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Pope Leo the Great

Sermons & Letters 246 part 3/4

Latin original · 40 verses · some words can be tapped for a gloss · long chapter, split into parts; this part covers 246:81–246:120 (138 verses in all)

← ch. 245ch. 247 →
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246:81
Ut nimirum, ad Italiæ synodum conventientibus epi-copis, de lapsorum fide et eriminibus solemniter et juxta cauouum rigorem judicaretur. Non ergo 501 post latrocinium Ephesinum lapsis episcopis, schismatum auctoribus, ecclesiasticis ligatis censuris licitum esse poterat suas, sedes retinere; neque per actorum latrocinalium abolitionem canonicæ pœnæ quas incurrerant ipsis a Leone relaxatæ fuerunt. Ad quæ forte sedulo animadvertens Domnus, vcrecundia et pudore actus, privatam pœnitentis vilam longe ab hominiun et suorum civiom frequentia traducere maluit, quam in publicis cœtibus et synodis prodire, debita suæ fidei, pœnitentiæ et satisfactionis argumenta daturus. 18.
That is to say, so that when the bishops assembled for a synod in Italy, judgment might be passed solemnly and according to the rigor of the canons concerning the faith and crimes of the lapsed. It could not therefore be lawful, after the Robber Council of Ephesus, for the lapsed bishops, the authors of schisms, bound by ecclesiastical censures, to retain their sees; nor were the canonical penalties which they had incurred relaxed for them by Leo through the abolition of the brigand acts. Attending diligently perhaps to these things, Domnus, moved by modesty and shame, preferred to pass the private life of a penitent far from the throng of men and of his own fellow citizens, rather than to come forward in public assemblies and synods, there to give the due proofs of his faith, penitence, and satisfaction.
也就是說,俾使當主教們聚集於義大利的會議時,可以隆重地、並按教規的嚴格,對失足者的信仰與罪行作出裁斷。因此,在以弗所強盜會議之後,那些失足的主教、分裂的肇事者、被教會處分所束縛的人,絕不可能合法地保有自己的座位;他們所招致的教規刑罰,也未曾因那強盜會議之議事的廢除而由利奧為他們鬆綁。多努斯或許是殷勤思量到這些事,受廉恥之感所驅,寧願在遠離眾人及自己同胞群集之處度悔罪者的隱居生活,也不願在公眾集會與會議中出面,以呈交其信仰、悔罪與補贖的應有憑證。
246:82
Pucrilia esse plane judicantur quæ ad Domni mortem probandam Quesuellus ex constitutione Theodorii imperatoris affert, in qua pseudosynodi Acta confirmantur, et de Domno legitur: Qui fuit Antiochenus episcopus. Addit in 14 actione Chalecdonensi dictum fuisse ab Athanasio Perrhenorum episcopo, in locum Sabiniani ordinato, qui causam reddens cur Dommi judicium declinaverit: Inimicus meus erat ipse qui judicabat Antiochenus. Ex quibus inferre posse contendit jam Domnum vita functum. Primum enim si staret, jam probaret Domnum, vir latrocinali illu synodo absoluta, hotuinem exuisse; cum Theodosii constitutio, statim Chrysaphio et Dio- coro agentibus, edita et promulgata fuerit.
What Quesnel adduces from the constitution of the emperor Theodosius to prove the death of Domnus is plainly judged to be childish; for in that constitution the Acts of the pseudo-synod are confirmed, and concerning Domnus one reads: "who was bishop of Antioch." He adds that in the fourteenth session of Chalcedon it was said by Athanasius, bishop of Perrhe, ordained in the place of Sabinianus, who, giving the reason why he had declined the judgment of Domnus: "My enemy was the very man of Antioch who was judging." From these things he contends one can infer that Domnus had already departed this life. For first, if it held good, it would already prove that Domnus, once that brigand synod was concluded, had put off the man (i.e., died); since the constitution of Theodosius was issued and promulgated immediately at the instigation of Chrysaphius and Dioscorus.
蓋斯內爾從狄奧多西皇帝的詔令中所引以證明多努斯之死的,顯然被判為幼稚之論;因為那詔令中確認了偽會議的議事錄,且論及多努斯時讀到:「他曾是安提阿的主教。」他又補充說,在迦克墩第十四場會議中,由接替薩比尼安、被立於其位的佩雷主教亞他那修說過——他在說明自己為何拒絕多努斯之裁判的理由時——「對我作裁判的那位安提阿人正是我的仇敵。」蓋斯內爾從這些話辯稱可推斷多努斯當時已經去世。因為首先,倘若此說成立,便已可證明多努斯在那強盜會議結束後即已脫去肉身(即去世);既然狄奧多西的詔令是由克里薩弗與狄奧斯科魯斯一經慫恿便立即頒佈施行的。
246:83
Igitur hujus mors neminem latere potuisset, nec Evagrio cum veritate scribere licebat quid de Domno esset factum se prorsus ignorare. Neque Athauasuis Perrhenorum ibi loquitur de Domno tamquam mortuo, sed de eo qui Antiochenum tum agebat concilium. Quare (ait Daluzius) isti loquendi modi sunt quidem præterni temporis, sed præteriti imperfecti, ut aiunt grammatici, in quibus exponendis pudet diutius immorari. Verum enimvero, nec Domnum mortuum fuisse cum concilium Chalcedonense agebatur, atque S.
Therefore his death could not have escaped anyone's notice, nor would it have been allowable for Evagrius to write truthfully that he was wholly ignorant of what had become of Domnus. Nor does Athanasius of Perrhe there speak of Domnus as a dead man, but of him who was at that time conducting the council of Antioch. Wherefore (says Baluze) those modes of speaking are indeed of past time, but of the past imperfect, as the grammarians say, in expounding which it is shameful to linger any longer. But truly, that Domnus was not dead when the Council of Chalcedon was being held, and that St.
因此,他的死絕不可能不為人所知,埃瓦格里烏斯也不可能誠實地寫說自己全然不知多努斯下落如何。佩雷的亞他那修在那裏也並非把多努斯說成一個死人,而是說那位當時在主持安提阿大公會議的人。故此(巴呂茲〔Baluze〕說)那些說法確實屬於過去時態,但屬於過去未完成時,正如文法學者所稱;對於這些加以詳述,再多停留實在可恥。然而真實情形是,當迦克墩大公會議召開時,多努斯並未去世,且聖……
246:84
Leonem irrita fecisse omnia latrocinaba Actu, excepta Domni depositione et Maximi ordinatione, tandem cognovit Quesnellus, qui in lustranda actiono decima Chalcedonensi, Stephani Ephesiorum episcopi interlocutionem offendens, qua contendebat omnia prædatoriæ synodi contra canones facta abolita esse, iis exceptis quæ adversus Domnum gesta fuerani, ob hoc (nimiruni), quia ordinatio Deo amantissinti episropi Muximi facta pro eo canonice in Antiochena metropali a sanctissimo archiepiscopo Leone, et hoc præsente sancto, et universali concilio est suscepta.
…that St. Leo had rendered void all the brigand Acts, excepting the deposition of Domnus and the ordination of Maximus—Quesnel at length came to recognize this; for, in scrutinizing the tenth session of Chalcedon, he stumbled upon the intervention of Stephen, bishop of Ephesus, who contended that all the things done against the canons by the rapacious synod had been abolished, excepting those things which had been carried out against Domnus, for this reason (namely): "because the ordination of the most God-beloved bishop Maximus, made in his place canonically in the metropolis of Antioch by the most holy archbishop Leo, this also being present, was received by the holy and universal council."
……聖利奧已使一切強盜會議的議事歸於無效,唯獨多努斯的廢黜與馬克西穆斯的祝聖除外——蓋斯內爾終於不得不承認此事;因為他在細查迦克墩第十場會議時,碰見了以弗所主教斯德望的發言;斯德望主張,那貪婪會議一切違反教規所行之事皆已廢除,唯有針對多努斯所行之事除外,其理由(即)為:「因為那蒙天主極愛的主教馬克西穆斯之祝聖,乃由至聖的大主教利奧按教規在安提阿都主教座、且當著此聖者之面立於其位而行,並為神聖而普世的大公會議所接納。」
246:85
Horum enim verborum pondus adversarius intelligens, ne falsum ab eo constructum ædifictum prorsus corrucret, fulcimenta huc illucque quærens, non protinus collabi deberc sibi blanditus est, scrihendo non magnipendendum esse, quia unicum est, et ab eo profectum quem artione sequenti exauctoratum legimus propter scelera per quæ sibi gradum ad Ephesinam fecerat sedem; adeoque probabile esse eum ex odio Domni condemnationem ratam esse voluisse. At hujusmodi effugium, qua ratione sibi prodesse posse censet Quesnellus ? Dabo gravissimorum facinorum reos non admitti ad lestimonium.
For the adversary, perceiving the weight of these words, lest the falsely constructed edifice raised by him should utterly collapse, seeking props here and there, flattered himself that it ought not at once to fall to ruin, by writing that it should not be greatly esteemed, because it is the only such testimony, and because it proceeded from one whom in the following session we read to have been deprived of office on account of the crimes by which he had made for himself a step to the see of Ephesus; and that it is therefore probable that out of hatred of Domnus he wished his condemnation to be ratified. But by what reasoning does Quesnel suppose that an evasion of this kind can profit him? I will grant that those guilty of most grievous misdeeds are not admitted to give testimony.
