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講道與書信 第 209 章

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209:1
4. Priscillianam gravissimam pestem anno Christi 379, in Hispania potissimum, grassari coepisse auctor est Prosper in Chronico, Ausonio et Olybrio consulibus, ita scribens: Gratianus, posl mortem Patrui, Theodosium Theodosii filium in consortium assumpsit, imperiumque ei tradidit Orientis. Ea tempestate Priscillianus episcopus de Galliis ex Mannichæorum et Gnosticorum dog nate hæresim nominis sui condidit. Ausonii porro, Hermogenis et Olybrii consulatum in laudatum 379 annum esse rejiciendum, jam Romanorum consulum tabulæ palam Obtendunt.
四、關於普里西利安派這一極其嚴重的瘟疫始於基督紀元三七九年、主要在西班牙蔓延開來,普洛斯佩爾在《編年史》中提供了佐證,他在奧索尼烏斯與奧律布里烏斯任執政官時如此寫道:格拉提安在其伯父死後,將提奧多西烏斯之子提奧多西烏斯納為同僚,並將東方帝國交予他。就在那時,來自高盧的主教普里西利安,出於摩尼派與諾斯底派的教條,創立了一個以自己名字命名的異端。至於奧索尼烏斯、赫爾摩革內斯與奧律布里烏斯的執政官任期必須歸於上述的三七九年,羅馬執政官表已清楚地顯示了這一點。
4. Prosper in his Chronicle is the authority that the Priscillianist plague, a most grievous one, began to spread abroad in the year of Christ 379, chiefly in Spain, in the consulship of Ausonius and Olybrius, writing thus: Gratian, after the death of his uncle, took Theodosius the son of Theodosius into partnership, and handed over to him the empire of the East. At that time Priscillian, a bishop from the Gauls, out of the dogma of the Manichaeans and Gnostics founded a heresy of his own name. Now that the consulship of Ausonius, Hermogenes, and Olybrius must be assigned to the aforesaid year 379, the tables of the Roman consuls plainly show.
209:2
Scio tamen criticae artis peritissimos viros potius existimasse eam hæresim serius per Hispaniam propagatam fuisse.Quam persuasionem Guillelmus Cave, Severinus Binius, aliique secuti sunt, contendentes biennio post eam hæresim ortam, et Priscillianum ex Hispania duxisse originem. Utrumque autem a Severo Sulpicio affirmatum asseverant. Sed ex hujus sciiptis neutrum quidem compertum tiet. Nam laudatus Severus, suæ ætatis mala, quibus non usitato modo pollutæ Ecclcsiæ et omnia perturbata fuerant, desciibereaggressus, corum principes auctores denuntiat, 212 sed nec tempus presse definit, nec Prisciltianum in HISpaniis ortum asserut.
然而我知道,那些在批判之術上最為精通的人,寧可判斷這異端是較晚才傳遍西班牙的。威廉·凱夫、塞維里努斯·比尼烏斯及其他人都追隨了這一看法,主張這異端是兩年之後才興起的,並主張普里西利安的出身源自西班牙。他們斷言這兩點都是塞維魯·蘇爾皮基烏斯所肯定的。但從此人的著作中,這兩點事實上都無法確證。因為上述的塞維魯著手描述他自己時代的禍患——教會因這些禍患被非比尋常地玷污、一切都陷入混亂——時,他揭發了這些禍患的主要肇事者,卻既未精確界定時間,也未斷言普里西利安興起於西班牙諸地。
I know, however, that men most skilled in the art of criticism have rather judged that this heresy was propagated through Spain later. This opinion William Cave, Severinus Binius, and others have followed, contending that this heresy arose two years afterwards, and that Priscillian drew his origin from Spain. They assert that both these points were affirmed by Severus Sulpicius. But from his writings neither of them is in fact ascertained. For the aforesaid Severus, having undertaken to describe the evils of his own age, by which the Churches were polluted in no ordinary manner and all things thrown into confusion, denounces their chief authors, yet neither closely defines the time, nor asserts that Priscillian arose in the Spains.
