弗所會議(這些條款原是憑該會議的權威得堅立的)之事,又有誰能說他是何等的鹵莽與褻瀆呢?並且,若把這歸為聶斯托留派的異端——即東方諸主教偕同他省的主教,因絲毫不明白他條款的意圖,便相信以弗所會議本不當接納這些條款——
39:8
eidem Nestorianae baeresi beatus Cyrillus commmunicasse dicetur, cum ipsis Orientalibus, ita de suis capitulis, quorum retractationcm exegerunt, et Ephesina synodo aestimantibus, communicavit, et eorum confes-ioni subscripsit. Nam si haec existimatio tanti penditur, ut haeresis judicetur, in nullo inclinari eisdem Orientalibus, sed potius ipsos cogere Cyrillus debuit, ut etiam in hi.; quæ minus intelligebant, synodi se auctoritati subjicerent, suamque prassumpt onem per quam promulgato decreto capitula memorata damnaverant, similiter publice, et in monumentum posteritatis, scriptis allegata confessione damuarent:
then the blessed Cyril will be said to have communicated with that same Nestorian heresy, since with the Easterns themselves, who thus reckoned concerning his chapters (whose retraction they demanded) and concerning the Synod of Ephesus, he communicated and subscribed to their confession. For if this opinion is weighed so heavily as to be judged heresy, Cyril ought in no way to have yielded to those same Easterns, but rather to have compelled them, so that even in those things which they less understood they should subject themselves to the authority of the Synod, and should likewise publicly, and as a monument to posterity, condemn by an alleged written confession their own presumption, by which, through a promulgated decree, they had condemned the said chapters;
那麼有福的區利羅就要被說成與那同一個聶斯托留派的異端有了相通了,因為他既與那些如此估量其條款(他們要求收回的)及以弗所會議的東方諸主教本身相通,又在他們的告白上署了名。因為若這見解被如此看重,以致被判為異端,那麼區利羅就絕不該向那些東方主教讓步,反倒該強逼他們:使他們即便在所較不明白之事上,也順服會議的權威,並同樣地公開地、且作為留給後世的紀念,藉著一份具狀的書面告白,來定他們自己那僭妄之罪——他們曾藉一道頒佈的諭令,憑此僭妄定了那些條款的罪;
39:9
et neque vel sic Orientalium definitioni subscribere, sed potius ab illis exigere ut subscriberent eisdem capitulis, non pro illorum voluntate interpretatis, sed sicut ab Ephesina synodo fuerant ante suscepta; ipsamque suspicionem per quam ea damnaverant tanquam hæresim anathematizarent, et ita dcmum eos in communione recipere. Unde nec alii Patres qui cum illo Ephesum convenerant, et simul praedictis Orientalibus, ita de ipso concilio Ephesino credentibus, communicaverant, potuerunt 1 excusari.
and not even thus to subscribe to the definition of the Easterns, but rather to require of them that they should subscribe to those same chapters—interpreted not according to their will, but as they had before been received by the Synod of Ephesus—and that they should anathematize as heresy the very suspicion by which they had condemned them, and only so receive them into communion. Whence not even the other Fathers who had assembled with him at Ephesus, and had communicated with the aforesaid Easterns who thus believed concerning the very Council of Ephesus, could have been excused.