那位論敵察覺到這些話語的份量,唯恐他所造的虛偽建築全然倒塌,便四處尋找支撐,自欺地以為它不至於立刻崩潰,於是寫道,這證言不應被高度看重,因為它是唯一的一條,又因為它出自一個——我們在下一場會議讀到——因藉以為自己鋪設通往以弗所座位之台階的種種罪行而被革職之人;因此可推測,他乃出於對多努斯的仇恨,才希望其定罪得到批准。但蓋斯內爾憑甚麼推理,竟以為這樣的遁辭能對他有利?我姑且承認,犯下極嚴重惡行者不得被接納作證。
246:86
Sed erimina Stephano exprobrata tunc hactenus cum non essent probata, et quia istius causa nondum agitata, nec de objectis criminibus fuerat convictus, quid possunt probare ? Nihil. Alias PP. Chalcedonenses admisissent inter episcopos et judices primarum sedium hominem quem canones prorsus exauctoratum esse statuebant. Et quidem veras judicis partes Stephanum Ephesiorum in Chalcedonensi synodo obiisse, ex sequentibus innotescit. Tertia actione Dioscorum cum abis episcopis damnavit. Quarta epistolam Leonis ad Flavianum laudavit, atque suscepit. Sexta subseripsit definitioni fidei coram imperatore. In septima confirmavit conventionem Juvenalis et Maximi.
But since the crimes laid to Stephen's charge were at that time not yet proved, and since his case had not yet been brought to trial, nor had he been convicted of the alleged crimes, what can they prove? Nothing. Otherwise the Fathers of Chalcedon would have admitted among the bishops and judges of the first sees a man whom the canons declared to be utterly deprived of office. And indeed that Stephen of Ephesus discharged the true role of judge in the Council of Chalcedon is made known from what follows. In the third session he condemned Dioscorus with the other bishops. In the fourth he praised the letter of Leo to Flavian and accepted it. In the sixth he subscribed to the definition of faith before the emperor. In the seventh he confirmed the agreement of Juvenal and Maximus.
然而既然當時控告斯德望的那些罪行尚未被證實,既然他的案件尚未被審理,他也未曾就所控之罪被定讞,那麼這些罪能證明甚麼呢?毫無所證。否則迦克墩的諸位教父豈會在那些首要座位的主教與裁判官之中,接納一個教規宣告為全然被革職的人?而斯德望——以弗所的這位——在迦克墩大公會議中確曾履行裁判官的真實職分,這從以下諸事得以明知:在第三場會議中,他與其他主教一同定狄奧斯科魯斯的罪;在第四場中,他稱讚利奧致夫拉維安的書信並予接納;在第六場中,他當著皇帝之面簽署了信仰的定義;在第七場中,他確認了猶文那與馬克西穆斯之間的協議。
246:87
Unde tandem colligit Quesnellus Stephanum odio actum esse ad confirmandam Domni depositionem, nisi ex sola divinatione? Quare potius existimandum esset Stephanum potius debuisse favere Domno, quem Dioscorus dolo deposuerat. Hinc clarissimus Baluzius ad Stephani Ephesini agendi rationem 502 recogitaus, arbitratus est eum nullo odio aut malevolentia ductum ita esse interlocutum, sed quia noverat Domnum depositum ad manasterium rediisse, ut quieti et solitudini vacaret, et fortasse libellum relutatorium pro more illorum temporum obtu isse, ut canonica Maximi ordiuatio locum haberei. 19. Jam vero cum laudato falcimento adhuc totum Quesnelli tuit ædificium.
Whence then does Quesnel gather that Stephen was driven by hatred to confirm the deposition of Domnus, except from sheer divination? Wherefore it should rather be thought that Stephen ought rather to have favored Domnus, whom Dioscorus had deposed by guile. Hence the most distinguished Baluze, reflecting on the manner in which Stephen of Ephesus acted, judged that he had so spoken led by no hatred or malevolence, but because he knew that Domnus, once deposed, had returned to the monastery to give himself to quiet and solitude, and had perhaps presented a libellus of resignation according to the custom of those times, so that the canonical ordination of Maximus might take place. 19. But now, the praised prop being added, the whole edifice of Quesnel is undermined.
那麼蓋斯內爾憑甚麼斷定斯德望是被仇恨所驅而去確認多努斯的廢黜呢——除了純然的臆測之外?故此寧可認為,斯德望本應反倒偏袒多努斯,因為多努斯乃是被狄奧斯科魯斯以詭計廢黜的。因此,那位極傑出的巴呂茲,在反覆思量以弗所的斯德望行事的方式之後,判斷他如此發言並非出於任何仇恨或惡意,而是因為他知道多努斯被廢之後已返回隱修院,以致力於安靜與獨處,且或許按那時代的習俗呈交了辭職的呈文,俾使馬克西穆斯按教規的祝聖得以成立。十九、而今,加上那已被稱讚的支撐,蓋斯內爾的整座建築便被掏空了。
246:88
Nam Stephani testimonium nec unicum est, nec ullus ex Patribus eidem refragatus est. Imprimis cum actione decima quæstio haberetur an omnialatrocianaia Acta deberent relegi, ut nihil desit (aicbat Theophilus diaconus) juste judicare debentibus, statim omnes apostolieæ sedis vicarii, per Paschasinum dixerunt: Synodus appllari non potest in qua illa nefaria delicta relacta sunt. Et paucis interjectis ea Acta vam et irrita a S. Leone declarata esse asseverat, ex quo claret, quia et sanctissimus episcopus Amiochenœ civitatis extra hæc est (Rostieus sequentem addidit notam: De Maximo ordinato apud Ephesum) quem post hœc beatissimus episcopus in propriam communionem suscepit;
For Stephen's testimony is neither the only one, nor did any of the Fathers contradict it. In the first place, when in the tenth session the question was raised whether all the brigand Acts ought to be read again, "so that nothing be lacking" (said Theophilus the deacon) "to those who must judge justly," at once all the vicars of the Apostolic See, through Paschasinus, said: "It cannot be called a synod in which those wicked crimes were perpetrated." And a little later he affirms that those Acts were declared void and null by St. Leo; from which it is clear, "because the most holy bishop of the city of Antioch also is outside these" (Rusticus added the following note: "Concerning Maximus ordained at Ephesus") "whom after these things the most blessed bishop received into his own communion";
因為斯德望的證言既非唯一的一條,也沒有任何一位教父反駁它。首先,當第十場會議中提出問題,即一切強盜會議的議事錄是否當再次宣讀,「俾使對那些必須公正裁斷的人毫無缺漏」(執事提阿非羅如此說)時,全體聖座的代表立即藉帕斯卡西努斯(Paschasinus)說:「那發生了那些邪惡罪行的,不能稱為會議。」稍後他又斷言那些議事錄已被聖利奧宣告為無效作廢;由此可見,「因為安提阿城的至聖主教也在此之外」(路斯提庫斯〔Rusticus〕加了以下註記:「論及在以弗所被祝聖的馬克西穆斯」),「就是那位至有福的主教在此之後接納入自己共融之中的人」;
246:89
quibus postremis verbis hanc aliam idem Rusticus addidit annotationem: Facta Leonis confirmatis subsecuta confirmantur. Profecto si ad hættendisset Quesnellus, qui in lustrandis et mss. et editis exemplaribus, pro divi Leonis Operibus adornandis se laborasse gloria ur, nescio an libere pronuntiasset unicum esse Stephani testimonium, cui nemo ex illis PP. suffragatus est. Sed adhuc attendat ad ea quæ post synodi enim definitionem nihil horum valere quæ in synodo Ephesina gesta fuerant, nisi illud circa sancussimum magnæ Antiochenæ civitatis episcopum, quonium et sanctissimus Leo Romanus archiepiscopus in communionem cum recipiens præesse eum Antiochensium judicavit Ecclesiæ.
to which last words the same Rusticus added this further annotation: "Once the deeds of Leo are confirmed, the things that follow are confirmed." Assuredly, had Quesnel attended to this—he who glories that he labored, in surveying both manuscript and printed copies, to adorn the Works of the divine Leo—I do not know whether he would freely have pronounced that the testimony of Stephen is the only one, to which none of those Fathers gave their suffrage. But let him still attend to those things which followed: for after the definition of the synod, none of those things availed which had been done in the synod of Ephesus, except that one concerning the most holy bishop of the great city of Antioch, since the most holy Leo, the Roman archbishop, receiving him into communion, judged him to preside over the Church of the Antiochenes.