209:3
Immo si Sulpicii verborum vim,edulo attendamus, diu carn sectam, antequam Priscillianus accederet, latuisse credendum est, cum videlicet Marcus Ægyptius, Memphis ortus, subsidio cujusdam nolnlis ac prædivitis feminæ Agapes appellatæ, et Elpidii rhetoris, Gnosticorum sectam primum in Hispanias induxit, quibus deinde post ci Priscillianus ipse accessit, ex quo h.vresis illa nomen sortita est. Tum primum (ait) infamis illa Gno- sticorum haeresis intra Hispanias deprehensa superstitio exiliabilis, arcanis occultata secretis. Origo hujus mali oriens ab Ægyptiis, sed quibus ibi initiis coatuerit, haud facite est disserere. Primus eam intra Hispanias Marcus intulit Ægypto profectus, Memphis ortus.
不僅如此,如果我們仔細留意蘇爾皮基烏斯話語的力量,就必須相信這宗派在普里西利安加入之前早已潛藏許久,也就是當生於孟斐斯的埃及人馬爾谷,靠著某位名叫阿加珮的高貴而極富有的婦人以及修辭學家厄爾皮迪烏斯的支持,最先把諾斯底派的宗派引入西班牙諸地之時;後來普里西利安本人才加入其中,那異端便由他而得名。他說:就在那時,諾斯底派那臭名昭著的異端——一種藏於祕密奧義中、招致毀滅的迷信——首次在西班牙諸地被察覺。這禍患的根源起於東方、起於埃及人,但它在那裡是以怎樣的起端聚集起力量的,卻不易講述。馬爾谷最先把它帶入西班牙諸地,他從埃及出發,生於孟斐斯。
Nay, if we carefully attend to the force of Sulpicius' words, it must be believed that this sect long lay hidden before Priscillian joined it, namely when Marcus the Egyptian, born at Memphis, with the support of a certain noble and very wealthy woman called Agape, and of Elpidius the rhetorician, first introduced the sect of the Gnostics into the Spains, to which afterward Priscillian himself joined, from whom that heresy took its name. Then first (he says) that infamous heresy of the Gnostics, a ruinous superstition hidden in secret mysteries, was detected within the Spains. The origin of this evil, arising from the East, from the Egyptians, but by what beginnings it there gathered strength, is not easy to relate. Marcus first brought it within the Spains, having set out from Egypt, born at Memphis.
209:4
Hujus auditores fuere Agape quædam non ignobili mulier, et rhetor Elpidius. Ab his Priscillianus est institutus, familia nobilia, praedives opibus, etc.. nun ergo tempora ibidem distinguit Severus Sulpicius: unum videlicet quo Gnosticorum secta grassabatur; alterum, quo Priscillianus, Gnosticis accedens, et horum impietate superata et aricIa, Marci, Agapes et, Elpidii errores in nov;e nefandissimæque sectae portentum improbitate, audacia et furenti libidine vertit. Hoc Ausonii et Olybrii consulatu, nec serius evcnire potuisse, ex aliis rebus etiam et ex ipsa Cæsaraugustana syn do definiri potest. 2.