並且,連這樣也不該在東方諸主教的裁定上署名,反倒該向他們要求:使他們在那同一些條款上署名——這些條款不是照他們的意思詮釋的,乃是照以弗所會議從前所接納的那樣;又使他們把那曾據以定這些條款之罪的疑念,當作異端來咒詛;然後才將他們收入相通之中。如此一來,連那些曾與他一同聚於以弗所、並曾與前述如此相信以弗所會議之東方主教相通的別的教父,也就不能得開脫了。
39:10
Quia vero illam eorum ignorantiam non de ipsa Christiana fide, sed de intentione dictorum suorum fuisse, et beatus Cyrillus et alii qui apud Ephesum ea probaverant, cognoverunt, turpe illis et indignum visum est pro hac causa contendere, et hinc in longum protrahere dissensionem Ecclesiarum, quam nos sanctorum Patrum modestia I sopiiam post centum annos inquieta imperitia suscitamus. Et utinam nonnullas a tantum conturbaremus Ecclesias quæ fuerant in prima dissensione commotæ, ac non etiam longe positas cogeremus causas olim oblivioni datas, quas scientes quoque reminisci piget, inquirere, et inventas necessitate respondendi non sine otTensione audientium ventilare.
But because both the blessed Cyril and the others who at Ephesus had approved those things recognized that that ignorance of theirs was not about the Christian faith itself, but about the intent of their own sayings, it seemed to them base and unworthy to contend on this score, and hereby to prolong the dissension of the Churches—which we, after a hundred years, by restless inexperience are stirring up, though the modesty of the holy Fathers had lulled it to sleep. And would that we were merely troubling some Churches that had been moved in that first dissension, and were not also compelling causes long ago consigned to oblivion, set far away—causes which it irks even those who know them to recall—to be inquired into, and, once found, to be ventilated, by the necessity of answering, not without offense to the hearers.
但因有福的區利羅,並那些在以弗所認可了那些事的眾人,都認出他們那無知並非關乎基督信仰本身,乃是關乎他們自己言語的意圖,所以他們以為:為此事爭執,並由此延長眾教會的紛爭,乃是卑鄙而不配的——這紛爭,聖教父們以謙和使之沉睡,而我們竟在一百年之後,憑不安分的無知將它重新挑起。但願我們只是攪擾了幾間在那初次紛爭中曾被動搖的教會,而不是還去強行翻動那些早被付諸遺忘、置於遠方的案件——這些案件,連那知道它們的人也懶於追憶,我們卻去查究它們,並在尋出之後,因著答辯的必要,不無冒犯聽眾地將它們翻騰出來。
39:11
De illo vero quod item dicunt, propterea synodum debuisse banc epistolam hæreticam judicare, quia post unitatem factam talia conscriptor ejus Ibas dicere vel sentire non debuit, jam superiore libro respondimus. Quomodo amem sancta synodus eamdem epistolam pro recta fidei confessione quam continet approbando, Ephesini concilii perhibetur impugnasse decreta, cum potius, si eam pro hae suspicione judicaret hæreticam, simul et beatum Cyrillum et ipsum Ephesinum reprehendisse concilium videretur, quod ita suspicantibus Orientalibus communicaverunt, orthodoxos eos procul dubio judicantes?
As for that other point which they likewise allege—that the Synod ought on this account to have judged this letter heretical, because, after the union had been made, its writer Ibas ought not to have said or held such things—we have already answered in the preceding book. But how is the holy Synod, in approving that same letter for the right confession of faith which it contains, said to have impugned the decrees of the Council of Ephesus, when rather, if it had judged it heretical on account of this suspicion, it would be seen at the same time to have censured both the blessed Cyril and the very Council of Ephesus, who communicated with the Easterns who so suspected, judging them without doubt to be orthodox?
至於他們同樣提出的另一點——說會議理當為此緣故判定這封信為異端,因為在合一既成之後,其撰寫者伊巴斯本不當說或持這樣的事——我們在前一卷中已經答覆過了。然而,神聖的會議既然認可那同一封信中所含正確的信仰告白,又怎能說它攻擊了以弗所會議的諭令呢?倒不如說,倘若它因這疑念而判定此信為異端,那麼它豈不就同時被視為斥責了有福的區利羅與以弗所會議本身嗎?因為他們既與那如此猜疑的東方諸主教相通,無疑是判定他們為正統的。
39:12
Cernis igitur, imperator, illa quæ superiore libro, sicut promiseramus, ostendimus, hic quoque iterum ac sæpe monstrari. Quamobrem si Chalcedonensis synodos Nestoriana dicatur, quod hanc epiMotam judicavit orthodoxam, etiam beatus Cyrillus et Ephesina synodus consequenter in Nestorianam haeresim postea divertisse dicentur, quod Orientales hoc ipsum credentes orthodoxos \ nec solos Orientales, sed aliarum quoque novem quas supra memoravimus provinciarum episcopos, qui simul eumdem beatum Cyrillum et Memnonem Ephesinum, atque capitula praedicta damnaverunt, in caeteros quoque episcopos, quod ea recepissent, excommunicationis sententiam proferentes.
