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講道與書信 第 221 章

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221:1
1. Sed infirma illa tum Quesnelli tum Harduini annotatione erepta et iis rejectis quibus fidei laudata professio cum suhjeclis capitulis, seu anathematismis, aliis perperam qunn Leoni et Hispaniæ episcopis adjudicabatur, adhuc de Augustini scriptis disserere oportet, inter quæ istud monumentum de quo agimus auctius quidem locum habere unus Quesnellus contendit. Hanc ait a Magistro Sententiarum lib. in, dist. 21, sub finem, iis verbis laudari: « secundum quam rationem (inqu:t) dicit Augustinus, Si quis dixerit, atque crediderit Filium Dei, Deum pitsum, anathema sit. Locus nit idem Parisinus editor) i Angustini ad marginem notatus recentiori, ut puto, manu est:
一。但如今凱斯內與哈爾杜恩二人那薄弱的註記既已被奪去,且那些藉以把所稱道的信德宣認連同附加章節或絕罰誤判歸給良與西班牙主教以外之人的說法既已被駁回,那麼還剩下要論述奧古斯丁的著作——凱斯內獨自主張我們所論的這份文件即以增補的形式列於其中。他說它被《箴言集》大師(隆巴爾)在第三卷第二十一題近末尾處以這些話所引用:「按照這一推理(他說),奧古斯丁說:若有人說並相信天主之子是一位可受苦的天主,該受絕罰。」(同一位巴黎編訂者說)這段話在奧古斯丁著作的邊注中,據我看來,乃是出自一隻較晚的手:
1. But now that the weak annotation both of Quesnel and of Harduin has been snatched away, and once those things have been rejected by which the praised profession of faith with its subjoined chapters, or anathematisms, was wrongly adjudged to others than to Leo and the bishops of Spain, it still remains to discourse concerning the writings of Augustine, among which Quesnel alone contends that the document of which we treat holds a place, indeed in an enlarged form. He says that it is cited by the Master of the Sentences, in book III, distinction 21, near the end, in these words: 「according to which reasoning (he says) Augustine says, If anyone shall have said, and believed, that the Son of God is a passible God, let him be anathema.」 The passage (says the same Parisian editor) is noted in Augustine's margin by a rather recent hand, as I think:
221:2
Sermo de Fide, qui est 3 in feria 5 in na Domini. Revera, tom. X Operum ejus exstat serino 129 de teinpore, de Fide recta inscriptus, quem in appendicem nou rejecerunt doctores Lovanienses, ac proinde Augustinianum fetum esseceu ucrunt.t Hactenus Quesnellus, qui, ila suarum partium studio abreptus, varias, sed levissimas et inter se pugnantes, nec ad propositum facientes. conjecturas in mediumaffert, ut nugis dumtaxat et verbis, quemadmodum Ifgentibus patebit, certare vel ludere videatur. Qua in re expticanda, nos certo inultos esse oporteret, si siugula annotare, et deinde rejicere cuperemus, quæ ibidem comminisci hi,... est. Sed quaestionem ad quædam peculiari.
