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講道與書信 第 93 章

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CAP.I.—Religiosa clementissimi principis fides sciens ad suam gloriam maxime pertinere, si intra Ecclesiam catholicam nullius erroris germen exsurgeret, hanc reverentiam divinis detulit institutis,ut ad sanctæ dispostionis effectum auctoritatem apostoIicaesedisadhiberet:tamquam ab ipso beatissimo Petro cuperet declarari quid in ejus confessione laudatum sit, quando dicente Domino:Quemmeesse dicunt homines Filium hominis (Mattk. xvi, 13) ? Varias quidem diversorum opiniones discipuli memorarunt;sed cum ab eis,quid ipsi crederent(;)quaereretur, princeps apostolorum plenitudinem fidei brevi sermone complexus.
第一章——至仁慈之君王那敬虔的信德,深知這事關乎他的榮耀為最要——即在大公教會內不使任何謬誤的種子萌發——遂向聖神的制度致以此敬意,即為使聖潔的安排得以奏效,他當引用宗座的權柄:彷彿他渴望由至蒙福的伯多祿(彼得)本人宣示,他的告白中何者曾受稱讚;當主說:「人說我人子是誰?」(馬太福音十六章13節)門徒述說了不同人各樣的意見;但當主問他們自己信的是什麼時,眾使徒之首以簡短的話語囊括了信德的豐盈,說:
CHAPTER I.—The religious faith of the most clement prince, knowing that it pertains chiefly to his glory if within the Catholic Church no seed of any error should spring up, has paid this reverence to the divine institutions, that for the effect of holy disposition he should bring to bear the authority of the Apostolic See: as though he desired to have declared by the most blessed Peter himself what was praised in his confession, when, at the Lord's saying, 'Whom do men say that I, the Son of Man, am?' (Matthew 16:13) The disciples related the various opinions of divers persons; but when it was asked of them what they themselves believed, the prince of the apostles, embracing the fullness of the faith in a brief discourse, said,
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Tu es, inquit, Christus Filius Dei vivi;hoc est,tu qui vere es Filius hominis,idem vere es Filius Dei vivi; tu,inquam,verus in Deitate verus in carne, et salva geminæ 885 proprietate naturæ utrumque unus. Quod si Eutyches intelligenter ac vivaciter crederet, nequaquam ab hujus fidei tramite deviaret.Propter quam ei respondetnr a Domino: Beatus es Simon Barjona, quia caro et sanguis non revelavit tibi,sed Pater meus qui in cœlis eat. Et ego dico tibi, quia tu es Petrus, et super hunc petram ædificabo Ecclesiam meam, et portæ inferi non praevalebunt adversus eam (Matth. xvi, 17,18).Nimis autem.Compage hujus ædificationis alienus est qui et.
他說:「你是基督,是永生天主的兒子」;也就是說,你這位真是人子者,同樣真是永生天主的兒子;我說,你在神性上為真,在肉身上為真,二者合而為一,而雙重本性的特質得以保全。倘若歐迪克明智而有力地相信這一點,他便絕不會偏離此信仰的正道。為此主回答他說:「西門巴約拿,你是有福的!因為這不是屬血肉的指示你的,乃是我在天上的父指示的。我還告訴你,你是伯多祿,我要把我的教會建造在這磐石上,陰間的門不能勝過它」(馬太福音十六章17至18節)。但那人卻與這建築的架構極為疏遠,因他既……
'Thou art,' he says, 'the Christ, the Son of the living God'; that is, Thou who art truly the Son of Man art likewise truly the Son of the living God; Thou, I say, true in Deity, true in flesh, and the two one, with the property of the twofold nature preserved. If Eutyches believed this intelligently and vigorously, he would in no way deviate from the path of this faith. On account of which it is answered him by the Lord: 'Blessed art thou, Simon Bar-Jona, for flesh and blood hath not revealed it to thee, but my Father who is in heaven. And I say to thee, that thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it' (Matthew 16:17-18). But he is exceedingly a stranger to the framework of this building who both
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B.Petri confessionem non capit,et Christi Evangelio contradicit; ostendens se nullum unquam studium cognoscendæ veritatis babuisse, et superfluo honorabilem visum, qui nulla maturitatc cordis ornavit canitiem senectutis. CAP. II. — Vcrum quia etiam talium non est negligenda curalio,et pie ac religiose Christianissimus imperator haberi voluit episcopale concilium, ut pleniore judicio omnis possiterror aboleri, fratres nostros Julium episcopum, Renatum presbyterum, et filium meum Hilarum diaconem, cumque his Dulcitium notarium probatae nobis fidei, misi; qui vice mea sancto conventui vestræ fraternitatis intersint, et communi vobiscum sententia, quae Domino sint placitura,constituant.