You discern therefore, emperor, that those things which in the preceding book, as we had promised, we showed, are here too again and often demonstrated. Wherefore, if the Synod of Chalcedon be called Nestorian because it judged this letter orthodox, then the blessed Cyril and the Synod of Ephesus too will consequently be said to have afterward turned aside into the Nestorian heresy, because they judged orthodox the Easterns who believed this very thing—nay, not the Easterns alone, but the bishops also of the other nine provinces which we mentioned above, who together condemned the same blessed Cyril and Memnon of Ephesus and the aforesaid chapters, passing also against the other bishops, for having received them, the sentence of excommunication.
皇帝啊,你由此可見:我們在前一卷中照所應許的所闡明之事,在此處也再次、且屢屢被顯明。因此,倘若加爾西頓會議因判定此信為正統而被稱為聶斯托留派,那麼有福的區利羅與以弗所會議也就必然要被說成後來偏入了聶斯托留派的異端,因為他們判定那些相信這同一事之東方諸主教為正統——不,不單是東方諸主教,還有我們上面提及之其餘九省的主教,他們一同定了那位有福區利羅、以弗所默農、並前述條款的罪,又對其他接納了這些條款的主教頒下了絕罰的判決。
39:13
Haec autem Orientalium aliorumque Patrum de synodo Ephesina suspicio, qui existimantes eam traditiones paternas esse transgressam, pro ipsa fide quam communiter tenebant, adversus eam certabant, mibi similis videtur ei suspicioni quae Jesu Nave temporibus orta fuerat in populo Israel (Jos. xsn), cum laudabiliter ejusdem populi pars pro Dei cultura sollicita, adversus alteram partem aeque sollicitam 5 concitaretur, intentionem ejus ignorans. Nam cum pergeret idem populus Israel ad capiendam omnem terram quam Deus Abraha promiserat, filii Ruben et Gad, et dimidia tribos Manasse, antequam fuissent Jordanem ingressi (Num.
But this suspicion of the Easterns and of the other Fathers concerning the Synod of Ephesus—who, reckoning that it had transgressed the paternal traditions, strove against it for the very faith which they commonly held—seems to me like that suspicion which had arisen in the days of Joshua the son of Nun among the people of Israel (Josh. xxii), when, laudably, a part of that people, solicitous for the worship of God, was stirred up against another part equally solicitous, being ignorant of its intent. For when that same people of Israel was proceeding to take all the land which God had promised to Abraham, the sons of Reuben and Gad, and the half-tribe of Manasseh, before they had entered the Jordan (Num.
