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講道與書信 第 78 章

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78:1
CAP. I. — Hodie, fratres charissimi, solemniter colimus diem illius scilicet qui cum Patre omnia gubernans,condidit omnem diem; Verbum,inquam quod in principio dixit: Fiat lux, et facta est lux (Gen. I, 3). Ipsius caro hodie in monte clarificata est, ut pote textus narrat evangelicus. In monte ante duos vates tresque discipulos transfiguratus est Dominus; scilicet ut nobis spem suæ Divinitatis donaret, suam præ nive faciem candicam eis voluit demonstrare. Si quis vero hos noscere voluerit vates, currat ad evangelistarum sublimissimas voces.
第一章——至親愛的弟兄們,我們今日隆重慶祝那一位的日子,就是那位與聖父一同管理萬有、創造了每一日的;我說,就是那太初曾說「要有光,就有了光」的道(創一3)。今日他的肉身在山上發光,正如福音經文所述。在山上,當著兩位先知與三位門徒面前,主變了容貌;即,為要賜給我們對他神性的盼望,他願意向他們顯示他那比雪更白的面容。但若有人願意知道這些先知是誰,就讓他奔向福音史家最崇高的話語。
CHAP. I.—Today, dearest brethren, we solemnly keep the day of him, namely, who, governing all things with the Father, created every day; the Word, I say, who in the beginning said: 'Let there be light, and there was light' (Gen. 1:3). His flesh today was made bright upon the mountain, as the Gospel text relates. Upon the mountain, before two prophets and three disciples, the Lord was transfigured; namely, that he might grant us hope of his Divinity, he willed to show them his face whiter than snow. But if anyone wishes to know who these prophets were, let him run to the most sublime utterances of the evangelists.
78:2
Verum si cuilibet Lucas a duobus superioribus dissentire videtur, propter quod non post dies sex, sed post dies octo hanc Domini claritatem ostensam fuisse perhibet (Luc. IX, 28 ). grammaticorum currat ad tropum. Est nempe apud eos tropus, qui syllepsis dicitur, ubi pro uno multi, et pro multis unus comprehenditur, atque totum pro parte. et pars pro toto accipitur; sciatque Lucam nihilominus tropice de scripsisse diem quando promissum est; atque illumm quando completum est, in suo Evangelio comprehendisse. 457 Videlicet quando Dominus hoc promiserat, vespere erat; et cum transfiguratus est, mane nihilominus apparebat.
但若對某人而言,路加似乎與前二位史家不合,因為他報導說主的這光輝不是六日之後、而是八日之後所顯示的(路九28),那就讓他奔向文法學家的修辭格。因為在他們中間有一種修辭格,稱為「兼指法」(syllepsis),即以一代多、以多代一,以全體代部分、以部分代全體;並讓他知道,路加同樣是以修辭手法記述了應許之時的那日,並在他的福音中也包括了應驗之時的那日。就是說,當主應許此事時,是傍晚;而當他變容時,卻是清晨顯現。
But if to anyone Luke seems to differ from the two former evangelists, because he reports that this brightness of the Lord was shown not after six days but after eight (Luke 9:28), let him run to the trope of the grammarians. For there is among them a trope which is called syllepsis, where for one many, and for many one is comprehended, and the whole is taken for the part, and the part for the whole; and let him know that Luke nonetheless wrote figuratively of the day when the promise was made, and comprehended in his Gospel that day too when it was fulfilled. That is to say, when the Lord had promised this, it was evening; and when he was transfigured, it was nevertheless appearing morning.
78:3
Matthæus vero et Marcus prætermittentes dies promissionis et transfigurationis, solummodo integros sex medios maluerunt tradere recordationi perpetuæ. CAP. II.- Verumtamen si aliquis dicat cur ante duos vates et tres discipulos voluit transfigurari, reminiscatur ipsius luculenti primi sermonis Domini; ipse inquit Judæis: In lege vestra seriptum est quia duorum hominum sit verum testimonium (Joam. XIII, 17). Ut autem seipsum ostenderet esse qui dixit Moysi Ego sum qui sum, et hæc dices filiis Israel: Qui est: misit me ad vos (Exod. III, 14 ):
但瑪竇與馬爾谷略去應許之日與變容之日,只選擇把中間那整整六日交託給永久的記念。第二章——然而,若有人要問,他為何願意在兩位先知與三位門徒面前變容,就讓他憶念主那極為明亮的首篇話語;他親自對猶太人說:「在你們的法律上記載著:兩個人的見證是真實的」(若八17)。而為要顯明他自己就是那對梅瑟說「我是自有者,你要如此對以色列子民說:那『有』的差遣了我到你們這裡來」(出三14)的那一位:
But Matthew and Mark, passing over the days of the promise and of the transfiguration, chose to hand down to perpetual remembrance only the six whole intervening days. CHAP. II.—Nevertheless, if anyone should ask why he willed to be transfigured before two prophets and three disciples, let him recall the very brilliant first discourse of the Lord; he himself says to the Jews: 'In your law it is written that the testimony of two men is true' (John 8:17). And that he might show himself to be the one who said to Moses, 'I am who I am, and thus you shall say to the children of Israel: He who is has sent me to you' (Exod. 3:14):
78:4
quique eumdem Moysem ob liberationem filiorum Israel ad Pharaonem miserat, et ei in monte Sina legem dederat, atque prophetam Eliam igneo curru in aereum cœlum devexerat, hos testes ad suæ claritatis transfigurationem divina potestate cum discipulis contemplandam perduxerat; nimirum unum eorum revocans a limine mortis, alterum a translatione paradisi. Nullus enim scire poterat supulcru Moysi, nisi qui jussit et ad se eum perduxit; et nemo quo esset Elias translatus cognoverat, nisi qui eum ad se vocaverat. Hic est enim Unigenitus Patris, qui propter humari generis redemptionem effici voluit primogenitus matris.
並且他就是那位曾差遣同一梅瑟往法郎那裡去,為拯救以色列子民,又在西乃山上賜給他法律,並曾用火車把先知厄里亞載入高天的那一位;他藉著神能,把這些見證人與門徒一同帶來,觀看他光輝的變容;即,把他們中的一位從死亡的門檻召回,把另一位從樂園的遷升召回。因為除了那位吩咐並把梅瑟帶到自己面前的,沒有人能知道梅瑟的墳墓;除了那位召厄里亞到自己面前的,沒有人曾知道厄里亞被遷往何處。因為這就是聖父的獨生子,他為救贖人類,願意成為母親的首生子。
and who had sent that same Moses to Pharaoh for the deliverance of the children of Israel, and had given him the law on Mount Sinai, and had carried the prophet Elijah in a fiery chariot into the aerial heaven, he brought these witnesses, by divine power, along with the disciples, to contemplate the transfiguration of his brightness; recalling, namely, one of them from the threshold of death, the other from the translation of paradise. For no one could know the sepulcher of Moses, save he who commanded and brought him to himself; and no one had known whither Elijah was translated, save he who had called him to himself. For this is the Only-begotten of the Father, who for the redemption of the human race willed to be made the firstborn of a mother.
78:5
In hac namque hodierna transfiguratione coadunare voluit utriusque paginæ concordationem. Ut enim ostenderet se esse legis Dominum et prophetam, hos voluit perducere ad testimonium evangelistarum. In hac siquidem transfiguratione placuit ei, dispensatori Patris ostendere Filii dispensatorem, scilicet Petrum Moysi, et castum ve terem casto novo demonstrare voluit, Eliam Joanni. Duos soles in monte cernebant hodie discipuli,unum, qui ab eis omnibus contemplabatur in firmamento, et alterum, qui splendidius eo fulgens a vatibus et discipulis cernebatur, facies Jesu. Hic vero Sol, qui in monte rutilabat, illum qui in firmamento est sua potentia illustrabat.
因為在今日這變容中,他願意聯合兩部經卷的和諧。為要顯明他自己是法律與先知的主,他願意把這二人帶來作福音史家的見證。在這變容中,他這位聖父的分施者,樂意向他們顯示聖子的分施者,即向梅瑟顯示伯多祿,並願意向貞潔的新人顯示貞潔的舊人,即向若望顯示厄里亞。門徒今日在山上看見兩個太陽:一個是他們眾人在蒼穹中所觀看的,另一個比它更輝煌地照耀,是先知與門徒所見的——耶穌的面容。而這個在山上發光的太陽,以其大能光照那在蒼穹中的。
For in this today's transfiguration he willed to unite the concord of both pages [of Scripture]. For that he might show himself to be Lord of the law and of the prophet, he willed to bring these to the testimony of the evangelists. In this transfiguration indeed it pleased him, the dispenser of the Father, to show the dispenser of the Son, namely Peter to Moses, and he willed to demonstrate the chaste old man to the chaste new, Elijah to John. Two suns the disciples beheld on the mountain today: one which was contemplated by them all in the firmament, and another which, shining more splendidly than it, was seen by the prophets and disciples—the face of Jesus. But this Sun, which glowed on the mountain, illumined by its power the one which is in the firmament.