既不領會伯多祿的告白,又與基督的福音相牴觸;顯明他從未有過認識真理的任何熱忱,且徒然被視為可敬,因他以毫無心靈的成熟去妝點老年的白髮。第二章——但既然連對這等人的照顧也不可忽略,而至基督化的皇帝虔敬而合乎信仰地願意召開一次主教會議,好藉更充分的裁決除去一切謬誤,我便差派了我們的弟兄尤利烏斯主教、雷納圖斯長老,以及我的兒子希拉里烏斯執事,並與他們同派我們所信實可靠的公證員杜爾奇提烏斯;讓他們代我出席你們弟兄之情的聖潔集會,並與你們共同商議,訂立那些將蒙主喜悅之事。
does not grasp Peter's confession, and contradicts the Gospel of Christ; showing that he never had any zeal for knowing the truth, and was seen to be honorable to no purpose, since he adorned the gray hairs of old age with no maturity of heart. CHAPTER II.—But since the care even of such men is not to be neglected, and the most Christian emperor piously and religiously willed an episcopal council to be held, that by a fuller judgment all error might be abolished, I have sent our brethren Julius the bishop, Renatus the presbyter, and my son Hilary the deacon, and with them Dulcitius the notary, of faith approved by us; who in my stead may attend the holy assembly of your fraternity, and by common counsel with you may establish the things which shall be pleasing to the Lord.
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Hoc est, ut primitus 867 pestifero errore damnato,etiam de ipsius, qui imprudenter erravit, restitutione tractatur; si tamen doctrinam veritatis amplectens, sensus hæreticos,quibus imperitia ejusfuerat irretita,plene aperteque propria voce et subscriptione damnaverit: quod etiam in libello quem ad nos miserat est professus,spondens per omnia nostram se secuturum esse sententiam.Acceptis autem fratris et coepiscopi nostri Flaviani litteris, plenius ad eum de his quæ ad nos videtur retulisse rescripsimus:
這就是說,那有毒的謬誤既先被定罪,也要商議那不慎陷入謬誤之人本身的復歸;然而倘若他懷抱真理的教義,以自己的口與親筆簽署,充分而公開地定罪那些其無知曾被纏累其中的異端意見:這也是他在寄給我們的小冊子中所表白的,他允諾在萬事上必遵從我們的裁斷。但在接獲我們的弟兄及同僚主教弗拉維安的信函後,我們就他似乎向我們陳述之事,更充分地回信給他:
That is, that, the pestilent error being first condemned, there be treated also of the restoration of the very man who imprudently erred; if, however, embracing the doctrine of truth, he shall fully and openly, by his own voice and subscription, have condemned the heretical opinions with which his unskillfulness had been ensnared: which he also professed in the little book which he had sent to us, promising that in all things he would follow our judgment. But having received the letters of our brother and fellow-bishop Flavian, we have written back to him more fully concerning those things which he seems to have referred to us:
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ut abolito hoc qui natus videbatur errore,in laudem et gloriam Dei per totum mundum una sit fides et una eademque confessio, et in nomine Jesu omne genu flectatur ccetestium, terrestrium et infernorum, et omnis lingua confiteatur quia Dominus Jesus Christus in gloria est Dei Patris. (/) Data idibus Juniis,Asturio et Protogene viris clarissimis consulibus. CAP. I. — Litteræ dilectionis tuæ, quae mihi nuper sunt redditae, quam spiritali catholicae fidei vigeas amoro, demonstrant; et multum gaudere me faciunt, quod in eamdem sententiam pia corda concurrunt, ut secundum doctrinam Spiritus sancti impleatur in nobis quod Apostolus ait:
好使那看似已萌生的謬誤既被除去,遍及全世界都歸於天主的稱讚與榮耀,得有一個信仰、一個並同一的告白,並使天上、地上、地底的一切,因耶穌的名無不屈膝,眾口無不承認耶穌基督為主,使榮耀歸於父天主(腓立比書二章10至11節)。發於六月望日,時值至顯赫的阿斯圖里烏斯與普羅托格內斯二位執政官任內。第一章——你愛心的來信,新近已送達我手,顯明你以何等屬靈的、對大公信仰之愛而興盛;並使我大大歡喜,因為敬虔的心同歸於一樣的意見,好使按聖靈的教導,那使徒所說的話在我們身上得以成全:
