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Pope Leo the Great

Sermons & Letters 165

Latin original · 17 verses · some words can be tapped for a gloss

← ch. 164ch. 166 →
165:1
CAP. I. — Quamvis dudum litteras tuae dilectionis acceperim, miror tamen eam rescribendi opportuni. tatem, qua frater Anatolius necessarie usus est,silentio præteriisse, cum pro ratione temporis atque causarum crebriora oporteatease colloquia.Egosane prædicti fratris litterisde his plenius, quæapudAle. xand riam haeretica temeritas gessit, edoctus, ad cle. mentissimum principem scripsi, et pro statu Eccle. siæ, sicut erat necessarium, supplicavi, ut rebus nimium pertubatis studium suae pietatis impendat, Unde sicut fratrem et coepiscopum nostrum Anato.
Although I received the letter of your Charity some time ago, I nevertheless wonder that you passed over in silence that opportune occasion for replying which our brother Anatolius necessarily used, since, according to the circumstances of the time and of affairs, more frequent exchanges of discourse between us ought to take place. I indeed, having been more fully informed by the letters of the aforesaid brother concerning those things which heretical rashness perpetrated at Alexandria, have written to the most clement prince, and, as was necessary, have made supplication for the state of the Church, that he might expend the zeal of his devotion upon affairs greatly disturbed. Wherefore, just as I have exhorted our brother and fellow-bishop Anato-
雖然我早已收到你仁愛之情的來信,但我仍驚訝你竟默然放過那個回覆的良機——就是我們的弟兄阿納托利烏斯必須把握的良機——因為按照時勢與事務的情形,我們之間本應更頻繁地交流言談。我實在因前述弟兄的來信,更詳盡地得知了異端妄行在亞歷山大所做的事,便已寫信給至仁的君王,並照必要為教會的處境懇求,使他把虔誠的熱忱投注於這極受擾亂的局勢。因此,正如我勸勉了我們的弟兄與同工主教阿納托—
165:2
lium cohortatus sum, ita etiam dilectionem tuamadmonere non desino, utclementissimi principis iidem quantis opportunum fuerit precibus ambiatis,quem pro religionis catholicae munimento sponte jam quædam praestitisse cognovimus; ut non difficilis apud eum sit actio, cujus voluntaria sollicitudine prævenimur. 'CAP. II. Quod ergo in causa fidei principale est. — incessabilibus suggestionibus obtinete, ut sanctæ s'ynodi Chalcedonensia statuta nullis hæreticorum polsentur insidiis, neque liceat quidquam deinadefinitione conveHi, quam ex inspiratione divina non dubium est per omnia evangelicis atque apostolicis consonare doctrinis. Tum illud omni assiduitate de.
-lius, so also I do not cease to admonish your Charity, that with as many prayers as shall be opportune you may entreat the same most clement prince, whom we have learned to have already of his own accord bestowed certain things for the safeguarding of the Catholic religion; so that the business may not be difficult with him, by whose voluntary solicitude we are anticipated. CHAP. II. That, therefore, which is the chief thing in the cause of the faith. — Obtain by unceasing suggestions that the statutes of the holy Synod of Chalcedon be assailed by no snares of the heretics, nor let it be permitted that anything be shaken from that definition which, from divine inspiration, is beyond doubt in all things consonant with the evangelical and apostolic doctrines. Then with all assiduity demand this:
—利烏斯,同樣我也不停地勸誡你的仁愛之情,要你以一切合宜的祈求去懇請那同一位至仁的君王——我們已得知他自願地為守護大公信仰而先賜下某些恩典;如此,在他面前辦事便不至困難,因他自發的關切已先於我們而行。第二章:因此,論到信仰之事最要緊者。—要以不斷的陳情爭取:使迦克墩聖會議的決議不受任何異端詭計的攻擊,也不容許從那定義中動搖分毫;那定義出於神聖的默示,毫無疑問在一切事上與福音及使徒的教義相合。然後要以一切殷勤懇求此事:
165:3
poscite, ut Alexandrinae Ecclesiae status in antiquæ fidei libertatem, refutata atque depulsa hæreticorum obcaecatione, revocetur, per catholicorum scilicet sacerdotum providentiam, ut in locum sancte me moriæProterii probatissimus et de cujus fide nequeat dubitari, constituatur antistes; cui cum securitate concordiae communio sedis apostolicae præbeator. Satisenim erit religioso principi gloriosum,si dispositionibus ipsius coa solum tota respublica, sed etiam Dei Ecclesia sit quieta.Datum quinta idus Ju. Iii, Constantino et Rufo consulibus.