78:6
Iste namque Sol justitiæ ardens et lucens; ardendo enim in se accendit fideles, lucendo illuminat omnes. De isto namque Sole ait Joannes: Erat lux vera quæ illuminat omnem hominem venientem in hunc mundum (Joam. I, 9). CAP. III. - Verum ut claritas illius nobis certo certius insinuaretur, postquam in aliam speciem vultus ejus transfiguratus est, et a nube lucida cum apostolis obumbratus a Patre veraciter est clarificatus: Hic est, inquit, Filius meus charissimus, ipsum audite,( Luc IX, 35). Discipuli vero tantam vocem non ferentes,ceciderunt in faciem, recendentibusque Moyse et Elia, remansit sola soboles divina, quæ erigens eos inquit, Nolite timere, quod est dicere:
因為這是公義的太陽,既燃燒又發光;因為藉著燃燒,他在自身中點燃信徒;藉著發光,他光照眾人。因為關於這太陽,若望說:「那是真光,照亮每一個來到世上的人」(若一9)。第三章——但為使他的光輝在我們裡面比確實更確實地被灌注,在他的容貌變為另一形像、並與宗徒們一同被明亮的雲彩遮蔽之後,他真確地被聖父所光榮:他說:「這是我的愛子,你們要聽從他」(路九35)。但門徒承受不住如此大的聲音,就俯伏於地;當梅瑟與厄里亞退去時,只剩下那神聖的子,他扶起他們說:「不要害怕」,這就是說:
For this is the Sun of justice, burning and shining; for by burning it kindles the faithful in itself, by shining it illumines all. For concerning this Sun John says: 'He was the true light, which enlightens every man coming into this world' (John 1:9). CHAP. III.—But that his brightness might be instilled in us more surely than sure, after his countenance was transfigured into another form, and he was overshadowed by a bright cloud with the apostles, he was truly glorified by the Father: 'This,' he said, 'is my beloved Son, hear him' (Luke 9:35). But the disciples, not bearing so great a voice, fell upon their faces; and when Moses and Elijah withdrew, there remained alone the divine offspring, who, raising them up, said, 'Do not fear,' which is to say:
78:7
Timeant illi, qui non credunt, timeant quos phantasmata illudunt. Vos, qui Patris Filio obeditis, ejusque arcanis secretis interestis, quam ob rem timidi estis? Attamen sancti discipuli 458 respicientes, neminem viderunt, nisi solum Jesum; ut liquido demonstraretur quia vox quæ missa fuerat, non Moysi, non Eliæ, sed unigentio Filio solummodo congruerat. De hac quippe visione quidam facundissimus poeta admiratur atque collaudat meritum horum trium apostolorum dicens (Sedutius, l. III, v. 284 seqq.): O meritum sublime trium, quibus illa videre Contigit in mundo quæ non sunt credita mundo! Quid? quod et Eliam, et clarum virtute Moysem Ignotos oculis viderunt lumine cordis.
讓那些不信的人害怕吧,讓那些被幻象迷惑的人害怕吧。你們既順從聖父的聖子,又參與他隱秘的奧秘,為何膽怯呢?然而聖門徒舉目觀看,除了耶穌一人之外,不見別人;為要清楚顯明那所發出的聲音,不是適合梅瑟、不是適合厄里亞,而是唯獨適合那獨生的聖子。關於這異象,有一位極善辭令的詩人驚嘆並一同讚頌這三位宗徒的功德,說(塞杜利烏斯,第三卷,第284行以下):「哦,三人崇高的功德,他們得以在世上看見那世界所不信的事物!又如何?他們竟以心中之光,看見了肉眼所不識的厄里亞、與德行卓著的梅瑟。」
Let those fear who do not believe, let those fear whom phantasms delude. You, who obey the Son of the Father, and are present at his hidden secrets, for what reason are you afraid? Yet the holy disciples, looking up, saw no one but Jesus alone; so that it might be clearly demonstrated that the voice which had been sent was fitting not to Moses, not to Elijah, but to the Only-begotten Son alone. Concerning this vision indeed a certain most eloquent poet marvels and praises together the merit of these three apostles, saying (Sedulius, Book III, v. 284 ff.): 'O sublime merit of the three, to whom it fell to see in the world those things not believed by the world! What? that they saw both Elijah and Moses illustrious in virtue, unknown to the eyes, by the light of the heart.'
78:8
Ut major sit nostra fides hunc esse per orbem Principium ac finem, hunc Alpha videlicet et: Quem medium tales circumfulsere prophetæ. Alter adhuc vivens, alter stane lumine vitæ: Sidereoque sono, Meus hic est Filius, aiens, Ostendit verbo genitum vox Patria Christum. Hinc namque Moysi deprecanti atque dicenti, Ostende mihi gloriam tuum, ait Dominus; Non poteris videre facien meam: non enim videbit me homo et vivet. Ecce, inquit, est locus apud me, et stabis supra petram; cumque transibit gloria mea, ponam te in foramine petræ, et protegam te dextera mea, donec pertranseam, tollamque manum meam, et videbis posteriora mea, faciem autem meam videre non poteris (Exod. XXXIII, 18, 20 seqq.).
「為使我們的信德更大,即這一位在全世界是元始與終末,就是那『阿爾法』:這樣的先知在其中環繞照耀著他。一位仍在世活著,另一位站在生命之光中:又以如星辰般的聲音說『這是我的兒子』,聖父的聲音以其話語顯明了受生的基督。」由此,當梅瑟懇求說「求你把你的榮耀顯示給我」時,主說:「你不能看見我的面容,因為人看見我就不能存活。看哪,在我這裡有個地方,你要站在磐石上;當我的榮耀經過時,我要把你放在磐石的縫隙中,並用我的右手遮護你,直到我經過;然後我要收回我的手,你就要看見我的背後,我的面容你卻不能看見」(出三三18、20以下)。
'That our faith may be the greater, that he is throughout the world the Beginning and the End, this one, namely, the Alpha and: whom such prophets shone round about in the midst. The one still living, the other standing in the light of life: and with a starry sound, saying, This is my Son, the Father's voice showed Christ begotten by his word.' Hence indeed to Moses beseeching and saying, 'Show me thy glory,' the Lord says: 'You shall not be able to see my face: for man shall not see me and live. Behold,' he says, 'there is a place with me, and you shall stand upon the rock; and when my glory shall pass, I will place you in a cleft of the rock, and I will protect you with my right hand, until I pass by, and I will take away my hand, and you shall see my back parts, but my face you shall not be able to see' (Exod. 33:18, 20 ff.).
78:9
Quidnam, dilectissimi, est hoc? quid nam est hoc? Numquidnam Dominum nemo vidit umquam? Numquinam mentitus est unus horum, qui dixit: Deum nemo vidit umquam, nisi Unigenitus, qui est in sinu Patris, ipse enarravit (Joan. I, 18)?Num quidnam omnipotens Pater incapabiliss et immensus, atque invisibilis corporeus esse creditur, aut membra illi ascribuntur corporalia, ut referatur eum habere posteriora? Magnum est hoc, profundum est hoc; et tantillis tam profundum rimari non est facile. Sed illi soli est aperiendum, qui cum vult, brutis animalibus aperit os ad loquendum. O sancte Spiritus nobis resera hoc summum Patris eloquium.
至親愛的,這是什麼呢?這究竟是什麼?難道從來沒有人看見過主嗎?難道這幾位中有一位說了謊,就是那說「從來沒有人看見過天主,只有那在父懷中的獨生子,他把他表明出來了」(若一18)的那位嗎?難道那不可測度、無限、不可見的全能聖父,被認為是有形體的嗎?或者把身體的肢體歸給他,以致說他有背後嗎?這事偉大,這事深奧;對如此渺小的人而言,探究如此深奧之事並不容易。但這只能由那位開啟——他若願意,就開啟牲畜的口使之說話——的來開啟。哦,聖神,求你為我們開啟聖父這至高的話語。
What then, most beloved, is this? What indeed is this? Has no one ever seen the Lord? Has one of these lied, who said: 'No one has ever seen God, except the Only-begotten, who is in the bosom of the Father, he himself has declared him' (John 1:18)? Is the almighty Father, incomprehensible and immense and invisible, believed to be corporeal, or are bodily members ascribed to him, so that he is reported to have back parts? Great is this, deep is this; and for such little ones it is not easy to search out a thing so deep. But it is to be opened only by him who, when he wills, opens the mouth of brute animals to speak. O Holy Spirit, unlock for us this supreme utterance of the Father.
78:10
Attendite diligentius, attendite dilectissimi cautius, et una mecum vestrum parate animum. CAP. IV. - Cum pertransiero, inquit Dominus, videbis posteriora mea, faciem meam videre non poteris (Exod..XXXIII, 23). Facies namque Domini incompre hensibilis Dertas; posteriora vero ejus Filii credenda est assumpta humanitas. Profecto per faciem, quæ prima pars est corporis, Divinitas insinuatur ante omnia sæcula; posteriora vero Christi humanitas est, quæ in ultima ad nos per inviolatam venit Mariam tempora. In hac siquidem die, quod suo famulo promisit Moysi, fideliter per Filium Pater complevit. De hac quidem solemnitate hujus diei David ait:
至親愛的,要更勤勉地留意,更謹慎地留意,並與我一同預備你們的心。第四章——主說:「當我經過之後,你要看見我的背後,我的面容你卻不能看見」(出三三23)。因為主的面容是他那不可測度的神性;而他的背後應被理解為聖子所取的人性。的確,藉著面容——身體的首要部分——所暗示的是萬世之前的神性;而背後乃是基督的人性,這人性在末後之時藉著無玷的瑪利亞來到我們中間。的確在這一日,聖父藉著聖子忠實地成就了他向僕人梅瑟所應許的。關於這一日的慶典,達味說:
Attend more diligently, attend more cautiously, most beloved, and together with me prepare your minds. CHAP. IV.—'When I shall have passed by,' says the Lord, 'you shall see my back parts, my face you shall not be able to see' (Exod. 33:23). For the face of the Lord is his incomprehensible Deity; but his back parts are to be believed to be the assumed humanity of the Son. Assuredly by the face, which is the first part of the body, is intimated the Divinity before all ages; but the back parts are the humanity of Christ, which came to us in the last times through the inviolate Mary. On this day indeed, what he promised to his servant Moses, the Father faithfully fulfilled through the Son. Concerning this solemnity of this day David says:
78:11
Confessionem459 et decorem induisti, amictus lumine sicut vestimento (Ps. CIII, 1). Confessionem et decorem indutus est Christus, cum gloria paternæ vocis glorificatus est: amictus est lumine sicut vestimento, cum solis splendore suum discipulis coruscantem ostendit vultum. De hac quoque solemnitate Habacuc propheta mirabatur, cum ab ipso decantabatur: Domine, audivi auditum tuum et timui, consideravi opera tua et expavi. (Hab. III, 1). Numquid fabricam mundi iste miratus expavit? Non. Sed quid miratus expavit? Audi quid sequitur: In medio, inquit, duorum animalium cognosceris.