對於這末了的話,同一位路斯提庫斯又加了這條進一步的註解:「利奧的作為一經確認,隨後之事亦被確認。」確實,倘若蓋斯內爾留意到此事——他誇耀說自己在審查手抄本與印本、以裝修神聖利奧的著作上曾下過功夫——我不知道他是否還會輕率地宣稱斯德望的證言是唯一的、且諸位教父中無人附議。但願他仍留意隨後之事:因為在會議的定義之後,凡在以弗所會議中所行之事皆不再有效,唯獨那關於安提阿大城至聖主教的一事除外;因為至聖的羅馬大主教利奧接納他入共融,判定他主持安提阿人的教會。
246:90
Tandem none tribus istis cæteros PP. astipulatos esse, nemine prorsus refragante, ex illis Actis exploratum est ? Ea enim percurrant lectores, et clare intelligent non alia de causa Maximi ordinationem, et Domni depositionem ratas esse judicatas, nisi quia illas pontifex Leo confirmaverat. 20. Se graviter urgeri ab illis tribus testimoniis Quesnellus, quæ non ignoravit, præsensit. Et proptérea arbitratus suis dictis sufficienter Stephani interlocutionem infirmasse, stylum vertit in alia duo Paschasini et Anatolii, quæ ipsi jam in medium adduximus. Cujus gravem contentionem idem Stephanus Baluzius apprime cognoscens, sub numero 52, ait:
Finally, that the rest of the Fathers assented to those three, with absolutely no one contradicting, has been established from those very Acts. For let the readers run through them, and they will clearly understand that the ordination of Maximus and the deposition of Domnus were judged ratified for no other reason than because the pontiff Leo had confirmed them. 20. Quesnel foresaw, and was not unaware, that he was being gravely pressed by those three testimonies. And therefore, thinking that by his words he had sufficiently weakened Stephen's intervention, he turned his pen to two others, those of Paschasinus and Anatolius, which we have already brought into the open. The same Stephen Baluze, well recognizing the grave contention concerning this, under number 52, says:
最後,從那些議事錄本身已確證:其餘的諸位教父都贊同那三位,毫無一人反對。讀者只要把那些議事錄通讀一遍,就會清楚明白,馬克西穆斯的祝聖與多努斯的廢黜之所以被判為批准,別無他故,唯因教宗利奧曾予確認。二十、蓋斯內爾預見並非不知道自己正被那三條證言嚴重壓制。因此,他以為憑自己的言詞已足以削弱斯德望的發言,便把筆鋒轉向另外兩條,即帕斯卡西努斯與亞納多留的發言,這兩條我們已經擺出來了。同一位斯德望·巴呂茲,深知關於此事的嚴重爭論,在第五十二號下說道::
246:91
« Superest ut Paschasini nunc interlocutionem retractemus, quam Paulo ante descripsimus, tum ut veritati gestorum patrocinemur, tum ut quæ vere ab eruditissimo et optimo viro Petro de Marca archiepiscopo Parisiensi dicta sunt, ea vera esse ostendamus. Egit ille de causa Maximi Antiocheni in libro in de Concordia, ut etiam iesto exemplo doceret Romanæ sedis auctoritatem in temperenda canonum exsecutione et indulgenda dispensatione ad Orientis quoque Ecclesias porrectam fuisse. Ordinatus fuerat Maximus ab Anatolio episcopo Constantinopolitano in loco Domni a Doscoro damnati. Huic ordinationi duo maxima vitia inerant: unum, quod Domnus ab impia synodo damnatus esset:
"It remains for us now to re-examine the intervention of Paschasinus, which we described a little before, both that we may defend the truth of the proceedings, and that we may show that the things truly said by that most learned and excellent man, Pierre de Marca, archbishop of Paris, are true. He treated of the case of Maximus of Antioch in his book On Concord, in order to teach also by a clear example that the authority of the Roman See, in tempering the execution of the canons and in granting dispensation, was extended to the Churches of the East as well. Maximus had been ordained by Anatolius, bishop of Constantinople, in the place of Domnus condemned by Dioscorus. Two very great defects were inherent in this ordination: one, that Domnus had been condemned by an impious synod;
「現在還剩下我們重新審查帕斯卡西努斯的發言,這發言我們不久前已描述過,目的一是為要維護議事錄的真實,二是為要顯明那位最博學、最卓越之人——巴黎大主教彼得·德·馬爾卡(Pierre de Marca)所真正說過的話乃是真實的。他在其《論和諧》一書中論及安提阿的馬克西穆斯之案,為要以一鮮明的例子教導:羅馬聖座的權柄,在節制教規之執行、並施予豁免上,也延伸到了東方的眾教會。馬克西穆斯曾由君士坦丁堡主教亞納多留祝聖,立於被狄奧斯科魯斯定罪的多努斯之位。此祝聖內含兩大瑕疵:其一,多努斯乃是被一個不虔的會議所定罪;
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alterum, quod ordinatio illa contra canones ab Anatolio peracta erat. » Quid nos, inquit Leo, ad Marcianum augustum scribens, amore reparandæ fidei et pacis studio retractare cessavimus. Poterat ergo Leo, ut ait Marca, ordinationem Maximi retractare, nisi benigne se in eum gessisset. Id vero hinc etiam confirmat, quod ille a synodo Chalcedoneusi eo solum nomine receptus sit, quod Leo sanctissimus P. ejus ordinationem et communionem probasset.
the other, that that ordination had been carried out by Anatolius against the canons." "What did we," says Leo, writing to Marcian Augustus, "out of love of restoring the faith and zeal for peace, cease to reconsider." Leo could therefore, as Marca says, have reconsidered the ordination of Maximus, had he not borne himself kindly toward him. And he confirms this also from the fact that Maximus was received by the Council of Chalcedon on this ground alone, that the most holy father Leo had approved his ordination and communion.
其二,那祝聖乃是由亞納多留違反教規而行的。」利奧在致馬爾基安皇帝的信中說:「我們出於恢復信仰的愛與對和平的熱忱,何曾停止重新斟酌這些事。」因此,正如馬爾卡所說,利奧本可重新斟酌馬克西穆斯的祝聖,倘若他未曾仁慈地待他的話。他並且從以下事實確認此點:馬克西穆斯被迦克墩大公會議接納,唯一的緣由就是至聖之父利奧曾批准了他的祝聖與共融。
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Tum ut id ostendat esse verum, describit verba Paschasini supra relata, et annotat sequentia, quem post hæc beatissimus 503 episcopus in propria communione suscepit, deesse in textu Græco, sed hæc tamen a veteri interprete juxta fidem antiquorum codicum retenta esse. Quesnellus, qui non vult ista dicta esse a Paschasino, miris modis se torquet ut bonum loci illus sensum constituat absque verbis illis, quædam sua auctoritate addens, nonnulla, ilia mutans. Et ut confirmet opinionem suam, ait necesse non esse ut legatorum sedis apostolicæ verba firmentur interlocutione Anatolii, quam proprterea Marca statim retulerat, cum sibi ipsi sufficiant ut intelligantur:
Then, to show that this is true, he transcribes the words of Paschasinus related above, and notes the following—"whom after these things the most blessed bishop received into his own communion"—to be lacking in the Greek text, yet that these words were nevertheless retained by the old translator according to the trustworthiness of the ancient codices. Quesnel, who is unwilling that these things should have been said by Paschasinus, twists himself in wondrous ways to establish a good sense for that passage without those words, adding certain things on his own authority and altering several others. And in order to confirm his opinion, he says it is not necessary that the words of the legates of the Apostolic See be confirmed by the intervention of Anatolius—which Marca had therefore at once reported—since they suffice of themselves to be understood:
接著,為證明此事屬實,他抄錄了上文所引帕斯卡西努斯的話,並指出以下這句——「就是那位至有福的主教在此之後接納入自己共融之中的人」——在希臘文本中闕如,然而這些話仍由那位古代譯者按古抄本的可信性予以保留。蓋斯內爾不願承認這些話是帕斯卡西努斯所說的,便奇異地百般扭曲,企圖在沒有這些話的情況下為那段文字確立一個合宜的意義,憑自己的權威添加某些字句,又更改另外幾處。為要確立自己的意見,他說:聖座使節的話無需藉亞納多留的發言來加以證實——馬爾卡正是為此緣故隨即引述了亞納多留的發言——因為這些話本身已足以被理解::
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Et sive sententia illorum, inquit, ab Anatolii suffragio discrepet, sive illi concinat, non probat tamen id a legatis dictum, quod dictum non esse omni originalium Actorum exempla significant. Duo igitur contendit vir clarissimus, sensum esse integrum absque illis Paschasini verbis, et ea deesse in ombibus exemplaribus Actorum originalium. Quoad primum, publicam appello fidem, si non manifestum est sensum esse imperfectum absque verbis illis. Cum enim dixisset Paschasinus synodum Ephesinam a Leone P. missam fuisse in irritum, addidit: His generalibus verbis non comprehendi Maximi ordinationem clarere, quia Leo eum in sua communione susceperat.
"And whether their judgment," he says, "differ from the suffrage of Anatolius, or accord with it, it nonetheless does not prove that to have been said by the legates which all the copies of the original Acts signify not to have been said." The distinguished man therefore contends two things: that the sense is complete without those words of Paschasinus, and that they are lacking in all the copies of the original Acts. As to the first, I appeal to public credence, whether it is not manifest that the sense is imperfect without those words. For when Paschasinus had said that the Synod of Ephesus had been rendered void by the pope Leo, he added: that it is clear that by these general words the ordination of Maximus is not comprehended, because Leo had received him into his communion.