demand that the state of the Alexandrian Church be recalled into the liberty of the ancient faith, the blindness of the heretics being refuted and driven away — namely, through the providence of Catholic priests — so that in the place of Proterius of holy memory there may be appointed as prelate a man most approved, and of whose faith no doubt can be entertained; to whom, with the security of concord, let the communion of the Apostolic See be extended. For it will be glorious enough for a religious prince, if by his own dispositions not only the whole commonwealth but also the Church of God be at rest. Given on the fifth day before the Ides of July, in the consulship of Constantine and Rufus.
要懇求:使亞歷山大教會的處境得以恢復到古老信仰的自由中,把異端的盲昧駁倒並驅除——即藉著大公司祭們的照管——好在聖潔紀念的普羅特里烏斯之位上,設立一位最受讚許、其信仰不容置疑的主教;並以和睦的穩妥,把宗座的共融延及於他。因為對一位敬虔的君王而言,若憑他自己的安排,不僅使整個國家,也使天主的教會得享安寧,這便夠光榮了。書於七月望前第五日,君士坦丁與魯弗斯任執政官之年。
165:4
Licet proxime ad clementiam vestram gemina scripta direxerim, quorum unum debitum salutationis impleret, aliud pro statu Ecclesiæ supplicaret, tamen t306 occasione, quae Deo providente se,præbuiţ, iterari ulramqueconvenit, gloriosissime imperator.
Although I recently directed twin writings to your Clemency — one of which fulfilled the duty of salutation, the other made supplication for the state of the Church — nevertheless, most glorious Emperor, on the occasion which by God's providence has offered itself, it is fitting that both be repeated.
雖然我近日曾向陛下寄去兩份書信——其一是行問候之禮,另一是為教會的處境懇求——然而,至榮耀的皇帝啊,藉著天主護佑所賜的這個機會,理當將二者再次陳述。
165:5
Secundum illam ergo fiduciam, quam ex Dei inspiratione universali Ecclesiae præstitistis,ante cujusquam preces constituendo,quod maximeab omnibus fuerat expetendum, non desinimus gratias agere, et providentiam Dei in fidei vestrae fervore benedicere, qui sancto et catholico spiritu, sicut fratris et cocpiscopi mei Anatolii sermone cognovi, ita haereticorum impudentiae restitistis ut profiteremini in totius mundi pacem Chalcedonensis synodi vos esse custodes.
According, therefore, to that confidence which by the inspiration of God you have supplied to the universal Church — appointing, before anyone's prayers, that which was most to be desired by all — we do not cease to give thanks, and to bless the providence of God in the fervor of your faith; you who, with a holy and Catholic spirit, as I have learned from the discourse of my brother and fellow-bishop Anatolius, so resisted the impudence of the heretics that you professed yourselves to be the guardians of the Synod of Chalcedon for the peace of the whole world.
因此,按照你藉天主默示所供給普世教會的那份信心——在任何人祈求之前,你便定妥了眾人最當渴望之事——我們不住地感謝,並在你信仰的熱誠中稱頌天主的照管;你以聖潔而大公的心志,正如我從弟兄與同工主教阿納托利烏斯的言談所得知,如此抵擋異端的無恥,以致你們自認是迦克墩會議的守護者,為使全世界得享和平。
165:6
Quod cum ex vestrae fidei sententia saluberrime definitum sit, quanto studiosius universali Ecclesiæ est conferendum,ut tranquillitas fidei Christianae etiam vestro prosit imperio, nec improbitas haeretica in aliquo de suo molimine glorietur ! Cujus pertinax et insidiosa contentio illico conquiescit, si imperiali potestate frenetur. Data kalendis Septembris, Constantino et Rufo viris cIarissimis consulibus. 1. Quesnell usin codice Grimanico duas sequentes epistolas distinctas reperit,alteram Basilio Antiocheno, alteram Euxitheo Thessalonicensi et Juvenali Jerosolymitano inscriptam. In codice vero Ratisponensi una tantum profertur, sed cum inscriptione:
Since this has been most wholesomely defined according to the judgment of your faith, how much more zealously must it be conferred upon the universal Church, that the tranquillity of the Christian faith may profit even your empire, and that heretical wickedness may in no way glory in any of its machinations! Whose stubborn and insidious contention immediately grows quiet, if it be curbed by imperial power. Given on the Kalends of September, in the consulship of Constantine and Rufus, most illustrious men. 1. Quesnel found in the Grimanic codex the two following letters as distinct — one addressed to Basil of Antioch, the other to Euxitheus of Thessalonica and Juvenal of Jerusalem. But in the Ratisbon codex only one is presented, yet with the inscription:
既然這已按你信仰的判斷極其有益地被界定,就更當何等熱切地惠及普世教會,好使基督信仰的安寧甚至有益於你的帝國,並使異端的邪惡絕不能在其任何詭謀中誇口!這種頑固而陰險的爭執,一旦被皇權所約束,便立即平息。書於九月朔日,君士坦丁與魯弗斯二位至顯赫者任執政官之年。一、奎奈爾在格里馬尼抄本中發現以下兩封信各自獨立——一封寫給安提阿的巴西流,另一封寫給帖撒羅尼迦的歐克西提烏斯與耶路撒冷的猶維納利斯。但在拉提斯本抄本中只呈現一封,卻帶有這樣的題署:
165:7
Leo episcopus Basilio, Juvenali, Euxitheo, Petro, et Lucæ episcopis. Hi duo postremi, ut ex codice encyclio discimus, sunt Petrus Corinthius et Lucas Dyrrachenus, ad quos quos pariter eamdem epistolam directam agnoscimus. Post primam periodum solius Basilii Antiocheni propriam, in eodem codice notatur: Usque huc Basilio; ex quo monemur, sequentia. Cognitis quæ apud Alexandriam, etc., ad Basilium æque ac ad cæterios in inscriptione nominatos scripta fuisse a pari. Ratisponensis codicis inscriptio atque notatio maxime congruit cum iis quæ S. Leo scribit epist. 153: Placuit etiam nobis ut ad metropolitanos episcopos generales litteras mitteremus, quæ animum eorum firment et roberent...
'Leo the bishop, to Basil, Juvenal, Euxitheus, Peter, and Lucas, bishops.' These two last, as we learn from the encyclical codex, are Peter of Corinth and Lucas of Dyrrachium, to whom we recognize the same letter was likewise directed. After the first passage, proper to Basil of Antioch alone, in the same codex it is noted: 'Thus far to Basil'; whereby we are advised that what follows — 'Having learned the things at Alexandria, etc.' — was written equally to Basil and to the others named in the inscription. This inscription and note of the Ratisbon codex agrees especially with what St. Leo writes in Epistle 153: 'It has pleased us also that we should send general letters to the metropolitan bishops, which may strengthen and fortify their mind...'
「主教良致巴西流、猶維納利斯、歐克西提烏斯、伯多祿與路加眾主教。」這末後兩位,正如我們從通諭抄本所知,乃是哥林多的伯多祿與都拉基烏姆的路加,我們確認同一封信也同樣寄給他們。在單屬安提阿巴西流的第一段之後,同一抄本中註明:「至此為致巴西流」;由此我們得知,接下去的話——「既已得知在亞歷山大之事,等等」——乃是同樣寫給巴西流及題署中所列其他人的。拉提斯本抄本的這一題署與註記,尤其與聖良在第一百五十三封信所寫的相合:「我們也決定要向各都主教發出通函,以堅固並鞏固他們的心志⋯⋯」
165:8
De quibus epistolis unam ad Antiochenum, alteram ad Jerosolymitanum... dirigetis. Nos autem ad Illyrios episcopos si milia jam scripta transmisimus. Hic tria similis epistolæ exempla indicantur, ad Basilium Antiochenum. ad. Juvenalem Jerosolymitanum, et ad Illyricos episcopos, id est ad Euxitheum Thessalinicensem, Petrum Co rinthium, et Lucam Dyrrachenum, qui accuratius in inscriptione nostri codicis Ratisponensis nominantur. Ex Grimanico vero codice illud elicimus, in exemplo epistolæ 150 ad Euxitheum cæterosque metropolitas Illyrici postremæ periodo insertas fuisse voces per Illyricum:
'Of which letters you shall direct one to the bishop of Antioch, another to the bishop of Jerusalem... But we ourselves have already transmitted similar writings to the Illyrian bishops.' Here three copies of a similar letter are indicated: to Basil of Antioch, to Juvenal of Jerusalem, and to the Illyrian bishops — that is, to Euxitheus of Thessalonica, Peter of Corinth, and Lucas of Dyrrachium, who are more accurately named in the inscription of our Ratisbon codex. But from the Grimanic codex we gather this: that in the copy of Epistle 150, to Euxitheus and the other metropolitans of Illyricum, the words 'throughout Illyricum' were inserted into the final passage:
「這些信中,你們要把一封寄給安提阿主教,另一封寄給耶路撒冷主教⋯⋯至於我們自己,則已向伊利里亞的主教們寄去相似的書信。」此處指明有三份相似的信抄本:致安提阿的巴西流、致耶路撒冷的猶維納利斯、以及致伊利里亞的主教們——即帖撒羅尼迦的歐克西提烏斯、哥林多的伯多祿與都拉基烏姆的路加,他們在我們拉提斯本抄本的題署中被更準確地列名。而我們從格里馬尼抄本得知此點:在致歐克西提烏斯及伊利里亞其他都主教的第一百五十封信抄本中,末段插入了「遍及伊利里亞」這些字:
165:9
quæ cum Juvenali Jerosolymitano nequaquam conveniant, in epistola ad eumdem certissime defuerunt, et idcireo Juvenalis nomen in inscriptione ejusdem epistolæ delendum credidimus. 2. Eædem duæ epistolæ suspectæ fidei fuerunt Pagio ad an. 457, n. 7, sicut etima epistola 153, ob im ploratum auxilium Patricii Asparis, quæ duo nomina separatim posita in epist. 149 et 150 pro duabus personis accepit, primum filii, alterum patris, cum tamen unum Has parem significent, qui patricii dignitate ornabatur, unde in epist. 153 Patricius Aspar vocatur. Cum vero Aspar esset Arianus, incredibilie visum est Pagio S.
which, since they in no way suit Juvenal of Jerusalem, were most certainly absent from the letter to him; and therefore we have judged that the name of Juvenal ought to be deleted from the inscription of that letter. 2. These same two letters were of suspected authenticity to Pagi (at the year 457, n. 7), as also Epistle 153, on account of the aid implored of the Patrician Aspar — which two names, placed separately in Epistles 149 and 150, he took to be two persons, the first that of a son, the other that of a father, whereas nevertheless they signify one Aspar, who was adorned with the dignity of patrician; whence in Epistle 153 he is called Patricius Aspar. But since Aspar was an Arian, it seemed incredible to Pagi that St.
這些字既全然不合於耶路撒冷的猶維納利斯,便必定不在寫給他的信中;因此我們判定,該信題署中猶維納利斯的名字應當刪除。二、這同樣兩封信,在帕吉看來其真偽可疑(見四五七年,第七節),第一百五十三封信亦然,緣於信中懇求帕特里修斯·阿斯帕爾的援助——這兩個名字在第一百四十九與一百五十封信中分別出現,他便當作兩個人,前者為子,後者為父,然而其實二者指同一位阿斯帕爾,此人擁有帕特里修斯(貴族)的尊銜;故在第一百五十三封信中稱他為帕特里修斯·阿斯帕爾。但因阿斯帕爾是亞流派,帕吉便覺得難以置信,即聖—
165:10
pontificem ab Ariano opem postulasse contra Eutychianos et contra Timotheum Ælurum, cujus patrocinium Aspar susceperat. Sed cum Leo imperator Patricio Aspari imperium deberet, necessarium fuit ad eum confugere qui summam apud principem auctoritaterm obtinebat, ut vel faveret vel non obsisteret. Cum vero olim catholicis adversus Eutychianos favisset, adeo ut apud Marcianum intercesserit pro Theodo reto, qui gratias illi reddidity epist. 139, S. pontifex fortassis ex insinuatione Anatolii vel Aetii ad eumdem scribens, auxilium aliquot sperare se pose existimavit.
— that the Pontiff should have sought help from an Arian against the Eutychians and against Timothy Aelurus, whose patronage Aspar had undertaken. But since the Emperor Leo owed his rule to the Patrician Aspar, it was necessary to have recourse to him who held the highest authority with the prince, that he might either favor [the cause] or not oppose it. And since he had formerly favored the Catholics against the Eutychians — so much so that with Marcian he interceded for Theodoret, who rendered him thanks in Epistle 139 — the holy Pontiff, perhaps at the suggestion of Anatolius or Aetius, in writing to him supposed that he might hope for some aid.