「你穿上了頌讚與華美,披上光明如同外袍」(詠一〇四1)。基督穿上了頌讚與華美,就是當他被聖父之聲的榮耀所光榮時;他披上光明如同外袍,就是當他以太陽的光輝向門徒顯示他那閃耀的容貌時。關於這慶典,先知哈巴谷也曾驚嘆,當他歌詠說:「上主,我聽見了你的報導就害怕,我思量了你的作為就驚駭」(哈三1)。難道他是驚嘆並驚駭於世界的構造嗎?不是。那麼他所驚嘆並驚駭的是什麼呢?請聽下文:他說「在兩個活物之間,你要被認識」。
'You have put on confession and beauty, clothed with light as with a garment' (Ps. 104:1). Christ put on confession and beauty when he was glorified with the glory of the paternal voice; he was clothed with light as with a garment when with the splendor of the sun he showed to the disciples his glittering countenance. Concerning this solemnity too the prophet Habakkuk marveled, when it was chanted by him: 'Lord, I have heard your report and I was afraid, I have considered your works and was terrified' (Hab. 3:1). Did he marvel and grow terrified at the fabric of the world? No. But at what did he marvel and grow terrified? Hear what follows: 'In the midst,' he says, 'of two living creatures you will be known.'
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O charissimi, quid est in medio duorum animalium cognoscir?Nisi aut in medio duorum testamentorum, aut in medio Moysis et Eliæ cum eo hodie in monte sermocinantium.Hic namque est lapis angularis, in quo 460 uterque paries meruit copularin scilicet vetus Testamentum, et novum Vetus significatum est per Moysem et Eliam, per auox lex et prophetæ designantur. Novum vero per Petrum et Jacobum et Joannem, per quos sanctum et veneradum designatur Evangelium. Sive per Moysen et Iliam prior ille Judaicus populus, per Petrum, Jacobum et Joannem popolus designatus est gentilis. Hic vero est populus ambulans in tenebris, qui vidit luvem magnam;
哦,至親愛的,在兩個活物之間被認識,是什麼意思呢?不外乎是在兩部聖約之間,或在今日於山上與他交談的梅瑟與厄里亞之間。因為這就是那房角石,在其中兩堵牆堪配被聯結在一起,即舊約與新約。舊約由梅瑟與厄里亞所表徵,法律與先知藉他們而被指明。新約由伯多祿、雅各伯與若望所表徵,聖而可敬的福音藉他們而被指明。或者藉梅瑟與厄里亞指那從前的猶太民族,藉伯多祿、雅各伯與若望指外邦民族。而這就是那在黑暗中行走、看見了大光的民族;
O most beloved, what is it to be known in the midst of two living creatures? Unless it be either in the midst of the two Testaments, or in the midst of Moses and Elijah conversing with him today on the mountain. For this is the cornerstone, in which each wall deserved to be joined together, namely the Old Testament and the New. The Old was signified by Moses and Elijah, by whom the law and the prophets are designated. The New by Peter and James and John, by whom the holy and venerable Gospel is designated. Or by Moses and Elijah that former Jewish people, by Peter, James, and John the Gentile people is designated. But this is the people walking in darkness, which saw a great light;
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ad quam lucem nos Unigenitus Patris perducat contemplandam in illa patria, in qua justi fulgebunt sicut sol, et ipse Deus erit omnia in omnibus, qui cim Deo Patre et Spiritu sanvto vivit et regnat, et glorificatur Deus per num 1. His Leonis verbis serm. 3, c, 2: Soliditas illius fidei, quæ in apostolorum principe est laudata, perpetua est, istam annotationem Quesnellus subjecit. « Explicat verba Christi Domini, quæ in Petro laudata est, esse petram illam super quam se Ecclesiam ædificaturum promittit, et adversus quam portæ inferi non prævalebunt, quia perpetua est; et ut loquitur c.
願聖父的獨生子引領我們去在那家鄉中觀看此光,在那裡義人要發光如同太陽,天主自己要在萬有之中作萬有,他與天主聖父及聖神一同生活作王,並作為天主藉萬有而受光榮。1. 對於良的這些話(第3篇講道,第2章):「那在宗徒之首身上受讚揚的信德的堅固,是永久的」,格內爾(Quesnel)附上了以下註釋:「他解釋主基督的話,即那在伯多祿身上所受讚揚的,就是他應許要在其上建立教會、且陰間之門不能勝過的那磐石,因為它是永久的;正如他在第
to which light may the Only-begotten of the Father lead us to contemplate in that fatherland, in which the just shall shine like the sun, and God himself shall be all in all, who with God the Father and the Holy Spirit lives and reigns and is glorified as God through all things. 1. To these words of Leo, sermon 3, chap. 2: 'The solidity of that faith which was praised in the prince of the apostles is perpetual,' Quesnel appended this annotation: 'He explains the words of Christ the Lord, that what was praised in Peter is that rock upon which he promises to build his Church, and against which the gates of hell shall not prevail, because it is perpetual; and as he says in chap.
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3, firmitatem petræ, quæ nullis impulsionibus quateretur, accepit, ita ut eam neque hærelica umquam perrumpere pravitas, nec pagana potuerit superare perfidia. In eumdem sensum eadem verba exponit serm. 3 (nunc 4), c. 2 et 3, serm. 60 (nunc 62), seu de Pass. 11, c. 2. " Hactenus ille. Ne autem hæc interpretatio, quæ petræ nomen fidei in Petro laudatæ accommodat, iis favere credatur qui testimonium Christi, Super hanc Petram ædificato Ecclesiam meam, non de Petro, sed de fide exponentes, ad prærogativas Petri et successorum ejus constituendas nihilum pertinere contendunt, Leonis mens exactius explicanda est. 2 Cum S.
3章所說,它領受了磐石的堅固,任何衝擊都不能撼動它,以致無論異端的敗壞何時都不能突破它,外教的背信也不能勝過它。」他在第3篇(現為第4篇)講道第2、3章,以及第60篇(現為第62篇)講道即《論苦難》第11篇第2章中,以同樣意義闡釋同樣的話。以上是他所言。但為免這種把磐石之名歸於伯多祿身上所讚揚之信德的解釋,被認為有利於那些人——他們把基督的見證「我要在這磐石上建立我的教會」解釋為指信德而非指伯多祿,並主張它絲毫不涉及確立伯多祿及其繼任者的特權——良的心意必須更精確地加以說明。2. 當這位聖
3, it received the firmness of the rock, which could be shaken by no impacts, so that neither could heretical depravity ever break through it, nor pagan perfidy overcome it.' In the same sense he expounds the same words in sermon 3 (now 4), chap. 2 and 3, and in sermon 60 (now 62), or On the Passion 11, chap. 2. Thus far he. But lest this interpretation, which accommodates the name of the rock to the faith praised in Peter, be believed to favor those who—expounding the testimony of Christ, 'Upon this Rock I will build my Church,' not of Peter but of the faith—contend that it in no way pertains to establishing the prerogatives of Peter and his successors, Leo's mind must be more exactly explained. 2. When the holy
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pontifex petram, supra quam Christus se Ecclesiam ædificaturum promisit, explicavit de fide seu de soliditate ejus fidei, quam idem Christus laudavit in Petro; non fidem in genere, nec privatam fidem Petri, sed eam fidem quam ille prædicavit, cujusque depositum in Romana sede reliquit, et ad successores pari soliditatis privilegio transmisit, Leonem intellixisse,exploratissime ostendemus: hinc autem patebit quam patrum accurate Quesnellus in postilla apposita serm. 65,c.2,generalem scripseri: Petra, supra quam ædificatur Ecclesia, et adversus quam infernus non prævalet, est solida fides. 3.
教宗把基督應許在其上建立教會的磐石,解釋為信德、或那基督自己在伯多祿身上所讚揚之信德的堅固時,我們將最清楚地顯明:良所理解的,並非泛指的信德,亦非伯多祿的私人信德,而是他所宣講的那信德,就是他把其寶庫留在羅馬宗座、並以同等堅固之特權傳給其繼任者的那信德:由此便可清楚看出,格內爾在附於第65篇講道第2章的旁註中,以概括之詞所寫的是何等準確:「教會建立於其上、陰間不能勝過的那磐石,就是堅固的信德。」3.
pontiff explained the rock, upon which Christ promised to build his Church, of the faith or of the solidity of that faith which Christ himself praised in Peter, we shall most clearly show that Leo understood not faith in general, nor the private faith of Peter, but that faith which he preached, whose deposit he left in the Roman see, and transmitted to his successors with an equal privilege of solidity: hence indeed it will be plain how accurately Quesnel wrote in the postil appended to sermon 65, chap. 2, in general terms: 'The rock, upon which the Church is built and against which hell does not prevail, is solid faith.' 3.