他說:「無論他們的判斷與亞納多留的贊同有所出入,抑或相合,這都不能證明那為使節所說之事——而原始議事錄的一切抄本都顯示此事並非如此說過。」這位傑出之人因此爭辯兩點:一是沒有帕斯卡西努斯那些話,意義仍屬完整;二是那些話在原始議事錄的一切抄本中皆闕如。關於第一點,我訴諸公眾的判斷:沒有那些話,意義豈非顯然是不完整的?因為帕斯卡西努斯既已說過以弗所會議已被教宗利奧宣告為無效,便補充道:顯然這些籠統的話並不涵蓋馬克西穆斯的祝聖,因為利奧曾接納他入自己的共融。
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Nisi enim Paschasinus hanc rationem reddidisset, sensus non fuisset integer, et aliquid postea episcopi exspectassent quod ab eo diceretur. Adde quod sequentia nullam connexionem habent cum causa, nisi addantur illæ voces, necessariumexim est, quæ in textu quoque Græco deesse constat. At enim ea desiderantur in omnibus exemplaribus Græcis, quæ originalia vocat idem vir clarissimus ? Primo quærendum est an revera possit dici Græca exemplaria esse originalia, ubi legati Roman pontificis Latine loquebantur. Sane Rusticus in loco hoc non legitur annotasse hanc legatorum papæ interlocutionem Latine jacere in autiquis codicibus.
For unless Paschasinus had rendered this reason, the sense would not have been complete, and the bishops would afterward have awaited something more to be said by him. Add that what follows has no connection with the matter unless those words be added—"for it is necessary"—which it is established are lacking in the Greek text also. But indeed, are these wanting in all the Greek copies, which the same distinguished man calls the originals? First it must be asked whether the Greek copies can truly be said to be the originals, where the legates of the Roman pontiff were speaking in Latin. Indeed, Rusticus is not found to have noted in this passage that this intervention of the pope's legates lay in Latin in the ancient codices.
因為倘若帕斯卡西努斯沒有給出這個理由,意義便不會完整,諸位主教此後也會期待他再說些甚麼。再者,隨後的內容與本題毫無關聯,除非加上「因為這是必要的」這幾個字——而這幾個字確證在希臘文本中也是闕如的。然而,這些話果真在一切希臘抄本——那位傑出之人稱之為原本——中都付諸闕如嗎?首先須問:在羅馬教宗的使節是用拉丁文發言之處,希臘抄本是否真能被稱為原本?事實上,路斯提庫斯在此處並未註明這段教宗使節的發言在古抄本中是以拉丁文存在的。
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Sed cum ipse alibi meneat illos Latine locutos esse, et interlocutiones eorum Latine scriptas fuisse in antiquis exemplaribus Græcis, cum istic compositor gestorum non dicat eos per interpretem esse locutos, par est æstimare Paschasinum locutum fuisse Latine; adeoque si quid hic erroris commissum est, non videtur esse tribuendum interpreti Latino, sed Græco, seu potius libratio, qui per errorem omisit ea quæ istic desunt in textu Græco. Nam et veteres codices Græcos synodi Chalcedonensis non esse sanos, jam supra demonstravimus, ubi etiam monuimus cardinalem clarissimum Baronium credidisse corrigendos illos propterea esse opere Latinorum. Baluzius ita est. 21.
But since he elsewhere recalls that they spoke in Latin, and that their interventions had been written in Latin in the ancient Greek copies, since here the compiler of the proceedings does not say that they spoke through an interpreter, it is fair to estimate that Paschasinus spoke in Latin; and so, if any error has here been committed, it does not seem to be attributable to the Latin translator, but to the Greek—or rather to the copyist, who by error omitted those things which are here lacking in the Greek text. For that the ancient Greek codices of the Council of Chalcedon are not sound we have already demonstrated above, where we also pointed out that the most distinguished cardinal Baronius believed they should be corrected on that account by the work of the Latins. So far Baluze. 21.
但既然他在別處提及他們是用拉丁文發言、且其發言在古希臘抄本中本是以拉丁文寫成的,又既然此處議事錄的編纂者並未說他們是藉譯員發言,那麼合理的判斷便是帕斯卡西努斯乃用拉丁文發言;因此,若此處有任何錯誤,似乎不應歸咎於拉丁譯者,而應歸於希臘人——或更確切地說歸於抄寫者,他因疏失而漏掉了此處在希臘文本中所闕的內容。因為迦克墩大公會議的古希臘抄本並不可靠,我們在上文已經證明;在那裏我們也指出,那位極傑出的樞機巴若尼烏斯(Baronius)認為,正因此故,它們當藉拉丁人的工作予以校正。巴呂茲之言至此為止。二十一、
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Actionis quoque de qua agimus quosdam falsitatis characteres affert Quesnellus, contendendo illius ætatis morem non fuisse ut Romanus pontifex hac unica voce papa, sine aliquo addito designaretur; nec ullum in Chalcedoneusibus Actis locum occurrere, ubi ad illam vocem papa non addatur, vel urbis Romæ, vel apostolic sedis, vel aliud simile. Hocce argumentum duplici responsione laudatus Baluzius eripuit. Prima (ait) necessarium non esse ut ævo Domni vox papa sola poneretur cum de Romano episcopo agebatur;
Of the session about which we are treating Quesnel also adduces certain marks of falsity, contending that it was not the custom of that age that the Roman pontiff should be designated by this single word "papa" (pope), without some addition; nor that any passage occurs in the Acts of Chalcedon where to that word "papa" there is not added either "of the city of Rome," or "of the Apostolic See," or something similar. This argument the praised Baluze removed by a twofold reply. The first (he says) is that it is not necessary that in the age of Domnus the word "papa" alone should be set down when it was a question of the Roman bishop;
關於我們正在論述的這場會議,蓋斯內爾還引出某些虛偽的標記,主張:那時代並無這樣的習慣,即用「教宗」(papa)這唯一一詞、不加任何附語來指稱羅馬教宗;他並主張,在迦克墩的議事錄中,沒有任何一處對「papa」一詞不附加「羅馬城的」、或「聖座的」、或類似字眼。對此論證,受稱讚的巴呂茲以雙重答覆予以駁倒。他說,第一:在多努斯的時代,論及羅馬主教時,並非必須單用「papa」一詞;
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sufficit ut talis mos interpretis ætate obtinuisset, apud quem vox ' respondet voci papa in interlocutione quadam Bonifacii presbyteri Romani, quæ exstat post subscriptiones episcoporum in actione sexta decima; secunda, Domni ævo vocem papa solitariam reperiri tamquam de Romano pontifice dictam, et quidem in ipsis Chalcedonensibus gestis, in epistola Hilarii ad Pulcheriam augustam, et in brevicula historiæ Eutychianistarum. lacipiam autem, ait Baluzius, a gestis concilii. In actione 1, inter Acta synodi Ephesinæ II, Julius episcopus vicarius papæ Leonis ait: Prius papæ legatur epistola, quod non solum in Latino textu legitur, sed etiam in Græco, qui ita habet:. Rursum in act.
it suffices that such a custom prevailed in the age of the translator, with whom the word answers to the word "papa" in a certain intervention of Boniface the Roman presbyter, which is extant after the subscriptions of the bishops in the sixteenth session; the second, that in the age of Domnus the word "papa" by itself is found used of the Roman pontiff, and indeed in the very Acts of Chalcedon, in the letter of Hilary to Pulcheria Augusta, and in the brief history of the Eutychianists. "I shall begin," says Baluze, "from the Acts of the council. In session 1, among the Acts of the Second Synod of Ephesus, Julius the bishop, vicar of pope Leo, says: 'Let the letter of the pope first be read,' which is read not only in the Latin text, but also in the Greek, which has it thus. Again in session"
只需在那譯者的時代盛行此種習慣即可;在他那裏,「papa」一詞對應於羅馬司鐸博尼法爵在某次發言中所用之詞,那發言存於第十六場會議眾主教簽署之後。第二:在多努斯的時代,「papa」一詞單獨用以指羅馬教宗的情形是可見的,且正見於迦克墩的議事錄本身、見於希拉里致普爾克莉雅皇后的書信、以及見於歐迪克派的簡史中。巴呂茲說:「我要從大公會議的議事錄開始。在第一場會議中,於第二次以弗所會議的議事錄之間,主教猶利烏斯——教宗利奧的代表——說:『先宣讀教宗的書信』;這句不僅見於拉丁文本,也見於希臘文本,希臘文本亦如此記載。又在第……場會議中」
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2 reverendissimi episcope clamarunt: Papa Leo ita interpretatus est; quod cum Gæco congruit, ubi habetur sic: 'O 504. Immo Evagrius, ista recensens, non posuit vocem in hoc loco, sed ait simpliciter: 'O. Et id quidem in omnibus Evagrii editionibus Græcis. Ad Latinos quod attinet, epist. Hilarii diaconi ad Pulcheriam augustam scripta post latrocinium Ephesinum, quæ ab eodem viro clarissimo relata est inter epistolas S. Leonis, satis magnam fidem facit consuesse tum Rom. Pontifices appeati simpliciter papas. Sic enim ait: Manifesta necessitas erat quæ litteras B. papæ ad vestram clementiam directas offerre compelleret ©. Non utar auctoritate epist.