「一篇論信德的講道,即主的晚餐(聖週四)當日的第三篇。」事實上,在他著作的第十卷中,存有第一二九篇「論時節」的講道,題為「論正確的信德」,這篇講道,盧汶的博士們並未貶入附錄,因而判定它是奧古斯丁的真作。凱斯內的話到此為止;他如此被自己立場的熱忱所裹挾,竟提出種種臆測——卻極為薄弱、彼此衝突、且無助於論點——以致他看來只是在以純粹的瑣事與辭令爭辯或嬉戲,這一點讀者將會看得明白。在闡明這件事上,倘若我們願意逐一記下、然後逐一駁回他在那裡所杜撰的一切,我們必定會勞而無功。但我們認為,更好的辦法是把問題歸結為某些特定的
「A sermon on Faith, which is the third for Thursday in the Lord's Supper (Maundy Thursday).」 In truth, in the tenth volume of his Works there exists sermon 129 「on the season,」 entitled 「on right Faith,」 which the doctors of Louvain did not reject into the appendix, and therefore judged to be a genuine offspring of Augustine. Thus far Quesnel, who, so carried away by zeal for his own party, brings forward into the midst various conjectures—but very slight, and mutually conflicting, and contributing nothing to the point—so that he seems to contend or to play with mere trifles and words, as will be plain to readers. In explaining this matter, we should certainly have to be unavenged, if we should wish to note down, and then to reject, one by one, the things that he there contrives. But we deem it better to reduce the question to certain particular
221:3
capita reducere satius ducimus, ut inde quantum a veritate recesserit perspicue intelligamus. 2. Et primo quidem Augustinus, anno 393, cum adhuc esset presbyter, occasione Hippomensis gcneralis Africae concihi tum in secretario basilicæ Pacis babiti, contra Manichæos dispuians, ita de clivinis disseruit personis, ut nec unam loquendi formulam laudatæ professionis verbis affinem adhibeat, nee unum ex illis errorihus, aut errorum fontibus quos laudata proressio indicat et exprimit innuat, impetat atque relellat.
要點,好使我們從中清楚明白他偏離真理有多遠。二。首先,奧古斯丁在三九三年,當他還是司鐸時,值當時在和平大殿聖器室召開的非洲希波全體會議之機,駁斥摩尼派而論及神聖的位格時,他所論述的方式,竟未使用哪怕一句與所稱道之宣認的言辭相近的措辭,也未暗示、攻擊或駁斥那所稱道之宣認所指明並表達的謬誤、或謬誤源頭中的哪怕一項。
heads, so that from thence we may clearly understand how far he has departed from the truth. 2. And first indeed Augustine, in the year 393, when he was still a presbyter, on the occasion of the general council of Africa at Hippo then held in the sacristy of the Basilica of Peace, disputing against the Manichaeans, so discoursed concerning the divine Persons that he employs not a single formula of speech akin to the words of the praised profession, nor does he hint at, assail, or refute a single one of those errors, or of the sources of errors, which the praised profession indicates and expresses.
221:4
Immo si sedulo ea quae de Spiritu sancio ihi dIcta sunt animadvertamus, Ecclesiæ African doctrinam longissime ab apostolicae sedis institutionibus tnm abfuisse, veritatis cultorcs judicabunt. Tunc ctenim nondum lam copiose a doctis et magnis divinarum rerum magistris hoc dogma fuerat disputalum; idcirco cnm l)ei donum eae prædicabant, non tamen tamquam Filium de Patre genitum, neque de Filio productum tamquam Patris nepotem, aut duo esse rerum omnium prima principia, ul Manichæi perperam opinabantur.
不但如此,倘若我們仔細思量在那裡論及聖神所說的話,真理的耕耘者便會判定:非洲教會的教義當時與宗座的規制相去甚遠。因為那時這一教條尚未被有學問的、偉大的神聖事物之師如此豐富地探討過;因此,當他們宣講聖神是天主的恩賜時,卻並未把祂宣講為由聖父所生的一位子,也未宣講為由聖子所產生、如同聖父之孫,也未宣講有萬物的兩個第一本原,一如摩尼派所謬誤地臆度的那樣。
Nay rather, if we carefully consider those things which were there said concerning the Holy Spirit, cultivators of the truth will judge that the doctrine of the African Church was then very far removed from the institutions of the Apostolic See. For at that time this dogma had not yet been so copiously disputed by learned and great masters of divine things; and therefore, when they preached that He is the gift of God, yet they did not preach Him as a Son begotten of the Father, nor as produced from the Son like a grandson of the Father, nor that there are two first principles of all things, as the Manichaeans wrongly opined.