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Fidem nimirum a Petro prædicatum 462 ex Leonis mente accipiendam esse, idem pootifex palam pronuntiat laudato serm. 62,c.5. Omnes enim apostolos Petrum Deo revelante in professione fidei prævenisse affirmat, ut ad regimen totius Ecclesiæ præparatus, primum desceret quod docert, et pro soliditate fidei. QUAM ERAT PRÆDICATURUS, audiret: Tu es Petrus, et super hac petram ædificabo Ecclesiam meam, et portæ inferi non prævalebunt adversus eam. En soliditatem et nomen petræ, super quam ædificanda erat Ecclesia, et adversus qaum portæ inferi non prævalebunt, ei fidei tribuit, quam Petrus erat prædicaturus, et quam prædicando ædificaturus erat Ecelesiam.
至於當按照良的心意來理解伯多祿所宣講的信德,這位同一教宗在前述第62篇講道第5章中明白宣告。因為他斷言,伯多祿藉著天主的啟示,在信德的宣認上超越了眾宗徒,好使他既為治理全教會而受了預備,就先學會他所要教導的,並為那他將要宣講之信德的堅固,得以聽見:「你是伯多祿(磐石),我要在這磐石上建立我的教會,陰間之門絕不能勝過她。」看哪,他把那堅固與磐石之名——教會要建立於其上、陰間之門不能勝過的那磐石——歸於伯多祿將要宣講的那信德,並歸於他藉宣講而將要建立教會的那信德。
That indeed the faith preached by Peter is to be understood according to Leo's mind, the same pontiff openly declares in the aforementioned sermon 62, chap. 5. For he affirms that Peter, by God's revelation, went before all the apostles in the profession of faith, so that, being prepared for the government of the whole Church, he might first learn what he would teach, and for the solidity of the faith WHICH HE WAS ABOUT TO PREACH, might hear: 'You are Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it.' Behold, he attributes the solidity and the name of the rock, upon which the Church was to be built and against which the gates of hell shall not prevail, to that faith which Peter was about to preach, and by preaching which he was about to build the Church.
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Ne vero petræ nomen hinc adimatur Petor, ob hanc fidei prædicandæ soliditatem ipsum quoque Petrum prtram constitutum Auctor testatur serm. 4, c. 2. Sic enim Christum loquentem inducit: Tu quoque petra es, quia mea virtute solidaris; ac propterea non tam fidem Petri, quam eumdem Petrum catholicæ fidei petram vocat ep. 119, ad Maximum Antiochenim, c. 2. 4. Cum vero idem Petrus hujus fidei depositum in Romana Ecclesia ac sede porissimum reliquerit, transmisseritque ad successoresses Romanos pontifices; eamdem fidei soiditatem, quæ fuit in Petro, in hac Ecclesia, et in successorivus Petri peculiari privilegio perseverare et perseveraturam usquead finim mundi, Leo aperte prodit iis verbis serm.
但為免磐石之名因此被從伯多祿身上奪去,作者見證說,正是由於這將要宣講之信德的堅固,伯多祿本人也被立為磐石,見於第4篇講道第2章。因為他如此引述基督說:「你也是磐石,因為你藉我的大能而堅固」;因此他在致安提約基雅的瑪西模(Maximus)的第119封書信第2章中,稱伯多祿本人為公教信德的磐石,而非只稱伯多祿的信德為磐石。4. 但既然同一伯多祿主要把這信德的寶庫留在羅馬教會與宗座,並傳給其繼任者羅馬教宗,良便明白揭示:那在伯多祿身上的同一信德堅固,藉著特殊的特權,在這教會、以及在伯多祿的繼任者身上持續存在、並將持續存在,直到世界末了,見於以下講道的話:
But lest hereby the name of rock be taken away from Peter, the Author testifies that, on account of this solidity of the faith to be preached, Peter himself too was constituted a rock, in sermon 4, chap. 2. For thus he introduces Christ speaking: 'You too are a rock, because you are made solid by my power'; and therefore he calls not so much the faith of Peter as Peter himself the rock of the catholic faith, in epistle 119, to Maximus of Antioch, chap. 2. 4. But since the same Peter chiefly left the deposit of this faith in the Roman Church and see, and transmitted it to his successors the Roman pontiffs, Leo openly discloses that the same solidity of faith which was in Peter perseveres and shall persevere in this Church, and in the successors of Peter by a peculiar privilege, until the end of the world, in these words of sermon
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3, c. 2: Soliditas enim illius fidei, quæ in apostolorum principe est laudata, perpetua est: et sicut permanet quod in Christo Petrus crididit, ita permanit quod in Petro Christus intituit. Instituit nimirum Christus ut ejus fides, super quam ædificanda erat Ecclesia, adeo esset solida, ut adversus illam inferi portæ non prævalerent umquam, qod fidei soliditatem perpetuam requirit. Qui autem ganc fidei soliditatem perinde affirmavit perpetuam, eam profacto non desiisse in Petro, sed in successores ejus transisse agnovit: unde serm. 5, c. 4, ait: Soliditas enim illa, quam de petra Christo etiam ipse (Petrus) petra facus accepit, in suos quoque 463 se tranfundit hæredes.
第3篇第2章:「因為那在宗徒之首身上受讚揚之信德的堅固,是永久的:正如伯多祿在基督內所信的常存,同樣,基督在伯多祿內所設立的也常存。」基督所設立的,即:他的信德——教會要建立於其上的信德——當如此堅固,以致陰間之門絕不能勝過它,這要求信德有永久的堅固。而那如此斷言此信德堅固為永久的人,必定承認它並未在伯多祿身上止息,而是傳入了他的繼任者:因此他在第5篇講道第4章中說:「因為那堅固,是他(伯多祿)自己成了磐石之後,從磐石基督所領受的,它也貫注到他的繼承人身上。」
3, chap. 2: 'For the solidity of that faith which was praised in the prince of the apostles is perpetual: and just as what Peter believed in Christ abides, so what Christ instituted in Peter abides.' Christ instituted, namely, that his faith, upon which the Church was to be built, should be so solid that against it the gates of hell should never prevail, which requires a perpetual solidity of faith. But he who thus affirmed this solidity of faith to be perpetual, assuredly acknowledged that it did not cease in Peter, but passed over into his successors: whence in sermon 5, chap. 4, he says: 'For that solidity, which he (Peter), himself made a rock, received from the Rock Christ, transfuses itself also into his heirs.'
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In illos scolicet hæredes transfusa est, in quibus Petrum vivere, et Ecclesiam adhuc regere ac docere pluribus in locis indicat. Quare serm. 3, c 3, soliditatem petræ semper perseverantem beato Petro tribuen, ait: Manet ergo dispositio veritatis, et beatus Petrus in accepta fortitudine petræ perseverans, suscepta Eccle siæ gubernacula non reliquit. Consonantia aliorum Patrum testmonia possemus affere, quæ in alio tractatu aliquando, si Deo placuerit, edendo collegimus. Ded unius Leonis sententiam hic aperire consilium fuit. Hæc autem sententia quantum ad Romanæ sedis prærogativas constituendas conferat, nemo non videt. 1. In descriptum testimonium hæc Quesnellus annotavit.
即,它已被貫注到那些繼承人身上,他在多處指明伯多祿在他們身上生活,並仍治理與教導教會。因此在第3篇講道第3章中,他把磐石那永遠持存的堅固歸於蒙福的伯多祿,說:「所以真理的安排常存,蒙福的伯多祿在所領受的磐石之力中持守,並未捨棄他所承擔的教會之舵。」我們本可引出其他教父相合的見證,那是我們在另一部論著中所收集的,若天主喜悅,日後將予出版。但我們在此的目的只是揭示良一人的意見。而這意見對確立羅馬宗座特權的貢獻何等之大,無人看不出來。1. 對於所述的見證,格內爾註明了以下這些話。
Into those heirs, namely, it has been transfused, in whom he indicates in several places that Peter lives, and still governs and teaches the Church. Wherefore in sermon 3, chap. 3, attributing to blessed Peter the ever-persevering solidity of the rock, he says: 'The disposition of truth therefore remains, and blessed Peter, persevering in the received strength of the rock, has not abandoned the helm of the Church which he undertook.' We could bring forward concordant testimonies of other Fathers, which we have collected in another treatise to be published someday, if it please God. But it was our purpose here to disclose the opinion of Leo alone. And how much this opinion contributes to establishing the prerogatives of the Roman see, no one fails to see. 1. On the described testimony Quesnel noted these things.
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« Tam egregiam sententiam, elsi mullorum jam observationibus illustratam, ratio instituti nostri non patitur ut intactam prætermittamus. Post quam initio capitis asseruit S. Leo ædificium in fidei fir mitate per Petrum assertæ consurgere,et hujus confessionis intuitu traditam eidem esse potestatem his verbis significatam: Tibi dabo claves regni cælorum, etc (Matth. xvi, 19); subjungit non soli Petro datum, ded transisse etiam in apostolos jus potestatis istius: ideo tamen Petro singulariter intimatam esse, ut in uno discerent omnes Ecclesiæ rectores quid sivi esset creditum, et omnis Petri forma præponeretur.