that, this error which appeared to have been born being abolished, to the praise and glory of God throughout the whole world there may be one faith and one and the same confession, and in the name of Jesus every knee may bow, of things heavenly, earthly, and infernal, and every tongue may confess that the Lord Jesus Christ is in the glory of God the Father (Philippians 2:10-11). Given on the Ides of June, in the consulship of Asturius and Protogenes, most illustrious men. CHAPTER I.—The letters of your love, which were lately delivered to me, demonstrate with how spiritual a love of the Catholic faith you flourish; and they make me greatly rejoice that pious hearts concur in the same opinion, so that, according to the teaching of the Holy Spirit, that may be fulfilled in us which the Apostle says:
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Obsecro autem VOl, fratres, per nomen Domini nostri Jesu Christi, ut idipsum dicatis omnes, et non sint in vobis schismata; sitis autem perfecti in eodem sensu et in eadem sententia (I Cor. i, f0). Cujus unitatis nimmm se Eutyches fecit extraneum, si in sua perversitate veterascit, nec adhuc, quibus vinculis ( a diabolo sit obligatus, intelligit: et quemquam sacerdotum Domini reperiendum putat, qui ejus imperitiae amentiæque 870 consentiat. Diu apud nos incertum fuit, quid in ipso catholicis displiceret:
「弟兄們,我藉我們主耶穌基督的名勸你們,你們都要說一樣的話,你們中間也不可分黨;只要一心一意,彼此相合」(哥林多前書一章10節)。歐迪克若在其乖謬中老去,實已使自己成為這合一的局外之人,而尚不明白他被魔鬼以何等鎖鏈所捆綁:竟以為能找到任何一位主的祭司會贊同他的無知與癲狂。長久以來,我們一直不確定他身上何處令大公信徒不悅:
'I beseech you, brethren, by the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, that you all say the same thing, and that there be no schisms among you; but that you be perfect in the same mind and in the same judgment' (1 Corinthians 1:10). Of which unity Eutyches truly made himself a stranger, if he grows old in his perversity, and does not yet understand by what bonds he is bound by the devil: and thinks that any of the priests of the Lord is to be found who would consent to his unskillfulness and madness. Long was it uncertain among us what displeased Catholics in him:
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et cum fratris nostri Flaviani nullas litteras sumeremus, ipse autem scriptis suis Nestorianam hæresimrepullularequereretur, non plenepotuimus discere unde procederet, vel quo tenderet tam dolosa causatio. Sed postquam gestorum ad nos epi8copalium documenta perlata sunt, omnia illa quæ fallacium querelarum velamine tegebantur, quam essent detestanda, patuerunt. CAP. II.
又因我們未收到我們的弟兄弗拉維安的任何信函,而他本人卻在其著述中抱怨聶斯多留的異端正再度萌發,我們便無法充分得知這般詭詐的藉口從何而來、又指向何處。但在主教議事錄的文件送達我們之後,那一切被虛妄怨言的帷幕所遮蓋之事,便顯露出來,可見它們是何等可憎。第二章。
and since we received no letters from our brother Flavian, but he himself in his writings complained that the Nestorian heresy was sprouting up again, we could not fully learn whence such a deceitful pretext proceeded, or whither it tended. But after the documents of the episcopal acts were brought to us, all those things which were covered by the veil of fallacious complaints became plain, how detestable they were. CHAPTER II.