他的門徒是某位阿加珮——一個並非出身卑微的婦人——以及修辭學家厄爾皮迪烏斯。普里西利安受教於他們,他出身高貴世家,資財極豐,等等。因此,塞維魯·蘇爾皮基烏斯在那裡區分了兩個時期:其一,是諾斯底派宗派蔓延的時期;其二,是普里西利安加入諾斯底派、並超越且勝過他們的不虔之後,以邪惡、放肆與狂暴的情慾,把馬爾谷、阿加珮與厄爾皮迪烏斯的謬誤轉變為一個新的、最為邪惡的宗派之怪物的時期。這事發生在奧索尼烏斯與奧律布里烏斯任執政官之時、且不可能更晚發生,這一點也可從其他事情以及從凱撒奧古斯塔會議本身來確定。
His hearers were a certain Agape, a woman of no ignoble rank, and the rhetorician Elpidius. By these Priscillian was instructed, of noble family, exceedingly rich in resources, etc. There, then, Severus Sulpicius distinguishes the times: one, namely, in which the sect of the Gnostics was spreading; the other, in which Priscillian, joining the Gnostics, and having surpassed and outdone their impiety, turned the errors of Marcus, Agape, and Elpidius into the monstrous portent of a new and most nefarious sect, with wickedness, audacity, and raging lust. That this happened in the consulship of Ausonius and Olybrius, and could not have occurred later, can be determined from other matters also and from the Council of Caesaraugusta itself.
209:5
Nam cum, auctore Sulpicio, idem Priscillianus suorum sectariorum numerum in dies augeri cognosceret, in unum omnes convocare coepit. quos in montium latebras <t deverticula abducere solitus, nefarias ibi agebal collectas, quas, ut aliorum oculis et notitiae subtraheret, sectariis suis communionem cum Ecclesia catholica, sacris elementis in manu acceptis ct secum asportatis, simulandam indulsit. Ubi itaque Hispaniarum episcopi religionem, justitiam, honestatem pessum ire, nec luxuri.e, sacrilegiis, nec magicis incantationibus modum fieri noverunt, cas leges et canones quos gravissimis hisce malis cobi-' bendis maxime necessarios putarunt, sollicite cundidere.
因為,根據蘇爾皮基烏斯所言,這同一位普里西利安察覺自己黨徒的人數日益增加時,便開始把眾人召集到一處;他慣於把他們帶往山中的隱蔽處與偏僻小徑,在那裡舉行邪惡的聚會。為了使這些聚會脫離他人的目光與知曉,他縱容自己的黨徒佯裝與大公教會共融——把神聖的祭物領到手中並隨身帶走。因此,當西班牙諸地的主教們得知信仰、公義與正直正走向毀滅,且他們的奢靡、瀆聖與魔法咒語毫無節制時,便審慎地制定了那些他們認為對遏止這些極嚴重禍患最為必要的法規與教規。
For when, on the authority of Sulpicius, the same Priscillian perceived that the number of his sectaries was daily increasing, he began to call them all together into one place; and being accustomed to lead them away into the hiding-places and byways of the mountains, he there held nefarious assemblies, which, in order to withdraw them from the eyes and knowledge of others, he permitted his sectaries to feign as communion with the Catholic Church, having received the sacred elements in hand and carried them away with themselves. When therefore the bishops of the Spains came to know that religion, justice, and honesty were going to ruin, and that no measure was set to their luxury, sacrileges, or magical incantations, they carefully framed those laws and canons which they thought most necessary for curbing these most grievous evils.
209:6
Non igitur verisimile est quod Caveus et. cæteri asseruerunt, anno Domini videlicet 581 eam hæresim in lucem Ortam. Qui vero id fieri potuit, cum eo anDO, jam longe lateque per eas provincias propagata, altas radiccs in improborum animis defixerat; quando maxima virorum atque mulierum frequentia, quibusdam anni diebus, cum in montibus, tum in vili-i Priscillianistæ, suas collectas agebant; quando de. nique omnia obscoena et profana quae ill latibulis exercebantur sacris catholicae Ecelesiae pastoribus innotuerant ? Innotuisse autem h:ec omnia, octo ilii Cæsaraugustani concilii canones produnt, de quibus paulo poSt dicemus. > 5.