221:5
De Spiritu sancto autem (aii) nondum tam copiose ac diligenter disputatum est a doctis et magnis divinarum Scripturarum tractatoribus, ut intelligi facile possit et ejus proprium quo proprio fit, ut eum neque Filium, neque Patrem dicere possimus, fPd tantum 269 Spiritum sanctum, nisi quod donum Dei esse pra'dicant, ut Deum credar mus non seipso inferius donum dar. Servant tamen, ut non genitum Spiritum sanctum tamquam Filium de Patre prædicent, unicus enim est Christus.
「但關於聖神(他說),有學問的、偉大的神聖聖經之研究者尚未如此豐富而勤勉地加以探討,以致可以容易地明白祂那使之成其為祂本身的固有屬性,即:我們既不能稱祂為子,也不能稱祂為父,而只能稱祂為聖神——除了他們宣講祂是天主的恩賜,好使我們相信天主所賜的恩賜並不低於祂自己。然而他們持守:他們並不把聖神宣講為如同聖父所生之子那樣被生的,因為唯有一位基督。」
「But concerning the Holy Spirit (he says) it has not yet been so copiously and diligently disputed by learned and great treaters of the divine Scriptures, that it can easily be understood also His own property by which it comes about, as His own, that we can call Him neither Son nor Father, but only the Holy Spirit—except that they preach Him to be the gift of God, so that we may believe God to give a gift not inferior to Himself. Yet they hold that they do not preach the Holy Spirit as begotten like a Son of the Father, for there is one only Christ.」
221:6
Neque de Filio tamquam nepotem summi Patris, nec tamen id quod est nulli debrre, sed Putri ex quo omnia, ne duo constituomus principia sine principio, quod fulsissimum est, et absurdissimum,et non catholicœ fidei, sed quorumdam hæreticorum proprium. Cum itaque Augustini ætate de Spiritus sancti processione nimis obscura apud Afros quæstio esset, Patres ill sacris Scripturis eruditi, emo dumtaxat Deum, donum, dilectionem, non Filium, non Putris nepotem appellabant. Numquam vero a Patre et Filio tamquam ab unico profe dentem principio prædicarunt.
「也不宣講祂由聖子而出、如同至高聖父之孫;然而祂之所是,也不虧欠於任何者,而是虧欠於萬物所由出的聖父——免得我們立定兩個無本原的本原,這是極其虛妄、極其荒謬、且不屬於大公信德、而屬於某些異端者所特有的。」因此,既然在奧古斯丁的時代,關於聖神發出的問題在非洲人中間過於晦暗,那些精通神聖聖經的教父,只稱祂為天主、恩賜、愛——而非子、非聖父之孫。但他們從未把祂宣講為從聖父與聖子、如同從唯一本原而出。
「Nor from the Son as a grandson of the most high Father; nor yet that which is His, is to owe to none, but to the Father from whom are all things—lest we constitute two principles without principle, which is most false, and most absurd, and proper not to the Catholic faith, but to certain heretics.」 Since therefore in Augustine's age the question concerning the procession of the Holy Spirit was among the Africans too obscure, the Fathers, learned in the sacred Scriptures, called Him God only, gift, love—not Son, not the Father's grandson. But they never preached Him as proceeding from the Father and the Son as from one single principle.
221:7
Qua ratione igitur hæc coh.prerc possunt cum apostolicae sedis doctrina, satis ea in profession e expressa, quai longe aliis clarioribus congruentioribusque loquendi formulis et phrasibus relerta est? Profectu si apud Arros « tiam apostolicæ sedis loquendi phrasrs in usu venissent, Augustinum iis uti maxime decebat in fidei et Synboli expositione. Quas cum non adbibuerit, cum do Spiritu sancto nondun lam copiose et diligenter dispu tatum fuerat a doctis et magnis divinarum Scriptura rum tractatoribus, id sane argumento est, laudatam lidei professionem non Augustini ætatem, stylum, doctrinam redolere posse. 3.