—教宗竟向一位亞流派求援,以對抗歐迪奇黨與提摩太·艾魯路斯,而阿斯帕爾正庇護後者。然而,既然皇帝良的統治有賴於帕特里修斯·阿斯帕爾,就必須求助於這位在君王面前握有最高權勢的人,使他或者贊助此事,或者不加阻撓。再者,他從前曾偏袒大公信友以對抗歐迪奇黨——甚至在馬爾西安面前為狄奧多勒特說項,後者在第一百三十九封信中向他致謝——因此聖教宗或許出於阿納托利烏斯或艾提烏斯的暗示,在寫信給他時,料想能盼得些許援助。
165:11
Timothei patrocinium non statim intitio detectum fuerat vel saltem spes erat fore ut Leonis litteris et officiis moveretur, uti eadem spe S. Leo scripsit ad imperatorem Theodosium, licet eum et Eutychi et loctrocinio Ephesino patrocinari sciret. Stylus certe actotus rerum complexus Leonem refert, ut idem Pagius negare non potuit. Pelagii etiam II epistola 3 ad Eliam et cæteros episcopos Istriæ, ubi ex sequenti epistola duo testimonia recitat, de ipsus autheneticitate dubitare non sinit.
The patronage of Timothy had not yet been detected at the very outset, or at least there was hope that he might be moved by the letters and offices of Leo — with the same hope St. Leo wrote to the Emperor Theodosius, although he knew him to be favoring both Eutyches and the Ephesine brigandage. The style, certainly, and the whole complex of matters point to Leo, as the same Pagi could not deny. Pelagius II's Epistle 3 also, to Elias and the other bishops of Istria — where from the following letter he recites two testimonies — does not permit us to doubt of its authenticity.
提摩太的庇護一事,在最初尚未被察覺,或至少仍有指望,盼他能被良的書信與職務所感動——聖良正是懷著同樣的指望寫信給皇帝狄奧多西二世,儘管他知道此人偏袒歐迪奇與以弗所的匪盜會議。至於文體,以及整套事務的脈絡,確實都指向良,這一點連帕吉自己也無法否認。此外,庇拉奇二世致以利亞及伊斯特里亞其他主教的第三封信——其中他從以下這封信引述了兩處佐證——也不容我們懷疑其真確性。
165:12
Duorum vero ac tam insignium diversæ originis codicum, Grimanici et Ratispanesis, autoritas ita Patricii et Asparis nimina vindicant, ut commentitium plane sit hæc nomina pro aliorum magnatum no minibus his litteris inserta suspicari, ut laudatus Pagius in fine suæ annotationis conjecit: cum præser tim Patricii nomen in alia epistola 151, quam ex Ratisponensi edemus, similiter legatur. 3.Harum epistolarum tempus apud Quesnellum ex Grimanico codice signatum errore manifesto laborat. Cum enim in textu allegato ex epist.
But the authority of two so notable codices of diverse origin — the Grimanic and the Ratisbon — so vindicates the names of Patricius and Aspar, that it is plainly a fiction to suspect that these names were inserted in these letters in place of the names of other magnates, as the praised Pagi conjectured at the end of his annotation — especially since the name of Patricius is likewise read in another letter, Epistle 151, which we shall edit from the Ratisbon codex. 3. The date of these letters, marked by Quesnel from the Grimanic codex, labors under a manifest error. For since in the text alleged from Epistle
然而,兩部如此著名、出處各異的抄本——格里馬尼與拉提斯本——如此堅實地證實了帕特里修斯與阿斯帕爾的名字,以致若如所讚許的帕吉在其註釋末尾所猜測,懷疑這些名字乃是頂替其他權貴之名而插入這些信中,顯然純屬虛構——尤其因為帕特里修斯之名同樣見於另一封信,即第一百五十一封,我們將依拉提斯本抄本予以編訂。三、奎奈爾依格里馬尼抄本所標的這些信的日期,患有顯而易見的錯誤。因為既然在引自第一百五十三封信的文本中—
165:13
153 Leo aetio commiserit ut epistolam ad Basilium Antiochenum dirigeret, hæc proculdubio una cum ipsis ad Aetium litteris transmissa fuit, ac proinde eodem die ex Leonis more signata, nimirum kalendis Septenbris. Præterea ex eadem ad Aetium epistola discimus alias litteras simul missa fuisse ad imperatorem, ad Asparem et alios. Habemus autem epistolam 148 ad imperatorem Leomem, epist. 151 ad Anatolium, et 152 ad Julianum; cumque omnes kal: Septembris notentur, nihil dubium est quin duæ etiam sequentes eadem die signatæ fuerint, uti sane ex Ratisponensi emendavimus. CAP. I.