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Et quia clementissimus imperator, pro benevolentia ac pietate animi sui, de statu hujus, qui ante honorabilis videbatur, diligentius voluit judicari, atque ob hoc indicendum credidit episcopale concilium, per fratres nostros Julium episcopum, et Renatum presbyterum, sed et filium meum diaconem Hilarum, quos ex latere meo vice mea mi9i,ad fratrem nostrum Flavianum sufficientia pro qualitate-causæ scripta direxi, quibus et vestra dilectio, et Ecclesia universa cognoscat, de antiqua etsingularifide,quam indoctusimpugnator incessit, quid divinitus traditum teneamus, et quid incommutabiliter praedicemus.
——並且,既然至仁慈的皇帝出於其心中的仁善與敬虔,願意更為審慎地審斷這位先前看似可敬之人的處境,並為此認為應當宣布召開一次主教會議,我便藉我們的弟兄尤利烏斯主教、雷納圖斯長老,以及我的兒子希拉里烏斯執事——他們是我從自己身邊代我差派的——向我們的弟兄弗拉維安寄去了足以應付此案性質的文書,好使你的愛心與普世教會都能得知:就那位無學識的攻擊者所侵犯的、那古老而獨特的信仰,我們持守何者為神所傳授,又不可更易地宣講何者。
—And since the most clement emperor, out of the benevolence and piety of his mind, willed that the state of this man, who before seemed honorable, be more diligently judged, and on this account believed that an episcopal council ought to be announced, through our brethren Julius the bishop and Renatus the presbyter, but also my son the deacon Hilary, whom from my side I have sent in my stead, I have directed to our brother Flavian writings sufficient for the quality of the case, by which both your love and the Church universal may know, concerning the ancient and singular faith which the untaught assailant has attacked, what we hold as divinely handed down, and what we immutably preach.
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Quia tamen non debemus partes miserationis omittere, congruere moderationi credidimus sacerdotum, ut si condemnatus presbyter plena satisfactione corrigitur,sententia, qua obstrictus est, relaxetur: si vero in eodem insipientiae suae luto jacere delegerit, statuta permaneant; et eum eis habeat sortem, quorum est secutus errorem.Data idibus Junii, Asturio et Protogene viris clarissimis consulibus. i. Verba cap. i et 4, direximus atque miserimus,quibus legati ab Urbe directi, et epistola ad Flavianum data idibus Junu missu traditur, indicare videntur sequentem epistolam scriptam fuisse post laudatas litteras ad Flavianum,immo etiam post legatoram discessum, qui profecti dicuntur in epist.
然而,既然我們不應略去憐憫的職分,我們便認為這與祭司的節制相符:倘若那受定罪的長老藉完滿的認錯得以改正,則束縛他的判決可予寬解;但倘若他選擇躺臥在其愚妄的同一泥沼中,則裁決當繼續有效;並讓他與那些他所追隨之謬誤者同得其分。發於六月望日,時值至顯赫的阿斯圖里烏斯與普羅托格內斯二位執政官任內。一、第一章與第四章的話語「我們已寄發並差派」——藉此,那從羅馬城差派的使節,以及六月望日交付弗拉維安的信函,被稱已送達——似乎表明後續的書信是在上述致弗拉維安的信函之後所寫,甚至是在使節離去之後;而使節被稱動身出發,見於書信……
Since, however, we ought not to omit the offices of compassion, we have believed it to accord with the moderation of priests that, if the condemned presbyter is corrected by full satisfaction, the sentence by which he is bound may be relaxed; but if he shall have chosen to lie in the same mire of his folly, let the decrees remain in force; and let him have his lot with those whose error he has followed. Given on the Ides of June, in the consulship of Asturius and Protogenes, most illustrious men. 1. The words of chapters 1 and 4, 'we have directed and sent,' by which the legates directed from the City, and the letter given to Flavian on the Ides of June, are said to have been delivered, seem to indicate that the following letter was written after the aforesaid letters to Flavian, and indeed even after the departure of the legates, who are said to have set out in letter
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38, data die 23 Julii, quin et epist. 36, data die 20 Junii, ut probabilius ostendemus annot. 3 in ipsam epistolam (Gol. 842,n.; quod tamen in rem praesentem nihilum refert. In eadem epist. 38, memoratur adventus Basilii diaconi,qui profectis jam legatis,Flaviani epistolam ad Leonem detulerat.Si is esset idem Basilius, qui Juliani quoque litteras attulisse traditur, multo evidentius haec epistola scripta dicenda esset post idus Junias,quando legati nondum ab Urbe erant profecti.lta ex duabus epistolis ad Julianum, quae de eadem reo eodem die scriptas credere videtur difficile, sola praecedens epistolu data fuisset idibus Junii, sequens vero in posterius tempus proLrudenda esset.