因此,這些話憑什麼推理能與宗座的教義相協調呢?——那教義已在那篇宣認中充分表達,而那宣認充滿了截然不同、更清晰、更貼切的措辭與語句。誠然,倘若宗座的措辭在非洲人中間也已通行,那麼奧古斯丁在闡釋信德與信經時,最應當使用它們。既然他並未採用它們,既然關於聖神,有學問的、偉大的神聖聖經之研究者尚未如此豐富而勤勉地加以探討,這無疑是一個明證:所稱道的信德宣認不可能帶有奧古斯丁的時代、文風或教義的氣味。三。
By what reasoning, therefore, can these things cohere with the doctrine of the Apostolic See, sufficiently expressed in that profession, which is filled with far other, clearer and more congruent formulas and phrases of speaking? Surely, if the phrases of speaking of the Apostolic See had also come into use among the Africans, it would have most befitted Augustine to use them in the exposition of the faith and of the Creed. Since he did not employ them, since concerning the Holy Spirit it had not yet been so copiously and diligently disputed by learned and great treaters of the divine Scriptures, this is surely a proof that the praised profession of faith cannot savor of Augustine's age, style, or doctrine. 3.
221:8
Sed nec Quesnellianæ opinioni firma suppeditant argumenta, vcl quæ Augustinus jam ad episcopatum assumptus ad Orosii consultationem respon- IIdit; vel quæ iu aliis Operibus, et potissimum libro de Hæresibus, anno 428 conscripto, legenda occurrunt. Nihil quippe habent ejusmodi Augustini Opera ex quibus conjici possit eam fidei professionem de qua agimus geoninum ejusdem eSSe fetum. III primis itaque quod ad librutn contra Priscithanistas et Origenistas Orosio inscriptum altinet, minime aliquid huic fi INi professiofti simile vel consentaneum in eo contineri arbitrabuntur qni hocce opus propriis oculis lustraruut.
但那些奧古斯丁在已被擢升為主教之後、答覆奧羅修斯諮詢的話,並不能為凱斯內的看法提供堅實的論據;他其他著作中、尤其是四二八年所撰《論異端》一書中所讀到的話,也同樣不能。因為奧古斯丁此類著作中並無任何內容,可據以推斷我們所論的信德宣認是奧古斯丁本人的真作。因此,首先,就那部題獻給奧羅修斯、駁斥普里西里安派與奧利振派的書而言,凡親眼審視過這部著作的人,都會判定其中根本不含任何與這篇信德宣認相似或相合的內容。
But neither do those things supply firm arguments for Quesnel's opinion which Augustine, already assumed to the episcopate, answered to the consultation of Orosius; nor those which are found to be read in his other Works, and chiefly in the book On Heresies, composed in the year 428. For Augustine's Works of this kind have nothing from which it can be conjectured that the profession of faith of which we treat is a genuine offspring of the same. In the first place, therefore, as regards the book against the Priscillianists and Origenists inscribed to Orosius, those who have surveyed this work with their own eyes will judge that there is contained in it nothing at all similar or consonant to this profession of faith.
221:9
In exordiis enim faretur uon omnibus in Orosii commonitorio expressis se nccurrerc velle; Nam in quibusdam opusculis nostris (ait) 5. Quemadmodum vero barbarica illa incursio et invasio cOnligisset, eruditis omnibus salis perspectum arbitror. Nec enim est qui ignoret eos foedere cum Attalo junctos, veluti amicos et auxiliares, in Aquitanorum sinu primum exceptos fuisse; sed de repente, spreto Aualo, divinæ ultionis effectos ministrus, in rapinas et incendia se tutos convertisse, ut etiam Paulinus consularis in Eucharistico carmina narravit. Verum Paulinus iste ex nobili consulari Ausonia gente progenitus, duo de se ipso exponit, quorum postremum mire ad rem nostram pertinere judico.