153, Leo committed to Aetius that he should direct the letter to Basil of Antioch, this was without doubt transmitted together with the very letters to Aetius, and consequently dated on the same day, according to Leo's custom — namely, the Kalends of September. Moreover, from the same letter to Aetius we learn that other letters were sent at the same time to the emperor, to Aspar, and to others. Now we have Epistle 148 to the Emperor Leo, Epistle 151 to Anatolius, and 152 to Julian; and since all these are marked with the Kalends of September, there is no doubt that the two following also were dated on the same day, as indeed we have emended from the Ratisbon codex. CHAP. I.
—良交託艾提烏斯把信寄給安提阿的巴西流,這封信無疑是與寄給艾提烏斯的那些信一同送出,因此按良的慣例標於同一日期——即九月朔日。此外,從同一封致艾提烏斯的信中,我們得知還有其他信在同時寄給皇帝、阿斯帕爾及旁人。如今我們有致皇帝良的第一百四十八封信、致阿納托利烏斯的第一百五十一封信、致猶利安的第一百五十二封信;既然這些全都標著九月朔日,那麼以下兩封也必定標於同一日,正如我們依拉提斯本抄本所校正的。第一章。
165:14
Ordinationem quidem dilectionis tuae secundum ecclesiasticum morem tuo vel fratrum nostrorum provincialium episcoporum debueramus sermone cognoscere;sed quia non defuerunt causæ quæ possent hanc diligentiam præpedire, et sanctæ memoriæ Marcianus princeps suis scriptis consecrationem tuam nobiseognitBm fecit, nec de tuo possumus merito dubitare quem novimus, de necessitate præsenLi, sicut aliquantos fratres nostros, itaetiam 1310 dilectionem tuam nostris litteris commonemus.
— We ought indeed to have learned of the ordination of your Charity, according to ecclesiastical custom, by the report of yourself or of our brethren the provincial bishops; but because there were not lacking causes which could impede this care, and because the prince Marcian of holy memory by his writings made your consecration known to us, and because we can in no way doubt your merit, whom we know — from the present necessity, just as we admonish several of our brethren, so also we admonish your Charity by our letters.
—我們本應照教會的慣例,藉由你自己或我們的弟兄、各省主教的呈報,得知你仁愛之情的祝聖之事;但因不乏可能阻礙這番用心的緣由,又因聖潔紀念的君王馬爾西安已藉其書信將你的祝聖告知我們,且我們對你的品德毫無可疑之處——你是我們所認識的——故按當前的必要,正如我們勸誡我們的若干弟兄,我們也照樣藉書信勸誡你的仁愛之情。
165:15
Cognitis enim quae apud Alexandriam Eutychianorum furore eommissasunt, quaeque fraternitati vestræ comperta esse non dubito,pro ea sollicitudine quam omnibus Ecclesiis Dei debeo, haec scripta direxi, quibus dilectionem vestram credidi commonendam, ut sceleratis ausibus sancta constantia resistatis, ne in quoquam nostrum communis fides aut trepida inveniatur aut tepida, cum propitio Domino, qui Ecclesiam suam in quacumque tribulationenon deserit, tam religiosum tamque catholicum animum piissimi imperatoris habeamus, ut non aliud de illo credendum sit,quam probavimus de augustae memoriae MarCiano. CAp. II.
For having learned what was committed at Alexandria by the fury of the Eutychians — which I do not doubt is known to your Fraternity — out of that solicitude which I owe to all the Churches of God, I have directed these writings, by which I have judged that your Charity should be admonished, that you may resist their wicked audacities with holy constancy, lest in any of us the common faith be found either trembling or lukewarm; since, by the favor of the Lord — who does not desert His Church in any tribulation — we have so religious and so Catholic a mind in the most pious emperor, that nothing else is to be believed of him than what we proved of Marcian of august memory. CHAP. II.