見於七月二十三日發出的第三十八號書信,甚至見於六月二十日發出的第三十六號書信,正如我們將在對該信本身所作的第三註中更有理由地表明的(第842欄,註);然而這對眼下之事無關緊要。在同一封第三十八號書信中,提到了執事巴西流(巴西琉)的到來——在使節已經動身之後,他曾將弗拉維安的信函帶給良。倘若這位巴西流就是那位據稱也帶來了尤利安信函的同一位巴西流,那麼這封信就必須更為明顯地被說成是寫於六月望日之後,當時使節尚未從羅馬城出發。如此,那兩封致尤利安、似乎難以相信是同一天就同一事務所寫的書信中,唯有在先的那封會是發於六月望日,而在後的那封則必須推遲至更晚的時間。
letter 38, given on the 23rd of July, and even in letter 36, given on the 20th of June, as we shall more probably show in note 3 on that very letter (col. 842, n.); which, however, is of no consequence to the present matter. In the same letter 38, mention is made of the arrival of Basil the deacon, who, the legates having already set out, had brought Flavian's letter to Leo. If this were the same Basil who is reported also to have brought Julian's letters, this letter would have to be said much more evidently to have been written after the Ides of June, when the legates had not yet set out from the City. Thus, of the two letters to Julian, which it seems difficult to believe were written on the same day concerning the same matter, only the preceding letter would have been given on the Ides of June, while the following would have to be pushed forward to a later time.
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At omnes codices resistunt, et licet collectiones plures ac diversæ sequentem lam contineant, in omnibus tamen idibus Junii data notatur. a. Quesnellus,ut haec conciliet, not. 8, observat in aliquibus epistolis, qUID idus Junii nunc praeferunt, nullam fieri Ephesinae synodi jam indictae mentionem. Conjecit autem Leonem acceptis primis Flaviani litteris cum gestis synodi Constantinopolitanae consilium cepisse mitiendi legatos quatuor in Orientem, qui rem totam Constantinopoli componerent.Ad hunc unice finem scriptas primum credit epistolas plures, quæ 13 Junii datæ nunc leguntur. Solas autem duas nominat, scilicet epist.
然而所有抄本都反對這一點,雖然若干不同的文集含有隨後的那封信,但在所有抄本中,它都被記為發於六月望日(Ides)所發。Quesnel為調和此事,於註八中指出,在某些現今標為六月望日的書信中,並未提及那已召開的以弗所會議。他推測,良(Leo)在收到弗拉維安(Flavian)的首批書信連同君士坦丁堡會議的紀錄後,便定意派遣四位使節前往東方,去在君士坦丁堡處理整件事。他相信,最初正是為此唯一目的寫了若干書信,如今讀作發於六月十三日。但他只指名兩封,即第……封信
But all the manuscripts resist this, and although several and various collections contain the letter that follows, in all of them nevertheless it is noted as given on the Ides of June. Quesnel, in order to reconcile this, observes in note 8 that in certain letters, which now bear the date of the Ides of June, no mention is made of the Ephesine synod already convoked. He conjectured that Leo, upon receiving Flavian's first letters together with the acts of the synod of Constantinople, had formed the plan of sending four legates to the East, who would settle the whole matter at Constantinople. He believes that for this sole purpose several letters were first written, which are now read as given on the 13th of June. But he names only two, namely the letter
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28 ad Flavianum, et 32 ad archimandritas Constantinopolitanos, in quibus reapse nihil de synodo habelur, sed de fidei tantum causa per legatos curanda. Addit porro: At antequam legati profecti essent, acceptæ sunt a Leone Theodosii litteræ, quibus de indicta synodo monebatur; statimque iidcm legali, qui ad fidei negotium cum Flaviano tractandum destinati erant, ad synodum directi sunt, eorumque tardata profectio, auo novis litteris scribendis tempus daretur, vel prioribus amplificandis: et in his de concilio fit mentio. Hac autem de causa et anterioribus et ultimis litteris eamdem chronicam notationem idibus Junii affixam innuit. 3.