「如此卓越的一種意見,雖然已被許多人的觀察所闡明,我們著述的計畫卻不容我們不加觸及地略過。聖良在該章開頭斷言,這建築乃是建立在藉伯多祿所宣認之信德的堅固上,並且鑑於這宣認,那以下列話語所表示的權柄被交給了他:『我要把天國的鑰匙交給你』等等(瑪十六19);隨後他補充說,這權柄不是單獨賜給伯多祿的,而是這權柄之權利也傳給了眾宗徒:然而它是特別地向伯多祿表明的,好使眾教會的治理者在一人身上學會有什麼被託付給了他們,並使伯多祿的整個典型被立為榜樣。
'So excellent an opinion, although already illustrated by the observations of many, the plan of our undertaking does not permit us to pass over untouched. After St. Leo asserted at the beginning of the chapter that the edifice rises upon the firmness of the faith asserted through Peter, and that, in view of this confession, the power signified by these words was handed over to him: "To you I will give the keys of the kingdom of heaven," etc. (Matt. 16:19); he subjoins that it was given not to Peter alone, but that the right of this power passed also into the apostles: yet that it was intimated singularly to Peter, so that in one all the rulers of the Church might learn what was entrusted to them, and the whole form of Peter might be set forth as a model.
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Sicut enim pro omnibus confessionem fidei emiserat apostolorum princeps, et omnes i illo et per illum responderant; ita et pro omnibus potestaem clavium accepit, et omnes i illo ac per illum acceperunt. Hinc rursum Leo, sicut omnibus communem potestatem, ita et commune omnibus privileguim, excepto primatus honore, asserit: illudque Petri privilegium manere, ubicumque terrarum per episcopos apostolorum successores, ex Petri ferur æquitate judicium; ac proinde non manere Petri privilegium ubicumque non ex ipsius fertur æquitate judicium.
因為正如宗徒之首曾代表眾人發出信德的宣認,眾人也在他身上、藉他而作了回答;同樣,他也代表眾人領受了鑰匙的權柄,眾人也在他身上、藉他而領受了。由此,良又斷言:正如有一種眾人共有的權柄,同樣也有一種眾人共有的特權,唯獨首席之榮譽除外;並且伯多祿的那特權,凡在天下各處、藉著宗徒繼任者的主教們、按照伯多祿的公正而作出裁判之處,便存留;因此,凡不按照他的公正而作出裁判之處,伯多祿的特權便不存留。
For just as the prince of the apostles had uttered the confession of faith on behalf of all, and all had answered in him and through him; so also on behalf of all he received the power of the keys, and all received it in him and through him. Hence again Leo asserts that, just as there is a power common to all, so also there is a privilege common to all, the honor of the primacy excepted; and that that privilege of Peter remains wherever throughout the lands, through the bishops the successors of the apostles, judgment is passed according to the equity of Peter; and accordingly that the privilege of Peter does not remain wherever judgment is not passed according to his equity.
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Qua sententia, inquit Franco rum rex Carolus Calvus in epistola Hinemari Rhemensis stulo exarata, constat quia non manet Petri privileguim, ubi ex ipsius æquitate non fertur judicium. Cum enim ubicumque dicitur, sicuti nillus locus, ita nemo rector Ecclesiæ ex Petri æquit ate judicium 464 ferens excipitur, vel contra illius æquitatem proferens commendatur. Et quia ubicumque sine ulla exceprione non manet Petri privileguim, ubi ex ipsius æquitate non fertur judicium, obaudiemus jussum, vel recipiemus judicium, quod non ex Petri æquitate fuerit prolatum, ex per hoc ipsius privilegio fuerit destitulum? (Epist. Caroli Calvi, ad Adiranum P., inter Hincmarianas ull. editionis).
禿頭查理(Charles the Bald),法蘭克人的君王,在一封以蘭斯的辛克瑪(Hincmar)文風所擬的書信中說:由這句判語確立了,凡不按照伯多祿的公正而作出裁判之處,伯多祿的特權便不存留。因為既說「凡處」,那麼正如沒有任何地方,同樣,也沒有任何按伯多祿公正作出裁判的教會治理者被排除在外,或有任何違背他公正而宣判的人被稱許。並且既然「凡處」而無任何例外,凡不按照他的公正作出裁判之處,伯多祿的特權便不存留,那麼我們豈可順服一項命令,或接受一項裁判,若它不是按照伯多祿的公正而宣布的、並因此喪失了他的特權呢?(禿頭查理致教宗亞德里安書信,收於末次版本的辛克瑪書信集中。)
By which sentence, says Charles the Bald, king of the Franks, in a letter drawn up in the style of Hincmar of Rheims, it is established that the privilege of Peter does not remain where judgment is not passed according to his equity. For since it is said 'wherever,' just as no place, so no ruler of the Church passing judgment according to the equity of Peter is excepted, or one pronouncing against his equity is commended. And because 'wherever,' without any exception, the privilege of Peter does not remain where judgment is not passed according to his equity, shall we obey a command, or receive a judgment, which shall not have been pronounced according to the equity of Peter, and shall through this have been destitute of his privilege? (Epistle of Charles the Bald, to Pope Hadrian, among the Hincmarian letters of the last edition).
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Ad eadem Leonis verba alludit in synodo Trocassina anni 878 idem Hinemarus necnon et alii episcopi Gallicani, aui confirmantes ex voto Joannis papæ VIII, in synodo præsentis, condemnationem Lamberti Romanæ Ecclesiæ inimici, privilegio beati Petri et sedis apostolicæ, ut aiunt, excommunicati, istud privilegium et æquitatem sedis apostolicæ interpretari videntur de judicio prolato juxta sacros canones Spiritu Dei conditos et totius mundi reverentia consecratos; et iterum, secundum Scriprurarum tramitem, sacrorumque canonum decreta. Vide Petrum de Marca hæc fusius prosequentem libro iv de Concordia sacerdotii et imperii cap.6 et 8.» Ita Quesnellus, ubi sub finem S.
對良的同樣這些話,同一辛克瑪、以及其他高盧的主教們,在公元878年的特魯瓦(Troyes)主教會議中也有暗指,他們在當前的會議中,藉教宗若望八世的表決,確認了對羅馬教會之敵蘭伯特(Lambert)的定罪——據他們說,蘭伯特是憑蒙福伯多祿與宗座的特權而被絕罰的——他們似乎把宗座的那特權與公正,解釋為關乎按照天主聖神所奠立、並為全世界的敬畏所祝聖的神聖教規而宣布的裁判;並且再次說,是按照聖經的軌道與神聖教規的法令。參閱伯多祿·德·馬爾卡(Peter de Marca)在《論司祭權與帝權的和諧》第4卷第6與第8章中更充分地探討這些事。」以上是格內爾所言,在其末尾處聖
To the same words of Leo the same Hincmar, and also other Gallican bishops, allude in the synod of Troyes of the year 878, who, confirming by the vote of Pope John VIII, in the present synod, the condemnation of Lambert, enemy of the Roman Church, excommunicated (as they say) by the privilege of blessed Peter and of the apostolic see, seem to interpret that privilege and equity of the apostolic see as concerning judgment pronounced according to the sacred canons founded by the Spirit of God and consecrated by the reverence of the whole world; and again, according to the path of the Scriptures, and the decrees of the sacred canons. See Peter de Marca pursuing these things more fully in book 4 of On the Concord of the Priesthood and the Empire, chapters 6 and 8.» Thus Quesnel, where toward the end St.
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Leonis verba in sua porus quam in S. pontificis mentem sensim inflectens, ea sola ipsorum Romanorum pontificum judicia privilegio et æquitate Petri gaudere, ec rata esse insinuat, quæ ad canonum normam feruntur. Huc autem tam prolixam annotationem eo forte consilio perduxit, ut Leo ipse, hoc testimonio perinde explicato, favere videretur iis quæ statuere medita batur in causa Hilarii Arelatensis, dissert. 5, in qua hunc Leoni judicium exercenti, ut ipse comminiscitur, contra regulas canonium, jure restitisse contendit, eo quia non latebat, inquit ibidem part. III, c. 1.
他將利奧的話語逐漸更多地扭向自己的目的,而非聖教宗的本意,暗示唯有那些依照教會法規範所作出的裁決,才享有伯多祿(彼得)的特權與公正,並且才算有效——就連羅馬教宗本身的裁決也是如此。他之所以或許以如此冗長的註釋加以鋪陳,其用意可能在於:一旦這段見證被如此解釋,利奧本人便似乎會贊同他在亞爾的希拉里案(第五論說)中所欲確立的主張;在該論說中,他辯稱希拉里在利奧違反教會法規則而行使裁判權時,如他自己所杜撰的那樣,理當加以抵抗,因為(他在該處第三部第一章說)並非不為人知的是,
Bending Leo's words gradually more to his own purpose than to the mind of the holy pontiff, he insinuates that only those judgments of the Roman pontiffs themselves enjoy the privilege and the equity of Peter, and are ratified, which are pronounced according to the norm of the canons. He drew out so lengthy an annotation, perhaps, with this design: that Leo himself, once this testimony had been so explained, might seem to favor those things which he was meditating to establish in the case of Hilary of Arles (Dissertation 5), wherein he contends that Hilary rightly resisted Leo when Leo exercised judgment against the rules of the canons, as he himself invents, and this because it was not hidden, he says there (Part III, ch. 1),
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inertem esse ac otiosam primariorum præsulum erga inferiores episcopes prærogativam, cum nihil ab his nisi secundum normam canonum arrogatur. Non est hic locus disserendi de judicio Leonis in causa Hilarii Arelatensis, quod et ex naturali æquitate, et ex cononum regulis Romæ susceptum et habitum, in Observationibus ad eamdem Quesnellianam dissertationem fuse demonstrabitur. Hic solum, ne S. pontificis testimonium in alienam ab eo sententiam, quæ inobedientiæ faveat, et Romanæ sedis prærogativas oppugnet, distrabatur, genuinus Leoninæ propositonis sensus ex ipso Leone explicandus est. 2. Cum itaque S.