"2 the most reverend bishops cried out: 'Pope Leo has thus interpreted'; which agrees with the Greek, where it is had thus." Nay more, Evagrius, in reviewing these things, did not set down the word in this place, but says simply. And this indeed in all the Greek editions of Evagrius. As regards the Latins, the letter of Hilary the deacon to Pulcheria Augusta, written after the Robber Council of Ephesus, which was related by the same distinguished man among the letters of St. Leo, gives sufficiently great proof that the Roman pontiffs were then accustomed to be called simply "popes." For thus he says: "There was a manifest necessity which compelled the offering of the letters of the blessed pope directed to your clemency." I shall not make use of the authority of the letter…
「在第二場會議中,諸位至可敬的主教高呼:『教宗利奧如此解釋』;此語與希臘文相合,希臘文亦如此記載。」不僅如此,埃瓦格里烏斯在敘述這些事時,於此處並未寫下那詞,而僅是簡略地說。這一點在埃瓦格里烏斯的一切希臘文版本中皆然。至於拉丁文方面,執事希拉里在以弗所強盜會議之後寫給普爾克莉雅皇后的書信——這信由同一位傑出之人列於聖利奧的書信之中——足以充分證明當時羅馬教宗習慣上單被稱為「教宗」。因為他如此說:「有一顯明的必要,迫使人呈交那寫給陛下慈恩的、有福教宗的書信。」我不會援用那封書信的權威……
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Gallæ Placidiæ ad eamdem Pulcheriam augustam, in qua scriptum est: Multitudine sacerdotum Romanus Leo papa circumdatus, quia reponi posset vocem papa hic esse cum adjuncto. Breviculus Historiæ Eutychianistarum: Superveniente Uranio subadjuvo, et contra Joannem jam episcopum sacra principis defernte, ab episcoputus illius confirmatione papa suspensus est. Sufficiunt amem, ut arbitror, illa quæ jam dicta sunt, ad infringendam vim illius argument quod adversum hunc locum Paschasius Quesnelius adduxit. 22.
…the letter of Galla Placidia to the same Pulcheria Augusta, in which it is written: "The Roman Leo the pope, surrounded by a multitude of priests," because it could be objected that the word "papa" here is with an adjunct. The Brief History of the Eutychianists: "On the arrival of Uranius the subdeacon, and bringing the imperial sacred letter against John, now bishop, the pope was suspended from the confirmation of his episcopate." But those things which have already been said suffice, as I judge, to break the force of that argument which Paschasius Quesnel adduced against this passage. 22.
……即加拉·普拉琪迪雅致同一位普爾克莉雅皇后的書信,信中寫道:「羅馬人利奧教宗,被一群司鐸所環繞」,因為可以反駁說此處的「papa」一詞是帶有附語的。《歐迪克派簡史》:「副助祭烏拉尼烏斯抵達,帶來皇帝那道反對已任主教的若望的聖諭,於是那教宗被中止了對其主教職的確認。」然而,依我判斷,業已說過的那些話足以摧毀帕斯卡西烏斯·蓋斯內爾針對此段文字所提出之論證的力量。二十二、
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Quoniam vero multarum rerum congeriem in suam coegerat dissertationem noster adversaries, ut, pessumdata actione de Domno, Antiocheno Romanorum pariler pontificum auctotilas in episcoporum ordinationibus confirmandis et conciliorum decreris rescindendis prorsus aboleretur, pedetentim nubis opus fuit singular retractare, quæ in cadem dissertatione collegit.
But since our adversary had heaped together a mass of many matters in his dissertation, in order that, the session concerning Domnus of Antioch having been ruined, the authority likewise of the Roman pontiffs in confirming the ordinations of bishops and in rescinding the decrees of councils might be utterly abolished, it was needful for us step by step to re-examine the several things which he gathered in the same dissertation.
但既然我們的論敵在其論文中堆砌了眾多事項的雜匯,目的是要在毀掉那關於安提阿之多努斯的會議之後,連同把羅馬教宗在確認主教祝聖、撤銷大公會議敕令上的權柄一併全然廢除,我們便有必要逐一地重新審查他在同一論文中所搜集的種種事項。
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Verumtamen cum noster labor plurimum imminutus fuerit, clarissimi Stephani Baluzii studio et diligentia maluimus in nostrum præsidium ea transterre quæ ipse diligentissime annotavit, quibus nonnulla etiam ex nosira industria accessere quæ dictis in præcedentibus nostris Exercitationibus apprime responderent, quam ex integro novam Exercitationem contexere.
Nevertheless, since our labor has been greatly lessened, we preferred, through the study and diligence of the most distinguished Stephen Baluze, to transfer to our own defense those things which he himself most diligently annotated—to which some things have also been added from our own industry, that would aptly answer to what was said in our preceding Exercitations—rather than to weave an entirely new Exercitation from scratch.
然而,既然我們的工作已大為減輕,我們便寧願藉著那位極傑出的斯德望·巴呂茲的研究與勤勉,把他自己極其勤勉地註解過的那些內容轉用於我們自己的辯護之中——並由我們自己的努力再加上若干內容,使之恰能呼應我們在前面諸篇練習論述中所說的——而不願從頭編織一篇全新的練習論述。
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Quoniam vero postremo loco idem paschasius Quesnellus multos errors adduxit, et quidem grammaticales, qui irrepserunt in actionem de qua agimus, et annotaveril non esse ibidem descripta nomina eorum episcoporum qui huic actioni interfuerunt, adeoque suppositions suspiciones magis augeri, quia ibidem Maximus preces exhituit laicis judicibus in ecclesiastica causa, posthabitis episcopis principibus synodi, idcireo, ne indiligentes videamur, Quesnehianis etiam hisce scrupulis cum eodem Baluzio occurrere deliberavimus.
But since in the last place the same Paschasius Quesnel adduced many errors—and indeed grammatical ones—which crept into the session about which we are treating, and noted that the names of those bishops who were present at this session are not there recorded, and that thus the suspicions of forgery are the more increased, because there Maximus presented petitions to lay judges in an ecclesiastical cause, the bishops, the chief men of the synod, being set aside: therefore, lest we should seem negligent, we have resolved to meet these scruples of Quesnel as well, together with the same Baluze.
但既然同一位帕斯卡西烏斯·蓋斯內爾在末了還引出了許多錯誤——而且是文法上的錯誤——這些錯誤潛入了我們正在論述的這場會議,他又指出此處並未記載出席這場會議之主教的名字,因而偽造的嫌疑就更加增大,因為在那裏馬克西穆斯把訴狀呈交給俗世的裁判官以審理一樁教會案件,卻把作為會議首腦的諸位主教擱在一旁:因此,為免顯得我們疏忽,我們決意連同這位巴呂茲一道,把蓋斯內爾的這些疑慮也加以應對。
246:104
Quod vero ad errors grammaticales pertinent, si Quesneiliana saspicio staret, omnia Chalcedonensia Acia, omniaque aliorum conciliorum generalium gesta supposititia dicenda lorent, et ca potissimum quæ ex Græco sermon in Latinum translate fuerunt. An forte ignorat Quesnellus plurimum laborasse recentiores interpretes ut modo antiquam versionem haberemus quemadmodum sakem ea emendavit Rustieus? Quid vero de episcoporum nominibus? Non enim necesse erat ut post Domni aclionem recitarentur. Illa nomina sufficienter fuerunt descripta in aliis actionibus, et regesta sucre in calce gestorum.
As to what pertains to the grammatical errors: if Quesnel's suspicion held good, all the Acts of Chalcedon, and all the proceedings of the other general councils, would have to be called spurious, and those most of all which were translated from the Greek language into Latin. Or is Quesnel perhaps ignorant that more recent translators labored greatly so that we might have the ancient version in the form in which at least Rusticus emended it? But what of the names of the bishops? For it was not necessary that they be recited after the session of Domnus. Those names were sufficiently recorded in the other sessions, and were re-entered at the foot of the proceedings.
至於那些文法錯誤所涉及的:倘若蓋斯內爾的嫌疑成立,那麼迦克墩的一切議事錄、以及其餘各次大公會議的一切議事,都得被稱為偽造,尤以那些從希臘文譯成拉丁文者為最。難道蓋斯內爾不知道,較晚近的譯者曾大費功夫,俾使我們得以擁有那古老的譯本,至少是路斯提庫斯所校訂的那種樣式嗎?再說那些主教的名字又如何?因為在多努斯的那場會議之後,並無必要把它們宣讀出來。那些名字在其餘各場會議中已被充分記載,並重新登錄於議事錄的末尾。
246:105
Causa denique de qua agebatur non eit ecclesiastica dumtaxal, sed etiam civilis, ait Baluzius, eui nos non subscribimus in hac parte, cum ageretur de pensione danda Domno ex ecclesiasticis fructibus, voluntarie quidem ab ipso Maximo proposita in testinonium commiserationis erga Domaum exercendæ, qui quemadmodum ex canonum jure privatus eral titulo Ecclesiæ et beneficii, ita percipere non poterat fructus ex Ecclesia qua fuerat privatus. Quare ne ecclesiastica jura violarentur, synodi decretum erat interponendum, quod tandem tamquam testes laici judices probaverunt.
Finally, the cause about which the matter was treated was not merely ecclesiastical, but also civil, says Baluze—to whom we do not subscribe in this part—since it concerned a pension to be given to Domnus out of ecclesiastical revenues, voluntarily indeed proposed by Maximus himself in testimony of the compassion to be exercised toward Domnus, who, just as by the law of the canons he had been deprived of the title of the Church and of the benefice, so could not receive the revenues from the Church of which he had been deprived. Wherefore, lest ecclesiastical rights be violated, a decree of the synod had to be interposed, which finally the lay judges, as witnesses, approved.