即致弗拉維安的第二十八封、及致君士坦丁堡諸院長(archimandrites)的第三十二封,其中確實對會議隻字未提,只論及當透過使節料理信仰之事。他又補充說:但在使節尚未啟程之前,良便收到狄奧多西(Theodosius)的來信,得知已召開會議;於是那些原受派與弗拉維安一同處理信仰事務的使節,立即被派往會議,他們的行程被延緩,好給撰寫新信、或增補舊信留出時間;而在這些信中便提到了公會議。他因此暗示,在較早和最後的書信上都附了同一日期記號,即六月望日。三。
the 28th to Flavian, and the 32nd to the archimandrites of Constantinople, in which indeed nothing is contained concerning the synod, but only concerning the cause of the faith to be handled through legates. He adds further: But before the legates had set out, letters of Theodosius were received by Leo, by which he was informed of the synod that had been convoked; and at once those same legates, who had been appointed to treat the business of the faith together with Flavian, were directed to the synod, and their departure was delayed so that time might be given for writing new letters, or for enlarging the earlier ones; and in these mention is made of the council. And for this reason he suggests that upon both the earlier and the last letters the same chronological notation was affixed, namely the Ides of June. 3.
93:13
Nemini tamen haec satisfacere poterunt.Primo enim Flaviani litteras cum gestis Constantinopolitanæ synodi a Leone acceptan, antequam Theodosii epistola de indicto concilio deferretur, non solum absque ullo fundamento,verum etiam contra documentorum fidem præsumit. Priores enim Flaviani litteras Cum gestis Constantinopolitanis adversus Eutychen sese recepisse Leo significavit solumepist.27, data die "21 Maii,cum Theodosii epistolam die 13 ejusdem mensis sibi traditam fuisse testetur epist.31.Præterea ante diem 13 Maii scripta præsumitur celebris epist. 28 ad Flavianum, et legati jam destinati.At die 21 ejusdem mensis,quo data fuit epist.27, se eidem epist.
然而這些論據無法令任何人信服。因為首先,他所推定的——弗拉維安的書信連同君士坦丁堡會議紀錄,是在狄奧多西論及召開公會議的信送達之前,即已為良所收到——不僅毫無根據,甚至違背了文件的證據。因為良在第二十七封信(發於五月二十一日)中才表明,他收到了弗拉維安先前反駁歐迪奇(Eutyches)的君士坦丁堡紀錄,而他在第三十一封信中作證說,狄奧多西的信是在同月十三日交給他的。此外,那著名的致弗拉維安第二十八封信,據推定寫於五月十三日之前,且使節已被派定。但就在該月二十一日、即第二十七封信發出之日,他自陳仍在致力於撰寫那封第……
Yet these arguments will be able to satisfy no one. For, in the first place, he presumes—not only without any foundation, but even against the testimony of the documents—that Flavian's letters, together with the acts of the synod of Constantinople, were received by Leo before the letter of Theodosius concerning the convoked council was delivered. For Leo signified that he had received Flavian's earlier letters together with the acts of Constantinople against Eutyches only in letter 27, given on the 21st of May, since he testifies in letter 31 that Theodosius's letter had been handed to him on the 13th of the same month. Moreover, before the 13th of May the celebrated letter 28 to Flavian is presumed to have been written, and the legates already appointed. But on the 21st of the same month, on which letter 27 was given, he professes to be devoting his effort to writing that same letter
93:14
28 scribendae operam dare profitetur, nondumque cogitasse eam legatis tradere, inquit enim: De hac re plenius per eum qui ad nos tuæ dilectionis portavit epistolam, rescribemus.Epistola autem 3i affirmat, post acceptas Theodosii litteras legatorum profectioni ordinanda exiguum tempus superfuisse: Cum a III iduum Maiarum, inquit, quo serenitatis ejus scripta suscepimw, major pars reliqui sit temporis assumenda, ut profectio sacerdotum qui negotio sufficiant ualeat ordinari.