因此,凱夫及其他人所斷言的——即這異端在主的紀元三八一年才顯露——是不可信的。因為若在那一年它已在那些行省中廣布四方、在惡人的心中扎下深根,這事又怎能成立呢?當時極大群的男女在一年中某些日子,或在山中、或在鄉村,普里西利安派舉行他們的聚會;最後,在他們隱蔽處所行的一切淫穢與褻瀆之事,已為大公教會的牧者所知。凱撒奧古斯塔會議的八條教規證明這一切都已為人所知,關於這些教規我們稍後將加以論述。
It is therefore not probable, as Cave and the rest have asserted, that this heresy came to light in the year of the Lord 381. For how could this have happened, when in that year, already propagated far and wide through those provinces, it had fixed deep roots in the minds of the wicked; when a very great multitude of men and women, on certain days of the year, both in the mountains and in the villages, the Priscillianists held their assemblies; when finally all the obscene and profane things that were practised in their hiding-places had become known to the pastors of the Catholic Church? That all these things had become known, the eight canons of that Council of Caesaraugusta declare, of which we shall speak a little later.
209:7
Neque vero arbitremur ea haeresi statim innntescente sacros Ecclesiae praesules in concilium eoivisse. Nam comperta primum ab Hyginio, Cordubensi episcopo, magni Osii successore, virulenta Priscilliani tabe, quæ nonnullos etiam episcopos, quos muter Instantium et Salvianum, depravaverat atque corruperat, negotium ad Idatium, Emeriiæ civitatis sacerdotem, relautum voluit. Is vero, Hyginius videlicet, in sectfirios excandens, sine modo (ait Severus Sulpicius) et ulira quam oportuit, Instantium sociosque rjus lacessens, facem quamdam nascenti incendio sub ctidit, ut exasperaverit malos potius quam compresserit.
我們也切莫以為,這異端一經為人所知,教會的聖職者們便立即聚集開會。因為當普里西利安那毒害人的敗壞——它也曾使某些主教墮落敗壞,其中有因斯坦提烏斯與薩爾維亞努斯——最先被科爾杜巴的主教許基努斯(偉大的奧西烏斯的繼任者)發現時,他希望此事被轉呈給埃梅里塔城的司鐸伊達提烏斯。但這位許基努斯(塞維魯·蘇爾皮基烏斯說)對這些黨徒毫無節制、超乎所當地大發雷霆,藉著騷擾因斯坦提烏斯及其同夥,向這剛燃起的火添了一把火炬,以致他激怒了惡人,而非壓制了他們。
Nor indeed let us suppose that, as soon as this heresy became known, the holy prelates of the Church came together into a council. For when the virulent corruption of Priscillian was first discovered by Hyginus, bishop of Corduba, successor of the great Osius—a corruption which had also depraved and corrupted certain bishops, among whom were Instantius and Salvianus—he wished the matter to be referred to Idacius, priest of the city of Emerita. But he, namely Hyginus, blazing out against the sectaries without measure (says Severus Sulpicius) and beyond what was fitting, by harassing Instantius and his associates, put a kind of torch to the nascent fire, so that he exasperated the wicked rather than restrained them.
209:8
Re igitur ad Idatium delata, atque gravius ex igitatis Instantio et sociis, necdurn statim ad concilium deventum est. Sed post multa inter utramque partem inita certamina, cum catholicorum spes, qua sibi persuadebant posse haereticos ad pœnitentiam adducere, penitus frustraretur, tandem catholici epi;cnpi duodecim apud Cæsaraugustam convenerunt. 4. Priori itaque hoc Cavei, Severini Binii atque aliorum lapsu 213 notato, postremum præcavere el eripere oporteret, illum videlicet de Priscilliani patria ct origine. Ne vero hujus vel illius gentis nationem modo in invidiam adducere velle videar, eam quaestionem vix delibabo.