然而,東方諸主教及其他教父對以弗所會議的這一猜疑——他們以為該會議違越了列祖的傳統,便為著他們所共持的那同一信仰而與它相爭——在我看來,正像嫩(Nun)的兒子約書亞(Joshua)的日子裡,在以色列百姓中所興起的那猜疑一樣(書二十二章);那時,那百姓中可嘉的一部分,因熱心於敬拜上帝,竟因不知另一部分(這部分同樣熱心)的意圖,而被激動起來與之相爭。因為當那以色列百姓進前去佔取上帝所應許亞伯拉罕的全地時,呂便(Reuben)和迦得(Gad)的子孫,並瑪拿西(Manasseh)的半個支派,在他們尚未過約旦河之先(民數記
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XXXII), regionem Jaser et regionem Galaaditim habitare delegerant, eo quod esset locus aptus jumentis quorum eis inulta erat copia; nec voluerunt ultra Jordanem possessionem capere cum tribubus Israel: qui lamen perrexerunt cum fratribus suis in terram Chanaan ad debellandas gentes, quas expulit Dominus ante faciem eorum. Porro autem, cum dedisset Dominus Israel universam t rram quam juraverat dare patribus eorum, et hæreditate recepissEnt eam, revertentes iidein filii Ruben et Gad, et dimidia tribus Manasse, in terram Galaad, id est in terram possessionis suae quam acceperAnt in hæreditatem, venerunt, sicut scriptum est (Jos. XXII, 10), in Galioth Jordanis a quæ es!
xxxii), had chosen to dwell in the region of Jazer and the region of Gilead, because it was a place suited to the beasts, of which they had great abundance; nor did they wish to take possession beyond the Jordan with the tribes of Israel—yet they went on with their brethren into the land of Canaan to make war upon the nations which the Lord drove out before their face. But further, when the Lord had given Israel all the land which he had sworn to give to their fathers, and they had received it for an inheritance, those same sons of Reuben and Gad, and the half-tribe of Manasseh, returning into the land of Gilead—that is, into the land of their possession which they had received for an inheritance—came, as it is written (Josh. xxii, 10), to Geliloth of the Jordan, which is
三十二章),曾選擇住在雅謝(Jazer)地和基列(Gilead)地,因那是宜於牲畜之地,而他們牲畜的數目甚多;他們也不願與以色列眾支派一同在約旦河那邊得產業——他們卻仍與弟兄們同往迦南(Canaan)地去,攻擊那些耶和華從他們面前所趕出的列國。再者,當耶和華將他向他們列祖起誓要賜的全地都賜給以色列,他們也承受為業之後,呂便和迦得的子孫,並瑪拿西的半個支派,便回到基列地,就是回到他們承受為業之產業地;他們來到,正如經上所記(書二十二章10節),約旦河一帶的基利綠(Geliloth),那地是
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in Chanaan, et ædificaverunt ibi aram supra Jordanem '. In Chanaan possessionem aliae tribus acceperant, in qua fuit tabernaculum ct altarc Dei: ipsi vero citra Jordanem, ne posteri eorum alieni fierent a Dei cultura, quasi ab ejus populo Jordanis limite separati, religiosa utique intentione, et zelo Dei ferventes, itlam erexerant aram, ut testimonio esset ac monumento posteris eorum, quod ipsi quoque ad Dei culturam et ejus populum pertinerent.
in Canaan, and there they built an altar upon the Jordan. In Canaan the other tribes had received their possession, in which were the tabernacle and the altar of God; but they themselves, on this side of the Jordan, lest their descendants should become strangers to the worship of God, as though separated from his people by the boundary of the Jordan—out of a religious intent indeed, and fervent with zeal for God—had erected that altar, that it might be for a testimony and a monument to their posterity, that they too pertained to the worship of God and to his people.