第二十八封信,並說他尚未想到把它交給使節;因為他說:「關於此事,我們將藉那位為我們帶來閣下慈愛之書信的人,更詳盡地回覆。」但第三十一封信確認,在收到狄奧多西的信之後,安排使節啟程所餘的時間已很少:他說:「因為自五月望日前第三日、即我們收到皇帝陛下手諭之日算起,所餘時間的大部分都須耗用,才能安排那些足以勝任此事的司鐸啟程。」
28, and that he had not yet thought of handing it to the legates; for he says: Concerning this matter we will write back more fully by him who has brought us the letter of your charity. But letter 31 affirms that, after Theodosius's letters had been received, little time remained for arranging the departure of the legates: For, he says, since from the third day before the Ides of May, on which we received the writings of his serenity, the greater part of the remaining time must be taken up, so that the departure of the priests who are equal to the business may be able to be arranged.
93:15
Secundo etiamsi haec aliqua ratione conciliari possent in Quesnelli sententia,nondum tamen solvitur alia difficultas, qua dies iduum Junii signatur in hac epistola,siquidem profectis jam legatis scripta dicenda sit, ut initio notavimus. 4. Quid ergo? auctoritatem tot et antiquarum et præstantissimarum collectionum, quæ nulla variante idus Junii cojitanter præferunt,deserere nefas ducimus: ac propterea Leonem eadem die duas ad eumdem Julianum Coensem dedisse epistolas arbitramur,alteram brevem per legatos afferendam,longiorera alteram per Basilium diaconum ab illo diversum,qui profectis jam legatis Flaviani litteras detulit.Verba autem prae.
其次,即使這些事情在Quesnel的看法中能以某種方式調和,仍有另一難題未解,即這封信中標記為六月望日之日——倘若如我們起初所指出,它須被說是在使節已然啟程時所寫。四。那麼怎麼辦?我們認為,捨棄如此眾多、既古老又最卓越的文集之權威(它們毫無出入、一致標為六月望日)乃是不當之舉;因此我們判斷,良在同一日致同一位科斯的猶利安(Julian of Cos)發了兩封信:一封簡短、由使節攜帶;另一封較長、由執事巴西流(Basil)攜帶——此人與前者不同,是在使節已啟程後帶來弗拉維安書信的。至於「我們已差遣」及「我們已寄出」等
In the second place, even if these things could in some way be reconciled in Quesnel's view, yet another difficulty is still not resolved, by which the day of the Ides of June is marked in this letter, since—if it must be said to have been written when the legates had already set out, as we noted at the beginning. 4. What then? We deem it unlawful to abandon the authority of so many and both ancient and most excellent collections, which without any variation consistently bear the Ides of June; and therefore we judge that Leo, on the same day, gave two letters to the same Julian of Cos, one brief, to be carried by the legates, the other longer, to be carried by the deacon Basil, a different man, who, when the legates had already set out, brought Flavian's letters. But the words
93:16
teriti tomporis direximus et miserimus nihil movebunt, si considerentur quæ observavimus in annot. 17 (Col. 727, n. ait epist. 22,ubi similia exempla præteriti temporis de re prasenti vel mox futura ab ipso Leone adhibita allegavimus. Duas autem epistolas eodem die ad eosdem dari a Leonis more alienum non est, ut ex exemplis in admonit. ad epist. 17 laudatis patet. 5. Unum monendum restat quoad Graecam hujus epistolie versionem,quæ cum in editionibus Conciliorum puncta alicubi praeferat lacunas indicantia,de luxato exemplari Romanorum editorum initio dubitavimus.At Graecum textum conferentes cum mss.Vat.1455, alterius originis ab eo quo Romani editores usi sunt, ac praeterea cum duobus codd.