若首要主教對下級主教的職權,除了依照教會法規範所主張者外,別無所求,那麼這職權便是無力而虛設的。此處不宜討論利奧在亞爾的希拉里案中的裁決;該裁決乃根據自然公正並依教會法規則,於羅馬承辦並作出,這將在對同一奎斯內爾論說的《觀察》中詳加證明。這裡只是為了防止聖教宗的見證被曲解為一種與他本意相悖、贊成不順從、並攻擊羅馬聖座職權的意見,故必須從利奧本人來闡明其命題的真正含義。二、因此,當聖
the prerogative of the chief prelates over the lower bishops is inert and idle, since nothing is claimed by them except according to the norm of the canons. This is not the place to discuss Leo's judgment in the case of Hilary of Arles, which was undertaken and held at Rome both from natural equity and from the rules of the canons, as will be fully demonstrated in the Observations on that same Quesnellian dissertation. Here only, lest the testimony of the holy pontiff be dragged into a sense foreign to him — one that favors disobedience and impugns the prerogatives of the Roman See — the genuine meaning of Leo's proposition must be explained from Leo himself. 2. When therefore the holy
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ponifex pronuntiat manere Pe tri privilegium, ubicumque ex ipsius fertur a quitate judicium, de judiciis loquitur circa personas ac præsertim circa crimina, ut liquet ex iis quæ de nimia vel severitate, vel remissione. in eodem sermone statim subjicit, nec non ex serm. 5, c. 5, ubi, Manente, inquit, apud nos jure ligandi 465 atque solvendi, per moderamen beatissimi Petri et condemnatus ad pamitentiam, et reconciliatus perduvitur ad veriam. Porro privilegium Petri illud est, ut logata vel soluta sint in cœlis, quæcumque ille in terris solverit vel ligaverit.
教宗宣稱伯多祿的特權在凡憑其公正而作出裁決之處皆存留時,他所指的是關於人、尤其是關於罪行的裁決,這從他在同一講道中緊接著論及過度的嚴厲或過度的寬縱可以看出,也可從第五篇講道第五章看出;在該處他說:「當束縛與釋放之權存留於我們之中時,藉著至福的伯多祿的治理,被定罪者被引向補贖,而被和好者被帶至赦免。」而伯多祿的特權正是:凡他在地上所釋放或束縛的,在天上也被釋放或束縛。
pontiff declares that the privilege of Peter abides wherever judgment is pronounced from his equity, he is speaking of judgments concerning persons and especially concerning crimes, as is clear from what he immediately subjoins in the same sermon about excessive severity or excessive laxity, and also from Sermon 5, ch. 5, where he says: 'While the right of binding and loosing remains with us, through the governance of the most blessed Peter both the condemned is led to penance and the reconciled is brought to pardon.' Now this is the privilege of Peter: that whatsoever he shall have loosed or bound on earth may be loosed or bound in heaven.
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In illis vero judiciis, quæ circa criminosos ab Ecclesiæ principibus feruntur, hoc Petri privilegium manere Leo tradit, si ex æquitate ipsius Petri judicium feratur, nimirum si perinde rectum et justum sit, uti recta et justa Petri judicia fuerunt. Æquitas scilicet hoc loco pro reali justitia suntitur, adeo ut que ligatur seu condemnatur vere sit peccator, qui vero absolvitur sit vere pœnitens. Qui enim sunt ejusmodi, cum in terris ligantur vel solvuntur, ligati vel soluti sunt etiam in cœlis.
但在教會的首領們對犯罪者所作出的那些裁決中,利奧教導說,倘若裁決是憑伯多祿本人的公正而作出的——即倘若它像伯多祿的裁決一樣正直而公義——那麼伯多祿的這特權便存留。因為此處「公正」乃取其真實公義之義,以致被束縛、即被定罪者確實是罪人,而被赦免者確實是悔改者。因為凡屬這一類的人,當他們在地上被束縛或釋放時,在天上也照樣被束縛或釋放。
But in those judgments which are pronounced by the princes of the Church concerning offenders, Leo teaches that this privilege of Peter abides if the judgment is pronounced from the equity of Peter himself — namely, if it be as upright and just as the judgments of Peter were upright and just. For 'equity' in this place is taken for real justice, so that the one who is bound, that is, condemned, is truly a sinner, and the one who is absolved is truly a penitent. For those who are of this kind, when they are bound or loosed on earth, are bound or loosed also in heaven.
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Quod si errore aliquo vel fraude cujuspiam ligetur seu condemnetur qui in foro externo reus quidem judicatur, at vere est innocens, absolvatur autem qui pœnitens creditur, at vere fictus accedit, nec coram Deo conversus est: quis lagatum aut solutum credat in cælis, quod perinde in terris solvitur vel ligatur? Nihil amplius ex toto Leonis contextu elici poterit. Totus judicia Ecclesiæ in terris habita respicit relate ad divinum judicium in cælis. 3. Nihil hic canonibus aut methodo canonum a quibus qui æquitatem Petri necessario derivandam putant, indicare deberent quinam fuerint canones quos Petrus secutus sit, ut judicia ex æquitate ferret.
但若因某種錯誤或某人的欺詐,有人在外部法庭雖被判為有罪、實則真正無辜,卻被束縛或定罪;反之,有人被以為悔改、實則虛偽地前來、在天主面前並未真正歸正,卻被赦免——那麼有誰會相信,如此在地上被釋放或束縛的,在天上也被束縛或釋放呢?從利奧的整段文字中,再也推不出更多的東西。整段所論的乃是教會在地上所作的裁決與天上神聖裁判之間的關係。三、此處全無關於教會法或教會法方法的內容;那些認為伯多祿的公正必須由此推導出來的人,理應指出伯多祿為了憑公正作出裁決究竟遵循了哪些教會法。
But if through some error or through anyone's fraud there be bound or condemned one who, though judged guilty in the external forum, is yet truly innocent; and if, on the other hand, there be absolved one who is believed penitent but in truth approaches feignedly and is not converted before God — who would believe that to be bound or loosed in heaven which is thus loosed or bound on earth? Nothing further can be drawn from the whole context of Leo. The whole passage regards the judgments of the Church held on earth in relation to the divine judgment in heaven. 3. There is here nothing about the canons or about a method of canons; those who think Peter's equity must necessarily be derived from these ought to indicate which canons Peter followed in order to pronounce judgments from equity.
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Naturalem quidem æquitatem spectarunt canones, cum certas judiciorum regulas præscripsere. At Petri æquitas quæ hic indicatur ad naturalem quidem justitiam, seu æquitatem, quam substantia canonum respicit, non autem ad disciplinam aut methodum canonum, sine quibus Petrus æquissime ligavit vel solvit referenda est. 4. Hanc justitiam et æquitatem naturalem dum servent judicia Romanorum pontificum, sive juxta certam canonum methodum et disciplinam ferantur, sive aliter pro suprema illa auctoritate, qua non in substantia æquitatis naturalis, sed in mathodo ac disciplina canonum dispensare vel immutare ex ipsa nonnumquam æquitate possunt, nihil refert:
教會法確實顧及了自然公正,因為它為裁判規定了某些規則。但此處所指的伯多祿的公正,必須歸於自然公義或公正——那是教會法的實質所顧及的——而非歸於教會法的紀律或方法;沒有這些方法,伯多祿也最公正地束縛或釋放。四、只要羅馬教宗的裁決保持這種自然的公義與公正,那麼它們究竟是依照教會法某種固定的方法與紀律而作出,還是憑那至高權威以別種方式作出——這至高權威使他們有時能夠並非在自然公正的實質上、而是在教會法的方法與紀律上加以豁免或變更,且有時正是出於公正本身——都無關緊要:
The canons indeed had regard to natural equity when they prescribed certain rules for judgments. But the equity of Peter which is here indicated must be referred to natural justice or equity — which is what the substance of the canons regards — and not to the discipline or method of the canons, without which Peter most equitably bound or loosed. 4. So long as the judgments of the Roman pontiffs preserve this natural justice and equity, it makes no difference whether they are pronounced according to a fixed method and discipline of the canons, or otherwise by that supreme authority whereby, not in the substance of natural equity but in the method and discipline of the canons, they can sometimes dispense or alter, and this from equity itself:
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semper enim privilegio Petri gaudebunt, et ligatum vel solutum erit in cælis quidquid auctoritate Petri solverint vel ligaverint. Sicut econtra si quæ ab iisdem ferrentur judicia etiam ex regulis ac methodo canonum, quæ reali æquitate ac justitia carerent, quod præsertim errore facti atque fallacta testium vel documentorum accidere potest; methodus ac disciplina canonum custodita nihil proficeret.
因為他們將永遠享有伯多祿的特權,凡他們憑伯多祿的權柄所釋放或束縛的,在天上也必被釋放或束縛。反之亦然:倘若他們所作出的某些裁決,縱然是依照教會法的規則與方法,卻缺乏真實的公正與公義——這尤其可能因事實上的錯誤以及證人或文件的虛假而發生——那麼縱使遵守了教會法的方法與紀律,也毫無益處。
for they will always enjoy the privilege of Peter, and whatsoever they shall have loosed or bound by the authority of Peter will be loosed or bound in heaven. Just as, on the contrary, if any judgments were pronounced by them even according to the rules and method of the canons, which yet lacked real equity and justice — a thing that can happen especially through an error of fact and the deceit of witnesses or documents — then the method and discipline of the canons, though observed, would profit nothing.