因為在開端他承認,他並不願遍論奧羅修斯備忘錄中所表達的一切;「因為在我們某些小著作中(他說)……」五。但那次蠻族的入侵與侵擾究竟是如何發生的,我想對一切有學問的人都已足夠明白。因為無人不知:他們與阿塔盧斯以盟約結為朋友與援兵,起初被接納入阿基坦人的懷抱;但突然間,阿塔盧斯遭到唾棄,他們既被造為神聖報復的執行者,便安然無恙地轉向劫掠與焚燒——一如執政官保利努斯在其詩作《感恩之歌》中所敘述的。但這位保利努斯,出身於高貴的執政官級奧索尼烏斯家族,就他自己陳述了兩件事,其中後一件我判斷奇妙地關乎我們的論題。
For in the opening he confesses that he does not wish to run through all the things expressed in Orosius's memorandum; 「For in certain of our little works (he says)…」 5. But in what manner that barbarian incursion and invasion had come about, I think is sufficiently clear to all the learned. For there is no one who is ignorant that they, joined by treaty with Attalus as friends and auxiliaries, were at first received into the bosom of the Aquitanians; but suddenly, Attalus being spurned, they, made ministers of divine vengeance, turned themselves in safety to plunderings and burnings—as Paulinus the consular also narrated in his poem the Eucharisticus. But this Paulinus, sprung from the noble consular Ausonian family, sets forth two things concerning himself, of which I judge the latter to pertain marvelously to our matter.
221:10
Attalo in primis dissensisse fatetur, qui eum comitem curatorem largitionum creaverat, cum jaiu sciret istud munus nullo prorsus sensu subsistere posse. Tunc quippe Pauliuul, Attali tyranni partibus spretis, Gothicam partem secutus eit. Alterum vero deterius, quod perperam factum, amara deflevit pœnitentia; illudque fuit, ait Uaroniul, quod ad improbata fidei dogmata Christianus homo diverterat: sed improbis adhæsisse dogmatibus integro quindecim altorum spatio, non obscure sequentia produnt carmina, quibus se catholicæ restitutum communioni commemorat:
他首先承認,他與阿塔盧斯意見不合;阿塔盧斯曾任命他為伯爵與賞賜之財的司庫,儘管他早已知道這一職務根本毫無意義可以維持。因為那時保利努斯確實唾棄了僭主阿塔盧斯的一派,轉而追隨哥德一方。但另一件、且更壞的事——這件錯做之事,他以痛苦的補贖悲泣哀悼——巴洛尼烏斯說,就是這事:他身為基督徒,卻偏離而轉向了信德中受譴責的教條;而他整整十五年之久緊附於邪惡的教條,這由下面的詩句不加隱晦地顯明,他在詩中記述自己被復歸於大公的共融:
He confesses first that he dissented from Attalus, who had created him count and curator of the largesses, since he already knew that this office could subsist with no sense at all. For then indeed Paulinus, having spurned the party of the tyrant Attalus, followed the Gothic side. But the other, and worse thing—which, wrongly done, he bewailed with bitter penitence—was this, says Baronius: that, being a Christian man, he had turned aside to reprobated dogmas of the faith; but that he clung to wicked dogmas for the whole space of fifteen years, the following verses not obscurely reveal, in which he records himself restored to Catholic communion:
221:11
Post autem, exacti jam trieteride quinta, Rite recurrente statuto tempore Pascha, Ad tua, Christe Deus, altaria sacra reversus, Te mlseraute, tua gaudens sacramenta recepi. Sed quibusnam haereseos vinculis tamdiu Paulinus obstrictus permanserit, Baronius inquirit et probabile existimat Priscillianistarum turpibus erroribus pollutum et implicitum fuisse. Etenim Severi Sulpicii et aliorum testimonio jam vidimus in ea provincia clarissimos viios ac feminas a Priscilliano et ejus sectatoribus Romam proficiscentibus fuisse seductos; quos merito divina ultio secuta est, cum ad illius bsercseos impudicitias abolendas, nec sacræ, nec ecclesiasticæ, nee civiles leges ullum robur obtinuissent 4.