在迦南;他們就在那裡、在約旦河旁築了一座壇。在迦南地,其餘的支派已得了產業,那裡有上帝的帳幕與祭壇;而他們自己卻在約旦河這邊,唯恐他們的後裔成了與上帝敬拜無分之人,彷彿被約旦河的界限與上帝的子民隔開——他們乃是出於虔敬的用意,且因熱心於上帝而火熱——築起了那座壇,要作他們後裔的見證與紀念,表明他們自己也是與上帝的敬拜並他的子民有分的。
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Cum vero alias tribus qnae in terra Chanaan ultra Jordanem haereditatem fuerant conseculæ, isia eorum lateret intentio, et putarent eosdem filios Ruben et Gad, et dimidiam tribam Manasse, propterea illam acdificasse aram, ut semetipsos segregantes a synagoga totius Israel, contra observantiam divinæ culturæ offerrent super eam sacriStiam Domino, quod fieri non licebat præter unum altare quod erat ante tabernaculum ejus; eodem quo et illi zelo Dei ferventes, et pro eadem cultura Dei certantes, convenerunt omnes in Silo, ut ascenderent expugnare eos. Quibus cum filii Ruben et Gad et dimidia tribus Manasse, facti rationem redderent, quo proposito atque intentione aram erexerint, illi dixerunt:
But when this intent of theirs was hidden from the other tribes who in the land of Canaan beyond the Jordan had obtained their inheritance, and they supposed that those same sons of Reuben and Gad, and the half-tribe of Manasseh, had built that altar for this purpose—that, segregating themselves from the congregation of all Israel, they might, against the observance of the divine worship, offer sacrifice upon it to the Lord (which it was not lawful to do save at the one altar that was before his tabernacle)—being fervent with the same zeal for God and contending for the same worship of God, they all assembled at Shiloh to go up and make war upon them. And when the sons of Reuben and Gad and the half-tribe of Manasseh gave them an account with what purpose and intent they had erected the altar, those others said:
但當這意圖向那些在約旦河那邊迦南地得了產業的其餘支派隱藏起來時,他們便以為呂便和迦得的子孫,並瑪拿西的半個支派,築那壇是為了這目的:使自己從全以色列的會眾中分別出來,違背神聖敬拜的規條,在壇上向耶和華獻祭(而這除了在他帳幕前的那一座壇以外,原是不可行的);於是他們也因熱心上帝而火熱,並為同一的上帝敬拜而爭競,便都聚集在示羅(Shiloh),要上去攻打他們。及至呂便和迦得的子孫並瑪拿西的半個支派向他們陳明他們築壇是出於何等的目的與意圖,那些人就說:
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Hodie cognovimus quia nobiscum est Dominus, quia non deliquistis in conspectu Domini delictum, et quia liberastis filios Israel de manu Domini (Jos. XXII, 31). Vides igitur, Auguste, quod pro eadem religione qua recte colitur Dens, non solum disaentire a se invicem, verum etiam laudabiliter pugnare adversum se religiosi ac rectissimi possint, dum eos non ratio divini cultus, sed alterius:herum latet intentio. Quapropter qui nobis dicunt, si Ephesinam synodum recepistis, condemnate provinciæ Orientis et aliarum novem provinciarum episcopos;
«This day we have known that the Lord is with us, because you have not committed this transgression in the sight of the Lord, and because you have delivered the children of Israel out of the hand of the Lord» (Josh. xxii, 31). You see therefore, Augustus, that for the sake of the same religion by which God is rightly worshiped, the religious and most upright are able not only to dissent from one another, but even laudably to fight against one another, so long as it is not the reason of the divine worship but the intent of the one or the other that lies hidden from them. Wherefore those who say to us, «If you have received the Synod of Ephesus, condemn the bishops of the province of the East and of the other nine provinces»—
「今日我們知道耶和華是與我們同在的,因你們沒有在耶和華面前犯這罪過,並且你們救了以色列人脫離耶和華的手」(書二十二章31節)。奧古斯都啊,你由此可見:為著那正確敬拜上帝的同一宗教之故,虔敬而至為正直的人,不僅能彼此相異,甚且能可嘉地彼此相爭——只要向他們隱藏的並非神聖敬拜之理由,而是此方或彼方的意圖。因此,那些向我們說「你們若接納了以弗所會議,就當定東方之省及其餘九省主教之罪」的人——
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merito audient, ut si et ipsi filios Ruben et Gad, et dimidiam tribum Manasse recipiunt, condemnent tribum Levi et alias novem tribus, quæ cum fratrum suorum lateret intentio, eos debellare convenerant. Et certe in illo populo erant etiam prophetæ, nec eis imputat quisquam quod animorum fratrum suorum prudens consilium non viderint, cum facile posset orantibus ex accepta prophetiæ gratia revelari: omnes autem Orientales atque aliarum. provinciarum antistites, quos capitulorum beati Cyrilli latuit intentio, ut Ephesinam synodum pro eorum susceptione culparent, episcopos dicimus, non prophetas.