最後,巴呂茲說,所論之案不僅是教會性的,也是民事性的——在這一點上我們並不贊同他——因為案件涉及一筆從教會收益中撥給多努斯的津貼,這津貼確實是由馬克西穆斯本人自願提出,以表明當向多努斯施行的憐憫;多努斯既已按教規之法被剝奪了教會的名銜與聖俸,便不能再從那被剝奪的教會領取收益。因此,為免教會的權利受到侵犯,便須插入一道會議的敕令,而這敕令終於由作為見證人的俗世裁判官加以認可。
246:106
Id enim significare Marciani imperatoris agendi rationem perspicuu est, qui, a synodo abscedeus post fider definitionent, jussil ulepiscopi triduum aut quatriduum morarentur, et unusquisque id quod vellet propoueret coram magnis judicibus. Neque obstal quod judices et amplissimus senatus primo loco nominati fuerint. Nam 505 isti non assidebant tamquam ecclesiasticarum terum arbitri, sed dumtaxat erant testes et præsidia exhibebant, ut sine jurgiis et contentionibus omnes causæ ad exitum perducerentr, ut ipsi probavimus in Exercitatione habiya de quarta Chalcedonensi actione in causa Photii Tyrii, ibidem judicata, non juxta pragmaticas sæculi sanctiones, sed secundum leges canonicas. 23.
For that this is what the manner of acting of the emperor Marcian signifies is clear: he, departing from the synod after the definition of faith, ordered that the bishops should tarry three or four days, and that each should propose what he wished before the great judges. Nor is it any objection that the judges and the most ample senate were named in the first place. For those men did not sit as arbiters of ecclesiastical matters, but were merely witnesses and afforded support, so that without quarrels and contentions all cases might be brought to a conclusion—as we ourselves proved in the Exercitation held concerning the fourth session of Chalcedon in the cause of Photius of Tyre, judged there not according to the pragmatic sanctions of the age, but according to the canonical laws. 23.
因為馬爾基安皇帝行事的方式正表明此點,這是顯而易見的:他在信仰定義之後離開會議,下令主教們須逗留三、四日,各人在那些尊貴的裁判官面前提出自己所願之事。至於那些裁判官與至尊的元老院被列於首位,這也並不構成異議。因為那些人並非以教會事務仲裁者的身分列席,而僅是見證人,並提供支援,俾使一切案件能無爭吵、無紛爭地得以了結——正如我們自己在論及迦克墩第四場會議、審理推羅之佛提烏一案的練習論述中所證明的;那案件並非按那時代的世俗成法裁斷,而是按教規之法裁斷的。二十三、
246:107
Exhibitum tandem ibidem fuisse Domnum tamquam mendicum, et alimoniæ obtinendæ sollicitum, indecens et ridiculum valde esse postremo contendit Quesnellus. Domnum quippe ait tantæ sedis episcopum quatis erat Antiochena, quiqne, cum avunculi sui loco successit, opibus, amicis et auctoritate debuit pollere, non ad illum calamitatis profundum pervenire potuisse, ut alimenta ei omnino deessent, nisi successoris arbitrio provisum et esset. Sed und colligit Quesuellus hæc omnia, quæ modo confingit ? Domnus ad synodum non venit, sumptus sibi dari non petiit, nullus alius pro eo id petiit, Maximus sponte sua id fecit.
Quesnel finally contends that it was very unseemly and ridiculous that Domnus was there exhibited as a beggar, and anxious to obtain sustenance. For he says that Domnus, the bishop of so great a see as was Antioch, who—since he succeeded in the place of his own uncle—must have abounded in wealth, friends, and authority, could not have come to that depth of calamity, that sustenance should fail him altogether, unless it had been provided by the disposition of his successor. But whence does Quesnel gather all these things which he is just now inventing? Domnus did not come to the synod, he did not ask that expenses be given him, no one else asked it for him; Maximus did it of his own accord.
蓋斯內爾最後爭辯說,多努斯在那裏被陳列為一個乞丐、且急於獲取生計,這是極不體面、極可笑的事。因為他說,多努斯既是安提阿這等大座的主教,又因接替自己舅父之位而本應在財富、友朋與權勢上甚為豐厚,斷不可能淪落到那等災難的深淵,以致全然斷了生計,除非是由其繼任者的安排所供給。然而,蓋斯內爾從何處搜羅出他眼下所虛構的這一切呢?多努斯並未到會議來,並未請求撥給他費用,也無別人替他請求;是馬克西穆斯自願這麼做的。
246:108
Immo si conferamus ea quæ in antecedentibus descripsimus cum Evagrii verbis, paulo ante laudatis, suspicari licet numquam ejusmodi taxatam pensionem Domnum percep sse, qui, sua sorte contentus, reliquum v in inonasterio absconditus transegit, nibil amplius commune cum Antiochensibus habens. Cætera vero quæ addidit Quesnellus ut supposititam probaret actionem, quod videhcel a reliquarum Gæcarum synodi Chalcedonensis corpore distracia sit, quod incertam sedem hactenus nacta, quod inducta longe post Acia collecta, prorsus nutant et corruunt. Quid ?
Nay rather, if we compare the things we have described in what precedes with the words of Evagrius, praised a little before, we may suspect that Domnus never received any such fixed pension—he who, content with his lot, passed the remainder of his life hidden away in a monastery, having nothing further in common with the Antiochenes. But the other things which Quesnel added to prove the session spurious—namely, that it is separated from the body of the remaining Greek sessions of the Council of Chalcedon, that it has hitherto obtained an uncertain place, that it was inserted long after the Acts had been collected—utterly waver and fall to the ground. What then?
不僅如此,倘若我們把前文所述與不久前所稱讚的埃瓦格里烏斯之言相比,便可推測多努斯從未領取過任何這樣固定的津貼——他既安於自己的命運,便把餘生隱沒於一座隱修院中度過,與安提阿人再無任何往來。至於蓋斯內爾為證明這場會議乃偽造所添加的其餘論點——即它與迦克墩大公會議其餘各希臘場次的本體相分離、它迄今所佔的位置不確定、它是在議事錄被彙集很久之後才插入的——皆全然動搖而傾倒。那又如何呢?
246:109
Si valerent adductæ rationes, jam consequens esset actionem de Photio et Eustathio, quæ Rustici, Liberati et Evagrii ævo distracta erat a corpore reliquarum Græcarum actionum, synodi Chalcedonensis, falsam esse et sup- posititiam. An non hæc inducta fuit longe posi Acta illa collecta ? Tamen cum eam reperiisset Balsamon in antique aliis codicibus conspecta fuerit, idicirco hactenus nemo eruditorum illam supposititiam esse judicavit, quoniam apprime respondet iis que contigerunt in la’rocino Ephesinon et in duabus Constantinopolitanis synodis, in quibus actum est de Anatolii electione, ipsiusque in episcopum Constantinopolitanum ordinatione.
If the adduced reasons availed, it would already follow that the session concerning Photius and Eustathius—which in the age of Rusticus, Liberatus, and Evagrius was separated from the body of the remaining Greek sessions of the Council of Chalcedon—is false and spurious. Was not this also inserted long after those Acts had been collected? Yet since Balsamon found it observed in other ancient codices, on that account no learned man has hitherto judged it spurious, because it answers exactly to those things which befell in the Robber Council of Ephesus and in the two Synods of Constantinople, in which there was treatment of the election of Anatolius and of his ordination as bishop of Constantinople.
倘若所引的理由果真有效,那麼便已可推出:關於佛提烏與歐斯塔提烏的那場會議——這場會議在路斯提庫斯、利貝拉圖斯與埃瓦格里烏斯的時代已與迦克墩大公會議其餘各希臘場次的本體相分離——也是虛假而偽造的。難道這場會議不也是在那些議事錄被彙集很久之後才插入的嗎?然而,既然巴爾薩蒙(Balsamon)在其他古抄本中見到它被收錄,正因此故,迄今並無一位學者判它為偽造;因為它恰好呼應了以弗所強盜會議、以及那兩次君士坦丁堡會議中所發生之事——在那兩次會議中,曾處理亞納多留的當選及其被立為君士坦丁堡主教的祝聖。
246:110
Annon similes characteres et notas habere Domni actionem perspicue ex Chalcedonensibus gestis probavimus ? Photii Tyrii pariter actio incertis sedibus jactata fuit. Num ia Balsamonis codice legeba ur in line gestorum. Molo vero in vulgatis editionibus ponitur in calce actionis quartæ. Facundi Hermianiasis verba a Quesnello objecta nullatenus collapsæ suæ causæ præsudium afferunt. Ea enim non pertinentad quæstionensis insututam, cum nihil aliud ex Facundi Hermia ensis silentio eli ere possimus quam Domnum Antiochenum non fuisse damnatum in concilio Chalcedonensi, quod nos ipsi uhro jam dedimus. 24.
Have we not clearly proved from the Acts of Chalcedon that the session of Domnus has similar marks and notes? The session of Photius of Tyre likewise was tossed about among uncertain places. In Balsamon's codex it was read at the end of the proceedings, but in the common editions it is placed at the foot of the fourth session. The words of Facundus of Hermiane objected by Quesnel afford no protection whatever to his collapsed cause. For they do not pertain to the question proposed, since from the silence of Facundus of Hermiane we can elicit nothing else than that Domnus of Antioch was not condemned in the Council of Chalcedon—which we ourselves have already freely granted. 24.