因此,此事被轉呈給伊達提烏斯之後,因斯坦提烏斯及其同夥被更嚴重地激動起來,他們卻仍未立即召開會議。但在雙方之間進行了許多爭鬥之後,當大公教徒的希望——他們原以為能使異端者悔改——完全落空時,終於有十二位大公教主教在凱撒奧古斯塔集會。如今,既已指出凱夫、塞維里努斯·比尼烏斯及其他人這先前的失誤,理應提防並剷除最後一項失誤,即關於普里西利安的祖籍與出身。但為免看似有意把某一民族或另一民族置於眾怒之下,我只會略略觸及那個問題。
The matter therefore having been referred to Idacius, and Instantius and his associates having been more grievously stirred up, they did not yet immediately come to a council. But after many contests entered into between the two parties, when the hope of the Catholics, by which they persuaded themselves that the heretics could be brought to repentance, was utterly frustrated, at length twelve Catholic bishops assembled at Caesaraugusta. Now, having noted this former slip of Cave, Severinus Binius, and others, it would be fitting to guard against and eliminate the last one, namely that concerning the fatherland and origin of Priscillian. But lest I should seem to wish to bring the nation of this or that people into odium, I shall scarcely touch upon that question.
209:9
Suhjiciam, dumtaxat, perperam omnino Severo Sulpicio istud assertum ascribi: nimirum Priscillianum in lIispania ortum; nec enim quidquam tale offendet, qui ejusdem Severi secundum Historiæ librum totum integrumque percurrerit. Immo si aliorum v.terum -testimonia lustrare volucrimus, adhuc difficile rem hanc definire poterumus. Nam et ipse Hieronymus, qui aliorum consnevit origines referre, nou scmel et iterum, sed pluries PriscilLam more:, gesta et exitium recensens, altum ubiquelamendcejus patria it origine servavit silentium.
我只補充一點:這一斷言——即普里西利安興起於西班牙——是相當錯誤地歸諸塞維魯·蘇爾皮基烏斯的;因為凡通覽同一位塞維魯《歷史》第二卷全書的人,都不會遇到任何此類說法。不僅如此,倘若我們願意察看其他古人的見證,我們仍將難以界定此事。因為就連耶柔米本人——他慣於敘述他人的出身——在不止一次、而是多次評述普里西利安的品行、事蹟與結局時,處處對他的祖籍與出身保持深沉的緘默。
I shall only add that this assertion is quite wrongly ascribed to Severus Sulpicius—namely that Priscillian arose in Spain; for whoever shall have run through the whole and entire second book of the same Severus's History will meet with nothing of the sort. Nay, if we are willing to survey the testimonies of other ancients, we shall still be able to define this matter with difficulty. For even Jerome himself, who was wont to relate the origins of others, not once and again, but many times, in recounting the morals, deeds, and death of Priscillian, everywhere preserved deep silence about his fatherland and origin.
209:10
Priscillianum autem per omnes virorum et mulierum coetus in Hispania criorcs sparsisse fatetur, Gallam Inuliercm, non natione, sed nomine, sibi pravorum criminum sociam ascivisse docet; ex qua antem gente aut loco ipse suam duxerit originem, prorsus reticuit aut dissimulavit. Sed ntc Cavei aliorumque recentiorum opinioni unum ex lot veteribus Patribus qui de ea hæresi scripserunt suffragari exploraiissimum est. Augustinus quidem vartis pluribusque in locU Priscillianistarum describit errores, quos, nit. Priscillianus in Hispania instituit. Orosius, tere Priscilliano coævus, in commonitoro, seu consultatione, ad Augustinum eam hæresim dumtaxat per Hispaniam diffusam conquestus est.
然而他承認普里西利安把自己的謬誤散播於西班牙所有男女的聚會中,並教導說他把加拉——一個並非因民族、而是因名字而稱的婦人——收為自己敗壞罪行的同夥;但他本人是從哪個民族或地方引出自己的出身,他卻全然緘默或隱瞞。而在如此眾多論及這異端的古教父中,沒有一位支持凱夫及其他較近代作家的看法,這已最為確鑿地被確立。奧古斯丁在許多不同的地方描述普里西利安派的謬誤,他說這些謬誤是普里西利安在西班牙建立的。奧洛西烏斯——幾乎與普里西利安同時代——在其呈給奧古斯丁的《備忘錄》或《請益書》中,只抱怨這異端傳遍了西班牙。
He confesses, however, that Priscillian scattered his errors through all the assemblies of men and women in Spain, and teaches that he took Galla, a woman not by nation but by name, as his associate in his depraved crimes; but from what people or place he himself drew his origin, he wholly kept silent or dissembled. But that not one out of so many ancient Fathers who wrote about this heresy supports the opinion of Cave and other more recent writers is most thoroughly established. Augustine indeed in various and several places describes the errors of the Priscillianists, which, he says, Priscillian established in Spain. Orosius, almost contemporary with Priscillian, in his Commonitorium, or Consultation, addressed to Augustine, complained only that this heresy was diffused through Spain.