will deservedly hear that, if they themselves receive the sons of Reuben and Gad and the half-tribe of Manasseh, let them condemn the tribe of Levi and the other nine tribes, which had assembled to make war upon them, while their brethren's intent lay hidden from them. And surely in that people there were also prophets, and no one imputes it to them that they did not perceive the prudent counsel of their brethren's minds, when it could easily have been revealed to those who prayed, out of the received grace of prophecy: but all the Eastern prelates and those of the other provinces, from whom the intent of the chapters of the blessed Cyril lay hidden, so that they faulted the Synod of Ephesus for receiving them, we call bishops, not prophets.
就理當聽見這話:他們自己若接納呂便和迦得的子孫並瑪拿西的半個支派,就當定利未(Levi)支派並其餘九個支派的罪——這九個支派曾在弟兄們的意圖向他們隱藏之際,聚集要去攻打他們。並且,在那百姓中誠然也有先知,卻無人歸咎他們未能看出弟兄們心中審慎的籌算,雖然這本可憑所領受的先知恩賜,向禱告者輕易地顯明出來。然而,那一切因有福區利羅條款的意圖向他們隱藏、以致為以弗所會議接納這些條款而責備該會議的東方眾主教及他省的主教,我們乃稱之為主教,而非先知。
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Qui ergo prophetis non imputamus quod religiosam intentionem fratrum suorum nescierint, sed laudamus eos potius quod eadem religiosa intentione adversus eos fuerint concitati: quomodo possumus non prophetis Patribus orientalibus atque aliis imputare, quod 1 religiosa intentione adversus eorum approbatores fuerint concitati? Quaere iutentionem filiorum Ruben et Gad, et dimidiae tribus Alanasse, atque ex attera parte tribus Levi ct aliarum novem tribuum Is aeJ, et invenies utramque partem pro divino cultu fuisse sollicitam. Quare ignorantiam, et neutram invenies quae ad divinum culmum pertinent, sed alteram partem intentionem alterius ignorasse.
Therefore we who do not impute it to the prophets that they were ignorant of the religious intent of their brethren, but rather praise them that they were stirred up against them out of that same religious intent—how can we impute it to the non-prophet Eastern Fathers and others, that they were stirred up out of a religious intent against those who approved of those things? Inquire into the intent of the sons of Reuben and Gad, and of the half-tribe of Manasseh, and on the other side of the tribe of Levi and the other nine tribes of Israel, and you will find that both parties were solicitous for the divine worship. Inquire into the ignorance, and you will find neither party to be such as pertains to the divine worship, but the one party ignorant of the intent of the other.
因此,我們既不歸咎那些先知不知弟兄們虔敬的意圖,反倒稱讚他們出於同一虔敬的意圖被激起與之相爭;那麼,對於並非先知的東方教父及其他人,他們出於虔敬的意圖被激起、與那些認可此事之人相爭,我們又怎能歸咎他們呢?你去查究呂便和迦得的子孫並瑪拿西半個支派的意圖,又從另一面查究利未支派並以色列其餘九支派的意圖,你就必發現:雙方都是熱心於神聖敬拜的。你去查究那無知,就必發現:雙方都沒有與神聖敬拜相干的過錯,乃是一方不知另一方的意圖罷了。
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Quaere intentionem synodi Ephesinæ, atque ex altera parte antistitum provinciæ Orientis et aliarum novem provinciarum, et invenies utramque partem pro divino cultu fuisse sollicitam.* Quære ignorantiam, et neutram partem invenies quae ad divinum cultum pertinent, sed alteram partem intentionem alterius ignorasse. Quod ex eo satis apparet, quoniam per venerabilem Paulum Emesenum episcopum, nec orientales Patres aliquid improbum a beato Cyrillo confitendum espetiverunt; nec ipse beatus Cyrillus aliquid eorum quæ expetita I fuerant denegavit.