過去式的措辭不會造成任何困難,只要人考慮我們在論第二十二封信的註十七(第727欄之註)中所觀察到的:我們在那裡引述了良本人以過去式論述現在或即將發生之事的類似例子。而在同一日致同一批人發出兩封信,並非違背良的慣例,這由論第十七封信之註中所稱許的例子可見。五。關於這封信的希臘文譯本,尚有一事須指出:由於在諸公會議的版本中,它某些地方顯示出標示脫漏(lacunae)的圓點,起初使我們懷疑羅馬編者所用的是一份殘缺的底本。但當我們將希臘文本與梵蒂岡抄本1455(其來源與羅馬編者所用者不同)、並另與兩份抄本相比對後……
of past tense, 'we directed' and 'we sent,' will cause no trouble, if one considers what we observed in note 17 (Col. 727, note) on letter 22, where we cited similar examples of the past tense used by Leo himself concerning a present or soon-to-be-future matter. And that two letters were given on the same day to the same persons is not foreign to Leo's custom, as is clear from the examples praised in the note on letter 17. 5. One thing remains to be pointed out concerning the Greek version of this letter, which—since in the editions of the Councils it in places shows dots indicating lacunae—led us at first to suspect a corrupted exemplar of the Roman editors. But comparing the Greek text with the manuscript Vat. 1455, of a different origin from that which the Roman editors used, and moreover with two codices
93:17
Venetis S. Marci 164 et 555 deprehendimus, nec puncta in illis esse, neque luxationem ullam,sed omnia distincte uno contextu describi; nec tamen quae in editionibus Gracia desunt,suppleri.Hinc antiquum Graecum interpretem ea quae desiderantur in Graeca versione consulto omisisse non improbabiliter conjicimus. Forte Julianus,qui Leonis epist. 93 ad synodum Nicænam Græce interpretatus vidctur,uti animadvertemus in actionem Ineditam concilii Chalcedonensis,quam in appendice publicabimus,hanc quoque ad so missam statim Graece reddidit; et cum magnae turbae tunc effervescerent, quae in Græco desunt, consulto praetermittenda putavit.
即威尼斯聖馬可堂的164號與555號抄本後,我們發現其中並無圓點,亦無任何錯位,反而一切都在一段連續的正文中清楚寫出;然而希臘文版本中所缺的部分並未被補足。由此我們並非全無理據地推測,那位古代希臘譯者是故意在其希臘譯本中略去了那些缺漏之處。或許猶利安——他似乎將良致尼西亞會議的第九十三封信譯成希臘文,正如我們將在迦克墩公會議那份尚未刊行的會議紀錄(我們將於附錄中刊出)中所指出——在此信送達他手中時,也立即將它譯成希臘文;而由於當時正掀起巨大的騷動,他認為希臘文中所缺的部分應當被故意略去。
of Venice, St. Mark's 164 and 555, we discovered that there were no dots in them, nor any dislocation, but that everything was written distinctly in a single continuous text; and yet that the things lacking in the Greek editions were not supplied. Hence we conjecture, not improbably, that the ancient Greek translator deliberately omitted in his Greek version those things that are wanting. Perhaps Julian, who seems to have translated Leo's letter 93 to the Nicene synod into Greek—as we shall note in the unpublished session of the Council of Chalcedon, which we shall publish in the appendix—rendered this one also into Greek immediately when it was sent to him; and since great tumults were then boiling over, he thought that the things lacking in the Greek should be deliberately passed over.
93:18
Libertatem quidem dissimulandi apud Graecos nonnulla alterius epistolae Leonis ad synodum Chalcedonensem idem Julianus Leoni indicaverat, uti colligitur ex ep. 127, c. 3. Ut autem indicentur quae in Graeca versione omissa fuerunt, ea in Latino textu uncis clausa exhibebimus."
這位猶利安曾就良致迦克墩會議的另一封信,向良指出希臘人中有隱去某些內容的自由,這可由第一百二十七封信第三章推知。但為了標明在希臘譯本中被略去的部分,我們將在拉丁文本中把它們以括號括出來呈現。
That there was among the Greeks a liberty of suppressing certain matters, this same Julian had indicated to Leo concerning another letter of Leo to the synod of Chalcedon, as is gathered from letter 127, chapter 3. But in order that the things which were omitted in the Greek version may be indicated, we shall exhibit them enclosed in brackets in the Latin text.
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