其後,第五個三年之期既已過完,在既定之時復活節依禮再度來臨,基督我主上帝啊,我重返你神聖的祭壇,蒙你憐憫,歡然領受了你的聖事。然而保理努斯(Paulinus)究竟被異端的哪些鎖鏈束縛了如此之久,巴洛尼烏斯(Baronius)曾加以探究,並判定他很可能沾染並纏陷於普里西利安派(Priscillianists)那可恥的謬誤之中。因為根據塞維魯斯·蘇爾皮基烏斯(Sulpicius Severus)及他人的見證,我們已經看到,在那行省中,極為顯赫的男女在普里西利安及其追隨者前往羅馬時被引誘迷惑;神聖的報應理當追及他們,因為要革除那異端的淫邪,無論是神聖的、教會的還是民政的法律,都未能取得任何效力。
Afterward, when the fifth three-year period had now run its course, and at the appointed time Easter duly came round again, returning to your holy altars, O Christ God, and rejoicing—by your mercy—I received your sacraments. But with what bonds of heresy Paulinus remained so long fettered, Baronius inquires, and judges it probable that he was defiled and entangled by the shameful errors of the Priscillianists. For by the testimony of Sulpicius Severus and others we have already seen that in that province most illustrious men and women were seduced by Priscillian and his followers as they set out for Rome; whom divine vengeance deservedly pursued, since to abolish the lewdness of that heresy neither sacred, nor ecclesiastical, nor civil laws had obtained any force.
221:12
Et quidem ipsi etiam Christiani orbis imperatores, ut catholicæ fidei rebus optime prospicerent, paulo antequam Vandali, Gothi, Alani, aliique Barbarorum Gallias et Hispanias diriperent, varias leges in hujus Priscillianje haerescos odium condiderunt. Honorius enim Augustus legem contra cosdem in Occidente tulit, qua Senatori præfecto praetorio jubet in Manichaeos, et Pbrigias, seu Priscillianistas diligenter inquirere, eosdem variis poenarum generibus coercere. Sed lit ii quoque 250 in Orientis partibus delerentur, Theodosius imperator Augustus studium adhibuit;
的確,基督徒世界的諸位皇帝,為了盡善盡美地照顧公教信仰之事,在汪達爾人、哥特人、阿蘭人及其他蠻族劫掠高盧與西班牙之前不久,出於對這普里西利安派異端的憎惡,制定了各種法律。因為霍諾里烏斯·奧古斯都(Honorius Augustus)在西方頒布了一條反對這些人的法律,藉此他命令禁衛軍統領塞納托爾(Senator)勤加查察摩尼教徒與弗里吉亞派(即普里西利安派),並以各種刑罰加以懲治。但為使他們在東方各地也被剷除,皇帝狄奧多西·奧古斯都(Theodosius Augustus)也付出了努力;
And indeed the very emperors of the Christian world, in order best to provide for the affairs of the catholic faith, a little before the Vandals, Goths, Alans, and other Barbarians ravaged the Gauls and the Spains, enacted various laws out of hatred for this Priscillianist heresy. For Honorius Augustus passed a law against these same men in the West, whereby he commands Senator, the praetorian prefect, diligently to inquire into the Manichees and the Phrygians (that is, the Priscillianists), and to restrain them by various kinds of penalties. But so that they too might be destroyed in the parts of the East, the emperor Theodosius Augustus applied his zeal;
221:13
quando videlicet duobus datis ad Autherium præfectum prætorio rescriptis, Montanistis, Priscillianistis, Eunomianis præter necem omnia supplicia decrevit. Sed quid? Imperialium forte ministrorum socordia, improbitas, avaritia, aut falsa religio, cum iis legibus obtemperare neglexisset, divina agente ultione, in iis regionibus Romanum imperium prorsus deletum fuit, et populi ipsi, bonis, libertate aut etiam vita privati, debitas hærescos et suarum impudicitiarum poenas persolverunt. 5.