因為既已得知歐迪奇黨的狂怒在亞歷山大所犯之事——我確信這已為你的弟兄之情所知——出於我對天主一切教會所負的關切,我便寄去這些書信,藉此我判定當勸誡你的仁愛之情,使你以聖潔的堅定抵擋他們邪惡的妄行,免得在我們中間任何人身上,那共同的信仰被發現戰兢或冷淡;因為藉著主的恩眷——祂在任何患難中都不撇棄自己的教會——我們在至虔誠的皇帝身上見到如此敬虔而大公的心志,以致對他所當信的,無非是我們對至尊紀念的馬爾西安所已驗證的。第二章。
165:16
Siquidem etiam adhuc nostra actione cessante, ita fidelissimus imperator parricidale crimen horruerit, ut nullum aditum hæreticorum concesserit actioni, qui post immanitatem facinoris perpetrati hoc sibi possibile esse credebaIJt, ut sanctæ Chalcedonensis synodi definitionibus resolutis in alios tractatus vocaretur episcopale concilium Quod quia, frater charissime,abrupte inimicum est fidei Christianæ, et non ob aliud tunta improbitate deposcitur, nisi ut prædicatio Evangelii et Dominicæ incarnationis mysterium subruatur, (nobsecro di!ectionem vestram ut aChalcedonensissynodi definitionibus in nullo animos relaxetis;
— Since indeed, even now while our action was still ceasing, the most faithful emperor so abhorred the parricidal crime that he granted no access to the action of the heretics — who, after the enormity of the crime perpetrated, believed this to be possible for them: that, the definitions of the holy Synod of Chalcedon being dissolved, the episcopal council should be summoned into other discussions. And because this, most dear brother, is abruptly hostile to the Christian faith, and is demanded with such great wickedness for no other cause than that the preaching of the Gospel and the mystery of the Lord's Incarnation may be overthrown, I beseech your Charity that you relax your minds in nothing from the definitions of the Synod of Chalcedon;
—因為,即便如今在我們的行動尚且停頓之際,那位至忠信的皇帝也如此憎惡那弒親之罪,以致他不容異端的作為有絲毫入口——這些異端在犯下滔天惡行之後,竟以為此事於他們可行:即把迦克墩聖會議的定義取消,把主教會議召去討論別的議題。而因為這事,至親愛的弟兄啊,是驟然與基督信仰為敵,且以如此的邪惡被索求,其唯一目的無非是要傾覆福音的宣講與主道成肉身的奧秘,我便懇求你的仁愛之情,要你在迦克墩會議的定義上絕不放鬆你們的心志;
165:17
et quae ex divina sunt inspiratione composita,nulla patiamini novitate temerari.1311 Certus enim sum quodclementissimus imperator et vir magnificu8 Patricius,cum omni cœtu illustrium potestatum nihil in perturbationem Ecclesiae patientur hæreticos obtinere, si pastorales animos in nullo viderint fluctuare. Ut autem hæc adhortatio ad omnium fratrum et coepiscoporum nostrorum possit notitiam pervenire, diligeotias vestrae cura prospiciat, quia,quod saepe dicendum est, tota religio Christiana turbatur, si quidquam de his quæ apud Chalcedonam sunt statuta convelJatur. Datum (I) kalendis Septembris, Constantino et Rufo consulibus.
and that you suffer those things which were composed by divine inspiration to be defiled by no novelty. For I am certain that the most clement emperor and the magnificent man Patricius, together with the whole assembly of the illustrious powers, will suffer the heretics to obtain nothing to the disturbance of the Church, if they see the pastoral minds wavering in nothing. But that this exhortation may reach the notice of all our brethren and fellow-bishops, let the care of your diligence provide; because — as must often be said — the whole Christian religion is disturbed, if anything of the things established at Chalcedon be shaken. Given on the Kalends of September, in the consulship of Constantine and Rufus.
也要你們不容那些由神聖默示所編成之事,被任何新奇之說所玷污。因為我確信,那位至仁的皇帝與尊貴之人帕特里修斯,連同眾顯貴權柄的全體,斷不容異端得逞而擾亂教會分毫,只要他們看見牧者的心志毫不動搖。而為使這勸勉能傳達到我們一切弟兄與同工主教的知曉,願你殷勤的用心加以照管;因為——這是必須屢屢申說的——整個基督宗教都會被擾亂,若在迦克墩所定立之事上有任何被動搖。書於九月朔日,君士坦丁與魯弗斯任執政官之年。
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