209:11
Idatius in Chronico, cum Priscilliani, tum Priscillianistarum habet mentionem; nullibi vero hunc Hispania ortui, iudicavit. Epiphanius simililiter, hæresi 49, de Priscilliano agens, paucis flagitia atque facinora ejus delinit, sed de ortu atque patria nihil asser uit. Auctor tandem lihri de Hæresibus, qui Rufino Palæstino lom. XXVII Uihliothecæ Patrum inscribitur, hæc tantummodo habet: Septuagesimam hæresim Priscillianorum apud Hispanos Priscillianus legitur inchoasse. 5.
伊達提烏斯在《編年史》中既提及普里西利安,也提及普里西利安派;但他在任何地方都未指明此人興起於西班牙。伊皮法尼烏斯同樣在第四十九號異端中論及普里西利安,寥寥數語勾勒了他的暴行與罪過,卻對其出生與祖籍未作任何斷言。最後,《論異端》一書的作者——該書在《教父叢書》第二十七卷中題獻給巴勒斯坦人魯菲努斯——只有這樣的記述:據載,第七十號異端,即西班牙人中的普里西利安派異端,是普里西利安所發起的。
Idacius in his Chronicle makes mention both of Priscillian and of the Priscillianists; but nowhere did he indicate that this man arose in Spain. Epiphanius likewise, in heresy 49, treating of Priscillian, in few words delineates his outrages and crimes, but asserted nothing about his birth and fatherland. The author, finally, of the book On Heresies, which is inscribed to Rufinus the Palestinian in volume XXVII of the Library of the Fathers, has only this: The seventieth heresy, that of the Priscillians among the Spaniards, Priscillian is read to have begun.
209:12
Que quidem omnia cum ipse mecu:n reputarem, non ut Hispanorum gentis jura defenderem, vcl ut eos ah hac nota purgarem, sed magi, ut veritati insislercm, et eam suspicioneln:præcavere curasem, qua nonnulli Priscillianum in Galliis ortum possent arhitrari. Hujusmodi antem suspicienis gravissima solidissimaque fundamenta, non tantum ex laudato Prosperi A quitani Chronico, sed ex multis aliis coniEcturis augebantur. Nam ct Chronicum illud quod dumtaxat Prosperi Aquitanici nomen præfert, vel illud quod Tironis nomine auctum, ct a Canisio in lucem edium, expresse habent: Priscillinus episcopus de Galatia; Priscillianus episcopus de Galliis.
當我把這一切事在心中細加思量時,並非為了要維護西班牙民族的權利,或為要洗清他們的這一污名,而毋寧是為了要堅持真理,並謹慎地提防那種懷疑——有些人可能因此判斷普里西利安興起於高盧。而這種懷疑最重大、最堅實的根據,不僅來自上述普洛斯佩爾·亞奎丹努斯的《編年史》,也來自許多其他的推測。因為那部僅冠以亞奎丹努斯·普洛斯佩爾之名的《編年史》,以及那部增補了提洛之名、由卡尼西烏斯公諸於世的《編年史》,都明白地記載:主教普里西利安,來自加拉太;主教普里西利安,來自高盧。
When I pondered all these things with myself, it was not that I might defend the rights of the Spanish nation, or that I might clear them of this mark, but rather that I might insist upon the truth, and take care to guard against that suspicion by which some might judge that Priscillian arose in the Gauls. Now the most grave and most solid foundations of this suspicion were augmented not only from the aforesaid Chronicle of Prosper of Aquitaine, but from many other conjectures. For both that Chronicle which bears only the name of Prosper of Aquitaine, and that which is enlarged with the name of Tiro and was brought to light by Canisius, expressly have: Priscillian, a bishop from Galatia; Priscillian, a bishop from the Gauls.