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Etsi enim rata apud Ecclesiam habenda essent atque servanda, quoad error non detegatur, et judicium non retractetur (uti pluribus theologi et canonistæ tradunt ex ipsis Patrum institutionibus ac regulis canonum), Deum in cælis non ligaretur aut solveretur qui 466 in terris per errorem atque fallaciam ligatus fuit aut absolutus. Hæc genuina et aperta Leonini principii interpretatio est, ex qua ejusdem principii usus vel abusus facile descernetur, adeo ut non opus sit plura disserere de testimonio Caroli Calvi, quod ex toto contextu ac ex circumstantiis peculiaribus expendendum, longiorem ac rei præsenti minime necessariam disputationem postularet.
因為,雖然只要錯誤未被查出、裁決未被撤回,教會就應視這些裁決為有效並加以遵守(正如許多神學家與教會法學家依據教父的制度與教會法的規則所教導的),但天上的天主卻不會束縛或釋放那在地上因錯誤與欺詐而被束縛或赦免之人。這便是利奧原則真正而明白的解釋;由此人們便可輕易辨明對此原則的正用或濫用,以致無須再多論禿頭查理的見證——那見證應從其整段脈絡及特殊情境來衡量,若要細論,勢必需要一場更冗長、且對當前事務毫無必要的辯論。
For although they ought to be held ratified and observed by the Church so long as the error is not detected and the judgment is not retracted (as many theologians and canonists teach, drawing from the very institutions of the Fathers and the rules of the canons), yet God in heaven would not bind or loose one who on earth was bound or absolved through error and deceit. This is the genuine and open interpretation of Leo's principle, from which the use or abuse of that same principle will easily be discerned; so that there is no need to discourse further about the testimony of Charles the Bald, which — being something to be weighed from its whole context and from peculiar circumstances — would require a longer disputation by no means necessary to the present matter.
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Longiorem Quesnelli annotationem circa usuram contra novitium errorem seremoni 17 subjectam huc reservavimus. " Tam evidenter, iniquit, hoc loco evertitur dogma novitium de libera cum divitibus fenerandi facultate ( in quod nonnullos e catholicis abripi dolendem), ut Leonis doctrinam attentius considerare operæ sit pretium. Clarum est igitur eum non illud modo fenus insectari quod cum pauperibus exercetur,sed omnem omnino usuram ab eo quæ omnem usuram damnant, nec de pauperibus habent quidquam peculiare. 2° Eum demnat qui hominum laborantium captat necessitates, ut multiplicet opes suas immodicis augmentis: quod vix ex ucellota pauperibus accepto evenit;
我們把奎斯內爾針對一種新奇謬誤而附於第十七篇講道之後、關於高利貸的那段較長註釋保留至此。他說:「這新奇的教條——即可以自由地以利息借貸給富人(可歎的是,天主教徒中竟有些人被捲入此教條)——在此處被如此明顯地推翻,以致值得費心更仔細地思考利奧的教訓。因此顯而易見,他所抨擊的不僅是向窮人索取的那種高利貸,而是絕對一切的高利貸——正如那些譴責一切高利貸、對窮人毫無特別區分的人所行的。第二,他譴責那攫取勞苦人之窮困、藉以無度地增益、使自己財富倍增之人:這幾乎不會因從窮人處收取一小筆錢而發生,
We have reserved for this place Quesnel's longer annotation concerning usury, appended to Sermon 17 against a newfangled error. 'So evidently,' he says, 'is the novel dogma about the free faculty of lending at interest to the rich here overturned (a dogma into which, grievous to say, some among Catholics are swept away), that it is worth the trouble to consider Leo's doctrine more attentively. It is clear, then, that he assails not only that usury which is exacted from the poor, but absolutely all usury — as do those who condemn all usury and have nothing peculiar to say about the poor. Secondly, he condemns him who seizes upon the necessities of laboring men in order to multiply his own wealth by immoderate increases: which scarcely happens with a small sum received from the poor;
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sed potius ex copiosis lucris, quæ percipiuntur dum laborantium, id est negotiantium, neccessitates aliquis captat, et commodatam pecuniam immodicis lucris auctam recipit. 3° Eorum rationem refutat, qui beneficium se præstare contendunt cum negotiantibus suam pecuniam dant ad usuram; tale enim beneficium vocat dolosa officia, dolosum quæstum, injustam et impudentem avaritiam, quæ beneficium se dicit præstare cum decipit, cupiditatem injusti lucri, etc. 4° Generatim pro nuntiat fenus pecuniæ funus esse animæ;
而是出於豐厚的利潤——這利潤是在有人攫取勞苦人(即商人)之窮困、並收回那以無度利潤增益的借款時所收取的。第三,他駁斥那些人的論調:他們主張,當他們以利息把錢借給商人時,是在施予恩惠;因為利奧把這種所謂的恩惠稱為欺詐的服務、欺詐的利得、不義而無恥的貪婪——它一面欺騙,一面自稱施予恩惠——是對不義之利的貪欲,等等。第四,他籠統宣告:金錢的利息乃是靈魂的死亡;
but rather from copious gains, which are reaped while someone seizes upon the necessities of laborers — that is, of businessmen — and receives back money lent that has been augmented with immoderate profits. Thirdly, he refutes the reasoning of those who contend that they are conferring a benefit when they give their money at interest to businessmen; for such a benefit he calls deceitful services, deceitful profit, unjust and shameless avarice, which claims to confer a benefit while it deceives — a lust for unjust gain, etc. Fourthly, he declares in general that the interest of money is the death of the soul;
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fugiendum prorsus esse iniquitatem fenoris, et a sancto monte Dei esse extraneum,qui dolosum quæstum de pecuniæ suæ captat usuris.5° Ait feneratorem aut miserum esse amittendo quod dedit, aut miseriorem accipiendo quod non dedit. Ubi ostendit in eo proprie usuræ iniquitatem censeri, quod quis accipit quod non dedit, contra generalem Dei sententiam, quæ, ut S. Ambrosius lib de Tobia scribit, omne sortis excludit augmentum. Usura enim, ut definit Hieronymus, est plus accipere quam dare. 6° Denique quam infirmæ sint ratiunculæ quas avaritiæ suæ obtendunt feneratores, ex his verbis collige:
高利貸的罪惡必須徹底逃避,凡從自己金錢的利息中攫取欺詐之利者,乃是天主聖山的外人。第五,他說放貸者若不是因失去所給的而可憐,就是因收取所未給的而更可憐。他在此指出,高利貸的罪惡恰恰在於:人收取了自己並未給出的東西,這違背天主普遍的判決——正如聖安博在《論托彼亞》一書中所寫,該判決排除本金的一切增益。因為高利貸,正如耶柔米(熱羅尼莫)所定義的,就是收取多於所給予的。第六,從以下的話語中可以看出,放貸者為掩飾其貪婪所提出的那些細瑣理由是何等薄弱:
that the iniquity of usury must be utterly fled, and that he is a stranger from the holy mountain of God who seizes deceitful gain from the interest of his money. Fifthly, he says that the moneylender is either wretched by losing what he gave, or more wretched by receiving what he did not give. Here he shows that the iniquity of usury is properly reckoned to consist in this: that one receives what he did not give, against the general sentence of God which, as St. Ambrose writes in the book On Tobias, excludes every increase of the principal. For usury, as Jerome defines it, is to receive more than one gives. Sixthly, gather from these words how feeble are the petty reasonings which moneylenders hold out to excuse their avarice:
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Quilibet sequatur eventus, mala 467 semper est ratio fenerantis, cui pecuniam et minuisse et auxisse peccatum est. Unde ex mente Leonis, sive hoc fenus in commodum ejus cedere vidiatur, qui mutuo accipit, sive in damnum, sive cum periculo damnoque dantis, sive cum lucro, semper est mala ratio fenerantis. Vide et ejusdem epistolam 3, al. 1 (nunc ep. 4), c. 3 et 4, ubi nulla pauperum mentione facta,generali sententia damnat omnes qui usurariam exercent pecuniam et fenore volunt ditescere; doletque hoc in eos cadere qui Christiani appellari cupiunt." Ita Quesnellus.
「無論結局如何,放貸者的帳目總是邪惡的;因為對他而言,無論使錢減少還是增加,都是罪。」因此,按利奧的意思,無論這利息看似對接受借款者有利,還是對他有損,還是對出借者有危險與損失,或有利可圖——放貸者的帳目總是邪惡的。另見他的第三書信(別稱第一,今為第四書信)第三、四章;在該處他絲毫未提窮人,卻以普遍的判決譴責一切從事高利貸、並想藉利息致富之人;他並痛惜此事竟落在那些渴望被稱為基督徒的人身上。」奎斯內爾如是說。
'Whatever the outcome may be, the account of the moneylender is always evil, for whom both to have diminished the money and to have increased it is a sin.' Hence, according to Leo's mind, whether this interest seem to turn to the advantage of the one who receives the loan, or to his loss, or with peril and loss to the giver, or with profit — the account of the moneylender is always evil. See also his Epistle 3, alias 1 (now Epistle 4), chs. 3 and 4, where, with no mention made of the poor, he condemns by a general sentence all who ply usurious money and wish to grow rich by interest; and he grieves that this falls upon those who desire to be called Christians.' So far Quesnel.