我們豈非已從迦克墩的議事錄清楚證明,多努斯的那場會議也具有類似的標記與特徵?推羅之佛提烏的那場會議同樣曾在不確定的位置間被輾轉移置。在巴爾薩蒙的抄本中,它讀於議事錄之末,但在通行版本中,它被置於第四場會議之尾。蓋斯內爾所引赫米亞之法昆都斯(Facundus of Hermiane)的話,對其已傾倒的案毫無助益。因為這些話與所提之問題無關,因為從赫米亞之法昆都斯的緘默中,我們所能得出的別無其他,唯有安提阿的多努斯在迦克墩大公會議中未被定罪——而這一點我們自己早已坦然承認。二十四、
246:111
Utinam ergo Quesnellus tantopere suis studiis indulgere non voluisset, modo commenta excogitando, modo fallacias contexendo; modo vero ad pravas violentasque interpretations veterum PP. testimonia trahere stagendo, ut chamericum sibi propositum systema de Romanorum pontificum auctoritate propugnaret; adhibitis quam sæpissime lis virulentis conjecturarum fulcimentis, quæ ecclesiasticam antiquam historiam evertunt, sacram regiminis œconomiam abolent, novamque disciplinam canonibus contrariam inducunt. Quis vero affirmabit animum habuisse, laboremque suum insumpsisse in adoranadis S. Leonis Magut scriptis?
Would, then, that Quesnel had not chosen to indulge his own studies so excessively—now by devising fabrications, now by weaving deceits, now indeed by striving to drag the testimonies of the ancient Fathers into depraved and violent interpretations—in order to champion the chimerical system he had set before himself concerning the authority of the Roman pontiffs; employing as often as possible those venomous props of conjectures, which overturn ancient ecclesiastical history, abolish the sacred economy of governance, and introduce a new discipline contrary to the canons. But who will affirm that he had the mind, and had spent his labor, on adorning the writings of St. Leo the Great?
那麼,但願蓋斯內爾未曾如此過度地放縱自己的研究——一時藉著編造虛構,一時藉著織造詭詐,一時更藉著竭力把古代教父的證言拖入敗壞而強暴的詮釋之中——為要維護他為自己所設定、關於羅馬教宗權柄的那套虛幻系統;他盡可能頻繁地運用那些臆測的毒辣支撐,這些支撐傾覆古代教會史、廢除聖治理的奧秘安排、並引入一套違反教規的新規制。然而,誰會斷言他真有此心、並把自己的勞苦用在裝修聖大利奧的著作上呢?
246:112
Protecto quicumque non cæculiat nobiscum fateri debebit Leonina Opera ab eo fuisse deturpata, detruncata et in pravam significationem deducta, catholicæ hostibus ea arma suppeditando, quæ ipse tamquam clerical s ordinis presbyter ab eorum minibus eripere debuisset. Interim tandem mihi dolendum est quod hactenus quidam inventi sint qui, Quesnelli principiis insistentes, commentitiam esse hanc actionem propugnare publice aussi fuerint. 1. Photii Tyrii, Theodoreti Cyrensis et Domni Antioncheni causis ad trutinam recocatis atque expeditis, pront nos edocent Chalcedonensis concilii Acta et S.
Assuredly whoever is not blind must confess with us that the Leonine Works have been disfigured, mutilated, and led into a depraved meaning by him, supplying to the enemies of the Catholic Church those arms which he himself, as a presbyter of the clerical order, ought to have snatched from their hands. Meanwhile, at length, I must grieve that hitherto certain men have been found who, persisting in Quesnel's principles, have publicly dared to maintain that this session is fictitious. 1. The causes of Photius of Tyre, Theodoret of Cyrus, and Domnus of Antioch having been brought to the balance and dispatched, as the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon and the letters of St.
確實,凡非瞎眼之人,都必與我們一同承認:利奧的著作已被他所損毀、所截斷、並被導入敗壞的意義之中,從而向天主教會的仇敵供應了那些兵器,而這些兵器原是他身為聖品階級的司鐸所當從仇敵手中奪去的。與此同時,我終究不得不悲歎:迄今竟有某些人被發現,他們固守蓋斯內爾的原則,公然膽敢主張這場會議乃是虛構的。一、推羅之佛提烏、賽勒斯之狄奧多勒、安提阿之多努斯的諸案既已被置於天平上加以衡量並了結——正如迦克墩大公會議的議事錄與聖……
246:113
Leonis epistolæ, vix grave aliquod nobis pertractandum superesset, si demum in ultima illius actione Anatolii ambitus in perniciem jurium aliarum Ecclesiarum principatum sibi nancisci non quæsivisset super cæteras principaliores Orientis Ecclesias, suam sedem quasi apostolicæ Romanæ sedi æquiparare concupiscendo. Ambitum vero hunc Anatolius ad synodi exitum usque multis simulationibus cohibuit.
…the letters of St. Leo teach us, scarcely anything grave would remain for us to treat, had not at length, in that last session, the ambition of Anatolius sought, to the ruin of the rights of the other Churches, to gain for itself a primacy over the rest of the more principal Churches of the East, by coveting to make his own see as it were equal to the Apostolic Roman See. This ambition, however, Anatolius restrained with many dissimulations right up to the close of the synod.
……聖利奧的書信所教導我們的;本來幾乎沒有甚麼嚴重之事留待我們論述,若非在那最後一場會議中,亞納多留的野心終於圖謀——以損害其他眾教會權利為代價——為自己奪取對東方其餘較主要教會的首席地位,貪圖使自己的座位彷彿與羅馬聖座平起平坐。然而此種野心,亞納多留以許多偽裝一直抑制到會議結束。
246:114
Sed facta tandem libera facultate ut in synodo particulares quæstionees moverentur ad quosdam præcavendos sive in posterum tollendes abusus, qui in ecclesiastica administratione contigerant, postremo sibi reservavit suæ jura augere, allorum honorem dejicere, et colore imperiales urbis, norœ Romœ appellatæ, immediate post apostolicam Romanam sedem primatum obtinere. Igitur fidei definitione jam facta, synodi PP., præter causas trium illorum episcoporum, aliam quoque Ibæ Edesseni recognoverunt. Is namque, Dioscoro agente, in latrocinio Ephesino absens et inauditus sacerdotio fuerat privatus. Propterea in suæ causæ præsidium imperatori libellum obtolerat, qui rem ad synodum detulit.
But when at length free liberty was granted that in the synod particular questions might be raised, to forestall or henceforth remove certain abuses which had occurred in ecclesiastical administration, in the end he reserved to himself to augment his own rights, to cast down the honor of others, and under pretext of the imperial city—called New Rome—to obtain the primacy immediately after the Apostolic Roman See. Therefore, the definition of faith now being made, the Fathers of the synod, besides the causes of those three bishops, also reviewed another, that of Ibas of Edessa. For he, at the instigation of Dioscorus, had been deprived of the priesthood in the Robber Council of Ephesus, absent and unheard. On that account he had offered a petition to the emperor in defense of his cause, who brought the matter to the synod.
但當終於賜下了充分的自由,使會議中得以提出個別問題,以預防或從此革除教會行政中已發生的某些弊端時,他末了卻為自己保留了如下圖謀:增加自己的權利、貶低他人的榮譽,並藉著那被稱為「新羅馬」的帝都之名,緊接在羅馬聖座之後取得首席地位。因此,信仰的定義既已作成,會議的諸位教父除那三位主教的諸案之外,也審查了另一案,即埃德薩之伊巴斯(Ibas of Edessa)一案。因為他在以弗所強盜會議中,由狄奧斯科魯斯慫恿,在缺席且未經聽審的情況下被剝奪了司鐸職。為此他向皇帝呈交了一份呈文以為己案辯護,皇帝便將此事提交會議。
246:115
Patres vero, examinatis Actis synodalibus Tyri atque Beryti, habitoque testimonio a clericis Edessenis, cum probatæ fidei et integræ vitæ a pontificiis legatis esset compertus, sacerdotio et suæ sedi restitutus est. Aliqoid tamen de Nonno, qui Ibæ sedem acceperat, cum a synodo adhuc esset deliberandum, ad Maximum Antiochenum judicium fuit remissum. Huic antem placuit ut honore episcopatus non careret, donec aliter cum episcopis suæ diœcesis deliberaret. Adidit præterea Quesnellus decretum editum fuisse de abolenda pseudosynodi Ephesinæ memoria, et e synodorum numero expungendam, rogandum imperatorem ut decreto vetaret ne synodus diceretur, ne ejus acta reciperentu.
The Fathers, however, having examined the synodal Acts of Tyre and Berytus, and the testimony of the clergy of Edessa having been obtained, since he was found by the pontifical legates to be of approved faith and of upright life, was restored to the priesthood and to his see. Something, however, concerning Nonnus, who had received the see of Ibas, since it had still to be deliberated by the synod, was remitted to the judgment of Maximus of Antioch. To this man it seemed good that he should not lack the honor of the episcopate, until he should deliberate otherwise with the bishops of his diocese. Quesnel added besides that a decree had been issued concerning the abolition of the memory of the pseudo-synod of Ephesus, and that it should be struck from the number of the synods, the emperor being asked to forbid by decree that it be called a synod, lest its acts be received.