Inquire into the intent of the Synod of Ephesus, and on the other side of the prelates of the province of the East and of the other nine provinces, and you will find that both parties were solicitous for the divine worship. Inquire into the ignorance, and you will find neither party to be such as pertains to the divine worship, but the one party ignorant of the intent of the other. This is sufficiently apparent from the fact that, through the venerable Paul bishop of Emesa, neither did the Eastern Fathers require anything impious to be confessed by the blessed Cyril, nor did the blessed Cyril himself deny any of those things which were required.
你去查究以弗所會議的意圖,又從另一面查究東方之省及其餘九省主教的意圖,你就必發現:雙方都是熱心於神聖敬拜的。你去查究那無知,就必發現:雙方都沒有與神聖敬拜相干的過錯,乃是一方不知另一方的意圖罷了。這從以下事實便足以顯明:藉著可敬的以美撒(Emesa)主教保羅(Paul),東方教父既未要求有福的區利羅承認任何不虔之事,有福的區利羅自己也未否拒任何他們所要求之事。
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Si autem Patres orientales et alios qui cum eis erant, ob alienae intentionis ignorantiam, sicut et illas plures tribus Israel, condemnare non possumus, quomodo venerabilis lbae epistolam Chalcedonensis synodus condemnaret, quae secundum eorum suspicionem de capitulorum beati Cyrilli receptione conqnesta est? Nunquid enim vel Ibas episcopus, vel alii multarum provinciarum antistites, Ephesinam synodum culpassc aliquando monstrantur, quod contra Nestorium, licet in duabus naturis, unum tamen Dei atque hominis filium Jesum Christum confitendum esse firmaverit; ut credi poss t fidei, quam de incarnatione Christi habuit, et restitisse, et aliud praedicasse?
But if we cannot condemn the Eastern Fathers and the others who were with them, on account of their ignorance of another's intent—just as we cannot condemn those many tribes of Israel—how would the Synod of Chalcedon condemn the letter of the venerable Ibas, which according to their suspicion complained of the reception of the chapters of the blessed Cyril? For is the bishop Ibas, or are any other prelates of the many provinces, ever shown to have faulted the Synod of Ephesus, because it confirmed that against Nestorius, albeit in two natures, yet one Son of God and man, Jesus Christ, was to be confessed?—so that it could be believed that he both resisted the faith which he held concerning the incarnation of Christ, and preached something else?
但若我們因東方教父及與他們同在之人對他人意圖的無知,不能定他們的罪——正如我們不能定以色列那許多支派的罪——那麼加爾西頓會議又怎能定可敬伊巴斯之書信的罪呢?這封信按他們的猜疑,所抱怨的不過是有福區利羅條款被接納之事。難道伊巴斯主教,或眾省中任何別的主教,曾被顯明在何時責備過以弗所會議——因它堅定主張:與聶斯托留相反,當承認那雖在二性之中、卻是上帝與人之獨一聖子的耶穌基督嗎?以致可以使人相信他既抵擋了他對基督道成肉身所持的信仰,又傳講了別樣的東西嗎?
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Nihil est igitur quod in hac epistola etiam de capitulorum beati Cyrilli et Ephesinæ synodi intentione I Eutychiani querautur.
There is nothing therefore that the Eutychians may complain of in this letter, even concerning the intent of the chapters of the blessed Cyril and of the Synod of Ephesus.
因此,在這封信中,連關乎有福區利羅條款與以弗所會議意圖之事,優提克派之人也沒有可抱怨的。
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