209:13
Sed præterea expresse indicant Aquitaniæ proviuciam ea hæresi fuisse labefactatam; inler cæteras mulieres, etiam Euchrotiam Delphidii, seu Helpidii rhetoris uxorem, crimiuum et mortis socialn Priscillianum habuisse. Sed is Delphidius, sen Helpidius vir crat Gillus, et in cadem Aquitaniæ provincia rhetoricam docens, ut ex Gallie Christianae vetustissimis monuincutis patefactum est, quorum profecto collectores, cum de Burdigalensi agerent archiepiscopali, ita de S. Delphino,.td Christi annum 380, scripsere: S.
但除此之外,它們明白地指出亞奎丹尼亞行省曾被這異端所敗壞;並指出在其他婦女之中,普里西利安還有一位犯罪與同死的同夥——歐克羅提亞,即修辭學家德爾菲迪烏斯(或稱赫爾皮迪烏斯)之妻。但這位德爾菲迪烏斯(或赫爾皮迪烏斯)是高盧人,並在同一亞奎丹尼亞行省教授修辭學,這已從基督教高盧最古老的文獻中弄清楚;那些文獻的編纂者在論及波爾多的總主教區時,就在基督紀元三八〇年條下如此記述聖德爾菲努斯:聖
But besides, they expressly indicate that the province of Aquitaine was corrupted by this heresy; that among the other women Priscillian had as an associate in his crimes and death Euchrotia, the wife of Delphidius, or Helpidius, the rhetorician. But this Delphidius, or Helpidius, was a man of Gaul, and teaching rhetoric in that same province of Aquitaine, as has been made clear from the most ancient monuments of Christian Gaul, whose collectors indeed, when treating of the archbishopric of Bordeaux, wrote thus concerning Saint Delphinus, at the year of Christ 380: Saint
209:14
Delphinus Ecclesiæ Gallicanæ singulare ornamentum...., concilio Cæsaraugustæ in Hispania Turraconensi celebrato, anno 380 aut anno sequenti, cum aliis Aquitaniæ præsulibus interfuit, ubi damnati sunt Priscillianus et Delphidius, rhetor Aquitanus, aliive nefarioruM dogmatum sectatores. Præterea tandem, qui fieri potesi ut Prosperi tam apertum tam pie perspicuum testimonium rejiciamus l Illud profecto nec rcjecerunt, nec df errore notarunt Tillemontius mque Dionysius Petavius; qui quamvis de Priscilliani pall'i:. et origine disserere dissimulent, tamen nobiscum illius hæreseos 214 exordium ad 379 Christi annum revocarunt, solo Prosperi testimonio adducti.
德爾菲努斯,高盧教會的獨特光彩……,在他利諾西斯西班牙的凱撒奧古斯塔所召開的會議上——在三八〇年或次年——他與亞奎丹尼亞的其他主教一同出席,在那裡普里西利安、亞奎丹尼亞的修辭學家德爾菲迪烏斯以及其他邪惡教條的追隨者被定罪。此外,最後,我們又怎能拒斥普洛斯佩爾如此坦率、如此虔誠而清晰的見證呢?這見證,蒂勒蒙與狄奧尼修·佩塔維烏斯確實既未拒斥,也未標為謬誤;他們雖然對普里西利安的祖籍與出身避而不談,卻仍與我們一同把那異端的開端追溯至基督紀元三七九年,僅憑普洛斯佩爾的見證所引導。
Delphinus, a singular ornament of the Gallican Church...., at the council held at Caesaraugusta in Tarraconensian Spain, in the year 380 or the following year, took part along with other prelates of Aquitaine, where Priscillian and Delphidius, an Aquitanian rhetorician, and other followers of nefarious dogmas were condemned. Moreover, finally, how can it happen that we should reject the testimony of Prosper, so open and so piously clear? That testimony indeed neither Tillemont nor Dionysius Petavius rejected or marked as an error; who, although they dissemble treating of the fatherland and origin of Priscillian, nevertheless with us traced the beginning of that heresy back to the year of Christ 379, led by the sole testimony of Prosper.