然而諸位教父查驗了推羅與貝魯特的會議議事錄,又取得了埃德薩聖職人員的證言;既然伊巴斯被教宗使節查明信仰純正、生活端方,他便被恢復了司鐸職與其座位。然而,關於那接受了伊巴斯座位的諾努斯(Nonnus)的某事,因尚須由會議審議,便被交付安提阿之馬克西穆斯裁斷。馬克西穆斯認為宜使諾努斯不致失去主教的尊榮,直到他與本教區的主教們另作審議為止。蓋斯內爾此外又補充說,曾頒佈一道敕令,論及廢除以弗所偽會議的記念,且當把它從各次會議之列中剔除,並請求皇帝以敕令禁止稱它為會議,免得其議事被接納。
246:116
« Ordinationem (addit) Maximi jam S. synodus ratam habuerat, quia legitime ab episcopis provinciæ consecratus et in communionem sanctissimi patriarchæ Leonis admissus; quam ob rem superflua exceptio, quam pauci commemorarunt, cum etiam Ehesinis Actis accensendam non esse pronuntiarent legali sedis apostolicæ. Actio de Domno commentitia est, ut alibi probamus. Hactenus Quesnellus, cum quo nunc novam instituere congressionem non intendimus. Sud duo pro pleniori rei veritate superaddere debuisset: alterum, jam pridem a S. Leone proscripta et abolita fuisse latrocinalia Acta, co quod contra canones facta sit synodus Ephesina, et Acta ejus judicentur ellegitima nec rite facta.
"(He adds:) the holy synod had already ratified the ordination of Maximus, because he was lawfully consecrated by the bishops of the province and admitted into the communion of the most holy patriarch Leo; wherefore the exception, which a few mentioned, was superfluous, since they also pronounced, by the legate of the Apostolic See, that it ought not to be reckoned among the Acts of Ephesus. The session concerning Domnus is fictitious, as we prove elsewhere." So far Quesnel, with whom we do not now intend to enter into a new contest. But he ought to have added two things for the fuller truth of the matter: the one, that the brigand Acts had long since been proscribed and abolished by St. Leo, on the ground that the Synod of Ephesus was held against the canons, and its Acts are judged illegitimate and not rightly done.
「(他補充說:)神聖的會議早已批准了馬克西穆斯的祝聖,因為他乃由本省的主教合法祝聖,並被接納入至聖宗主教利奧的共融之中;因此,那少數人所提及的例外乃是多餘的,既然他們也藉聖座使節宣告,此事不當列入以弗所的議事錄之中。關於多努斯的那場會議乃是虛構的,正如我們在別處所證明。」蓋斯內爾之言至此為止;我們現今無意與他另開新的爭辯。但為使事情的真相更為完備,他本應補充兩點:其一,那強盜會議的議事錄早已被聖利奧所禁絕並廢除,理由是以弗所會議乃違反教規而召開,其議事被判為不合法、不合規。
246:117
Ita legimus in antiqua synopsi epistolæ 39 ad Theodosium augustum, quam habent mss. Vaticana exemplaria atque Florentinus cod., et cam servaverunt veteres editores, Surius, Bibliothecæ PP. et conciliorum collectores. Quamvis eam in adornandis S. Leonis Operibus Quesnellus expunxerit, aliamque omnino diversam sine auctoritate mss. in suam editionem induxerit, quemadmodum in notis observabimus. Ex hoc autem alterum sequitur, videlicet Paschasinum Leonis legatum, 507 pontificii decreti jampridem lati optime conscium, solemni declaratione in synodo facta, voluisse ut laudata Acta tamquam irrita et nulla proscriberentur;
So we read in the ancient synopsis of letter 39 to Theodosius Augustus, which the Vatican manuscript copies and the Florentine codex contain, and which the old editors—Surius, the collectors of the Library of the Fathers and of the councils—preserved. Although Quesnel, in adorning the Works of St. Leo, expunged it and introduced into his edition another wholly different one without the authority of the manuscripts—as we shall observe in the notes. From this, moreover, the second thing follows, namely, that Paschasinus, the legate of Leo, being excellently aware of the pontifical decree long since passed, by a solemn declaration made in the synod, wished that the praised Acts be proscribed as void and null;
我們便是在致狄奧多西皇帝第三十九封書信的古老提要中如此讀到的;這提要見於梵蒂岡的手抄本與佛羅倫斯抄本,並為古代的編者——蘇里烏斯(Surius)、《教父叢書》與大公會議文獻的彙編者——所保存。雖然蓋斯內爾在裝修聖利奧的著作時把它刪除,又在缺乏手抄本權威的情況下把另一篇全然不同的引入他的版本——正如我們將在註記中所指出的。此外,由此還推出第二點,即:利奧的使節帕斯卡西努斯,極清楚那道早已頒佈的教宗敕令,便藉著在會議中所作的隆重宣告,意願那些被稱述的議事錄當被禁絕為無效作廢;
246:118
atque ut Eutychianæ factioni omne effugium præriperet, imperiali lege hanc sanctionem roborari quæsivisse, ut, videlicet, abolita præccedenti Theodosii publica lege, qua præceperat atque constituerat nemini licere abjicere seu infringere ca synodalia Ephesina Acta, quorum Dioscorus fuerat auctor. Clare id indicant laudati Paschasini verba. Si ergo (ait) a beatissimo et apostolico Romanæ urbis episcopo omnia ibi gesta vana sunt habita, claret quia et sanctissimus episcopus Antiochenœ civilatis extra hœc est, quem et post hœc beatissimus episcopus in propria communione suscepit.
And in order to cut off from the Eutychian faction every avenue of escape, [it is said] that he sought to have this enactment strengthened by an imperial law: namely, that the preceding public law of Theodosius should be abolished, by which he had ordered and decreed that it should be lawful for no one to reject or to invalidate the synodal Acts of Ephesus, of which Dioscorus had been the author. The words of the cited Paschasinus clearly indicate this. 'If therefore,' he says, 'by the most blessed and apostolic bishop of the city of Rome all that was done there is held to be void, it is clear that the most holy bishop of the city of Antioch likewise stands outside these proceedings — whom afterward the most blessed bishop received into his own communion.'
並且,為使歐迪奇派無任何逃脫之路,[據說]他設法以一道皇帝的律法來鞏固此項裁定:即廢除狄奧多西先前所頒的公法——該法曾命令並規定,任何人都不得拒絕或破壞以弗所會議的議決文件(其主導者乃狄奧斯科魯)。所引帕斯卡西努的話清楚表明了此點。他說:「既然羅馬城那至有福的、使徒性的主教已判定在那裡所行的一切為無效,那麼安提阿城那至聖的主教顯然也在這些議決之外——而那至有福的主教後來又將他接納入自己的共融。」
246:119
Necessarium est enim ut rarsus eumdem tranquillissimum et Christianissimum principem adeamus, quatenus illud concilium sacra et pia lege neque nominari prœcipiat. ex quibus potius liquet jam pridem anno 449 sanctissimi summi pontificis leonis magni decreto irrita et abolita fuisse illius synodi acta. nec novi quidquam ab ipsis chalcedonensibus patribus fuisse definitum. 2. Bassiani, præterea, et Stephani controversia Duas subsequentes actiones, 11 et 12, occupavit. IIIe ex Ephesina sede depositus, alter subrogatus.
For it is necessary that we again approach that same most tranquil and most Christian prince, that he may command that that council be not even named by any sacred and pious law; from which it rather appears that long before, in the year 449, by the decree of the most holy supreme pontiff Leo the Great, the acts of that synod had been rendered void and abolished, and that nothing new had been defined by the Chalcedonian Fathers themselves. 2. Moreover, the controversy of Bassianus and Stephen occupied the two following sessions, the eleventh and twelfth: the one deposed from the see of Ephesus, the other substituted in his place.
因為我們必須再次晉見那位至為安詳、至為基督徒的君王,求他下令以神聖而虔敬的律法,使那會議連名也不得被提及;由此更顯明:早在四四九年,藉至聖至高的教宗大良的命令,該會議的議決早已被宣告無效並予以廢除,而加采東諸教父本身也未曾另立任何新的定論。二、此外,巴西亞努與司提反之間的爭議佔據了接下來的第十一與第十二兩場會議:前者從以弗所主教座被廢黜,後者被立以取代他。
246:120
Basstanum enim ab episcopatu Ephesino quem invasione obtinuerat, sancti pontificis Leonis Magni jussione, remotum fuisse, testabatur Stephanus, qui in ejus sedem fuerat subrogatus. Et quoniam ipse Stephanus per conjurationem episcopatum sibimet acquisivit, juste judicatum fuit alius eligeretur, qui et fidem integre sciat, et vita noscatur ornatus ut esse possit episcopus. Sequentibus duabus actionibus, 13 et 14, Euaomii Nicomediensis episcopi et Anastasii Nicæni lis cognita fuit.
For Stephen — he who had been substituted in his place — testified that Bassianus had been removed, by the command of the holy pontiff Leo the Great, from the Ephesian episcopate which he had obtained by usurpation. And since Stephen himself had acquired the episcopate for himself by conspiracy, it was justly judged that another should be elected, one who both knows the faith in its integrity and is known to be adorned in life, so that he might be fit to be a bishop. In the two following sessions, the thirteenth and fourteenth, the suit of Eunomius bishop of Nicomedia and Anastasius of Nicaea was examined.
因為被立以取代他職的司提反作證說:巴西亞努藉強佔而取得的以弗所主教職,已奉聖教宗大良之命被革除。又因司提反自己是藉結黨陰謀為己取得主教職,故公正地判定當另選一人,此人既須完整地認識信德,又須在生活上被公認為端正,方堪為主教。接下來的第十三與第十四兩場會議,審理了尼哥米底亞主教歐諾米與尼西亞的亞納斯塔修之間的訴訟。
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