這就是說,他藉著頒給禁衛軍統領奧特里烏斯(Autherius)的兩道敕令,對孟他努派、普里西利安派、歐諾米派判處除死刑以外的一切刑罰。然而結果如何呢?由於帝國官吏的怠惰、邪惡、貪婪或虛假的宗教,對那些法律的遵行既被忽視,神聖報應遂發動作為,羅馬帝國在那些地區徹底覆滅,而人民自身喪失了財物、自由乃至生命,償付了異端及其淫邪應得的懲罰。
namely when, by two rescripts issued to Autherius the praetorian prefect, he decreed against the Montanists, Priscillianists, and Eunomians every punishment short of death. But what came of it? Since through the sloth, wickedness, avarice, or false religion of the imperial ministers the obedience to those laws had been neglected, by the working of divine vengeance the Roman empire was utterly destroyed in those regions, and the peoples themselves, deprived of their goods, their liberty, and even their life, paid the due penalties of heresy and of their own lewdness.
221:14
Cum itaque Hispaniarum et Gallæciæ regnorum civiles atque ecclesiasticas res tut tantæque perturbationes vexarent, Innocentiana illa statuta clsecutioni demandari uu lo modo poterant, præsertim quia Hispaniæ et Gallæciæ populi non uno tantum Pri icipi, sed duobus Arianorumlabe pollutis tum obtemperare cogebantur. In Hispaniis eniin Athaulphus, Christi anno 414, primus ex Gothorum gente regnavit. Sed vix imperii anno absoluto a quodam Gotho necatus est, cui Segericus succedens post s<'x menses ipse etiam interficitur. Quibus et alii quatuordecim ex eadem stirpe Ariani reges ad annum 568 usque successere.
既然如此重大的動亂折磨著西班牙與加拉埃基亞(Gallaecia)諸王國的民政與教會事務,那些殷諾森的法令便絕無可能付諸執行,尤其因為西班牙與加拉埃基亞的人民當時被迫不只服從一位君主,而是兩位皆沾染亞流派污點的君主。因為在西班牙,阿陶爾夫(Athaulf)於基督紀元414年首度以哥特族之身分為王。然而他統治之年尚未滿一載,便被某個哥特人所殺;繼位的塞革里克(Segeric)自己也在六個月後被殺。此後另有十四位同族的亞流派國王相繼在位,直至568年。
Since therefore such and so great disturbances vexed the civil and ecclesiastical affairs of the kingdoms of the Spains and Gallaecia, those Innocentian decrees could in no way be carried into execution, especially because the peoples of Spain and Gallaecia were then compelled to obey not one prince alone but two, both defiled with the stain of the Arians. For in the Spains Athaulf, in the year of Christ 414, was the first to reign of the Gothic nation. But scarcely had one year of his reign been completed when he was slain by a certain Goth; and Segeric, succeeding him, is himself likewise killed after six months. To these fourteen other Arian kings of the same stock succeeded, down to the year 568.
221:15
in Gallicia autem et Lu3itania principes ex Suecorum stirpe regnaruut, quoniuM primus fuit Hermericus, qui, post imperii annos 32 decedens, anno 440 Rechilam successorem habuit. Is autem, septen dumtaxat annis in imperio consumptis, Recaredo regni habenas reliquil, qui in catholica edoctus religione, ecclesiasticas res sanctis episcopis haud difficile c omponendas permisit.
而在加拉埃基亞與盧西塔尼亞(Lusitania),則由蘇維匯(Suevi)血統的君主統治,其中第一位是赫爾梅里克(Hermeric),他在位32年後去世,於440年由雷奇拉(Rechila)繼位。然而後者僅在位七年,便將王國的韁繩交給雷卡雷德(Recared);此人受過公教信仰的教導,遂容許聖潔的主教們毫無困難地整頓教會事務。
But in Gallaecia and Lusitania princes of the Suevic stock reigned, of whom the first was Hermeric, who, departing after 32 years of rule, in the year 440 had Rechila as his successor. He, however, having spent but seven years in power, left the reins of the kingdom to Recared, who, instructed in the catholic religion, permitted ecclesiastical affairs to be set in order without difficulty by holy bishops.
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