209:15
Non igitur Prosper ipse, ne in suum et totius Aquitamæ gentis dedecus et probrum verteretur, Priscillianum Gallum appellasset, si id certo cum sibi tum .er.s saLis superque non fuisset perspectum. Si ita profecto, contra vulgatissimam traditionem omniumque persuasionem ratiocinaremur, nodum ill scirpo qu:erere videreinur. Etenim ihi Priscillianum duxisse originem, ubi primum cjus errores propagati sunt, sine ulla prorsus animi Irrsitatione est affirmandum.
因此,普洛斯佩爾本人——為免此事轉為他自己與整個亞奎丹尼亞民族的恥辱與責難——是不會稱普里西利安為高盧人的,倘若這事對他自己與對其他人不曾充分乃至綽綽有餘地清楚的話。倘若我們竟這樣推理,違背最為普遍的傳統與眾人的確信,那我們就顯得是在燈心草上找結(即無中生有、庸人自擾)。因為普里西利安是在他的謬誤最先傳播之地引出其出身的,這一點應毫無任何心中猶豫地加以肯定。
Prosper himself therefore would not, lest it turn to the disgrace and reproach of himself and of the whole Aquitanian nation, have called Priscillian a Gaul, if this had not been sufficiently and more than sufficiently clear both to himself and to the rest. If indeed we should reason thus, against the most widespread tradition and the conviction of all, we should seem to seek a knot in a bulrush. For that Priscillian drew his origin there, where his errors were first propagated, is to be affirmed without any hesitation of mind whatsoever.
209:16
Quod si deinde fandati Chronici verba rcpugnare videantur,, quæ Galatiæ vocem exlubent, nou inde tamen Priscillianum Galluni fuisse arbitrari oportet, cum potissimum Chronicon illud multis erroribus scatere eruditi quam sæpissime judicaverint, et aliunde quandoque illud vocabulum a veteribus fuerit u-urpatum ad design indum Galatiae populos intra Hispaniarum confima positos, ut sexcentis exemplis demonstrare possemus. Id potissimum ipsi præstabimus ill adoruanda sancti Leonis Magni epistola ad Turribium Asturicensem, de qua luculentius in hujus historiæ narratione suo loco agere reservamus.
但倘若此後那部立論的《編年史》——它呈現「加拉太」一詞——的字句看似相牴觸,卻仍不應據此判斷普里西利安是高盧人,因為博學之士極常判斷那部《編年史》尤其充斥著許多謬誤,且此外那詞有時被古人用來指稱定居在西班牙諸地境內的加拉太民族,這一點我們能以無數例子來證明。我們將尤其在闡釋聖大良致阿斯托爾加的圖里比烏斯的書信時提供此點證明,關於那封信,我們保留在本歷史敘述中適當之處更加精彩地論述。
But if thereafter the words of the founded Chronicle should seem to be repugnant, which exhibit the word Galatia, yet one ought not thence to judge that Priscillian was a Gaul, since the learned have very often judged that that Chronicle especially teems with many errors, and since besides that word was sometimes used by the ancients to designate the peoples of Galatia settled within the confines of the Spains, as we could demonstrate by six hundred examples. This we shall especially furnish in adorning the letter of Saint Leo the Great to Turribius of Astorga, concerning which we reserve to treat more brilliantly in its proper place in the narration of this history.
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