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Plura vero hac re contra eumdem errorem disputata invenientur in aliquot Operibus novissime editis, ac præsertim in celeberrimo opere summi regnantis pontificis Benedicti XIV, de Synodo Diœcesana lib. VII, c. 47, qui præterea eumdem errorem apostolica auctoritate damnavit in Encyclica edita die 1 Novembris anni 1745, ac inserta tom. I Bullarii ejusdem pontificis. 1. Quesnellus in ea Leonis verba serm. 20, c. 1: Merito disposuerunt apostolicæ sanctiones ut veterum jejuniorum utilitas permaneret, et licet Ecclesiæ con- suetudo prolixioribus se castigationibus exercere didicisset, amplecteretur tamen continentiæ santificationem ex lege venientem, etc., hanc annotationem appendit:
但關於此事、針對同一謬誤所作的許多辯駁,可見於若干最新出版的著作,尤其是當今在位至高教宗本篤十四世那部著名的著作《論教區會議》第七卷第四十七章;此外他還以宗座權威,在一七四五年十一月一日頒布、並收入同一教宗《教令集》第一卷的通諭中,譴責了同一謬誤。一、對利奧在第二十篇講道第一章中的那些話:「宗徒的規章理當安排,使古代齋戒的益處得以存留;教會的習俗雖已學會以更長久的克苦來鍛鍊自己,卻仍應接納那源於律法的節制之成聖,」等等,奎斯內爾附上這段註釋:
But many things disputed on this matter against the same error will be found in several works most recently published, and especially in the celebrated work of the supreme reigning pontiff Benedict XIV, On the Diocesan Synod, book VII, ch. 47; who moreover condemned the same error by apostolic authority in the Encyclical issued on the 1st of November in the year 1745, and inserted in tome I of the same pontiff's Bullarium. 1. To those words of Leo in Sermon 20, ch. 1: 'Rightly did the apostolic ordinances arrange that the usefulness of the ancient fasts should remain, and although the custom of the Church had learned to exercise itself with more prolonged chastisements, it should nevertheless embrace the sanctification of continence coming from the law,' etc., Quesnel appends this annotation:
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«Viderint qua ratione doctrinam suam cum sanctorum Patrum documentis conciliare possint posterioris ævi theologi, qui ex legis gratiæ perfectione breviores jejuniorum hodiernorum castigationes prolixioribus præferunt. Ita argumentatur Alexander Alensis part. IV, quæst. 28, de jejunio, membro 7, pora jejunii est hora nona, quam usque ad vesperam.... Debuit Ecclesia tenere medium, ut tempore jejunii reficeremur tempore medio. Magistri sui premit vestigia S. Thomas 2-2, quæst. 147, art. 7, ad 1: Ad primum ergo, inquit, dicendum quod status veteri Testamenti comparatur nocti, status vero novi Testamenti, diei; secundum illud ad Romm.XIII: Nox præcessit, dies autem appropinquavit.
「願後世的神學家們看看,他們憑何種推理能使自己的教義與眾聖教父的著述相調和——即那些憑恩典律法的完美,而寧取今日齋戒之較短克苦、勝於較長克苦者。亞歷山大·黑爾斯便如此論證(第四部,第二十八題,論齋戒,第七肢):齋戒的時辰是第九時(未初),該時直到傍晚……教會理當守中道,使我們在齋期於中間時分得以進食。聖多瑪斯(阿奎那)踏著其師的足跡(《神學大全》二之二,第一四七題,第七條,答一)說:對第一點應如此回答:舊約的狀態比作黑夜,而新約的狀態比作白晝;正如致羅馬人書十三章所言:黑夜已深,白晝將近。
'Let the theologians of a later age see by what reasoning they can reconcile their doctrine with the documents of the holy Fathers — those who, from the perfection of the law of grace, prefer the shorter chastisements of today's fasts to the longer ones. Thus argues Alexander of Hales, Part IV, question 28, on fasting, member 7: The hour of fasting is the ninth hour, which... up to evening.... The Church ought to keep a mean, so that in the time of fasting we might be refreshed at the middle time. St. Thomas treads in the footsteps of his master, 2-2, question 147, article 7, ad 1: To the first, then, he says, it must be said that the state of the Old Testament is compared to night, but the state of the New Testament to day; according to that saying to the Romans 13: The night is far spent, but the day is at hand.
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Et ideo in veteri Testamento jejunabant usque ad noctem, non autem in novo Testamento Aliter philosophatur Leo noster in præsenti sermone: Mandata, inquit, et præcepta moralia, sicut sunt edita perseverant, quia non aliud insinuant quam loguuntur, et apud Christianam devotionem augmento crescunt, non cessatione dificiunt. Et infra: Quamvis multa accesserint ex novitate gratiæ, nihil tamen imminutum de antiquitate justitiæ. Consequenter pro- lixiores castigationes 468 exercere, Ecclesiæ prosuetudinem esse demonstrat egregia ista ratione: Quibus enim donatum erat posse quod majus est, indecens fuit non celebrare quod minus est. In eumdem sensum scribit serm. 14 de Pass. c. 5:
因此在舊約中他們齋戒直到夜晚,但在新約中卻不然。」我們的利奧在本篇講道中卻另有一番論說:他說:「道德的誡命與訓誨,如其頒布時那樣存留,因為它們所暗示的正是它們所言說的;在基督徒的虔敬中,它們藉增添而生長,而非因停止而衰減。」又在下文:「雖然因恩典之新而增添了許多,然而正義之古卻絲毫未減。」因此,他以此極佳的推理證明,行更長久的克苦乃是教會的習俗:「因為對那些已蒙賜下能行更大之事的人,若不去成就那較小之事,便是不相稱的。」他在《論主受難》第十四篇講道第五章中也以同一意義寫道:
And therefore in the Old Testament they fasted until night, but not so in the New Testament.' Our Leo philosophizes otherwise in the present sermon: 'The moral commands and precepts,' he says, 'remain as they were promulgated, since they insinuate nothing other than what they say, and among Christian devotion they grow by increase, they do not fall away by cessation.' And below: 'Although many things have been added by the newness of grace, yet nothing has been diminished from the antiquity of justice.' Consequently, he shows by this excellent reasoning that to exercise longer chastisements is the custom of the Church: 'For to those to whom it was granted to be able to do what is greater, it was unbecoming not to celebrate what is less.' In the same sense he writes in Sermon 14, On the Passion, ch. 5:
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In præceptis, inquit, moralibis nulla prioris Testamenti decreta reprobata, sed evangelico magisterio multa sunt auctarut perfectiora et lucidiora essent dantia salutem, quam promittentia Salvatorem. Vid. sermo. 6 de Jejunio decimi mensis, c. 1. Ut vero cum duobus coævis theologiæ scholasticæ primatibus duos æquales antiquioris theologiæ Patres conferamus, Leoni succinentem Salvianum audiamus lib. II ad Ecclesiam catholicam, ubi hæc habet ante medium: Sed quærit fortassse, inquit, aliquis, quid sit quod nunc plus exigat Deus a Christianis per Evangelium, quam a Judæis ante per legem? Aperta istius rei ratio est. Ideo enim majora nunc Domino nostro solvimus, quia majora debemus;
他說:「在道德的訓誨中,前約的規條無一被否棄,但藉福音的教導卻增添了許多,使它們更完美、更明亮,是賜下救恩,而非僅預許救主。」參見《論十月齋戒》第六篇講道第一章。然而,為了在經院神學的兩位泰斗之外,再列出兩位較古神學的教父作對照,讓我們聆聽與利奧和聲的撒爾維安(《致公教會》第二卷,在其中段之前)所說:「但或許有人問,」他說,「天主如今藉福音向基督徒所要求的,何以多於昔日藉律法向猶太人所要求的?此事之理甚明。因為我們如今向我們的主獻上更大之事,是因我們所虧欠的更大;
'In the moral precepts,' he says, 'no decrees of the former Testament are reprobated, but by the evangelical teaching many have been augmented, that they might be more perfect and more luminous, giving salvation rather than promising the Savior.' See Sermon 6, On the Fast of the Tenth Month, ch. 1. But that we may set alongside two peers of an older theology two chiefs, contemporaries of scholastic theology, let us hear Salvian singing in harmony with Leo, book II To the Catholic Church, where he has this before the middle: 'But perhaps someone asks,' he says, 'what is the reason that God now demands more from Christians through the Gospel than from the Jews formerly through the Law? The reason of this matter is open. For we now pay greater things to our Lord because we owe greater things;
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Judæi quippe habebant quamdam umbram rerum, nos veritatem, etc.; et ante aliquot lineas: Plus tunc indulgentiæ erat et plus licentiæ; tunc esus carnium prædicabatur, nunc abstinentia; tunc in omni vita jejuniorum paucissimi dies, nunc quasi unum jejunium vita omnis, etc. 2.Hæc autem censura quam Quesnellus nulla necessitate Leonis explicanti aut vindicandi adversus præstantissimos theologos ac præsertim contra ipsum theologorum principem S. Thomam tam prolixe digessit, quam non solum inopportuna, sed et exorbitans sit, paucis ostendimus. Reprehenduntur, ac si ex legis gratiæ perfectione breviores hodiernorum jejuniorum castigatione prolixioribus prætulerint.
因為猶太人擁有事物的某種陰影,我們卻擁有真實,」等等;又在前幾行:「那時有更多的縱容和更多的許可;那時宣講吃肉,如今宣講禁食;那時終身只有極少的齋戒日子,如今幾乎可稱整個人生為一次齋戒,」等等。二、然而奎斯內爾在毫無解釋或維護利奧的必要下,竟如此冗長地針對最卓越的神學家、尤其針對神學家之君聖多瑪斯所發的這番非難,我們將以寥寥數語表明,它不僅不合時宜,甚且是過分踰矩的。他們被指責,彷彿是憑恩典律法的完美,而寧取今日齋戒之較短克苦、勝於較長克苦。
for the Jews had a certain shadow of things, we the truth,' etc.; and a few lines before: 'There was then more indulgence and more license; then the eating of flesh was proclaimed, now abstinence; then in a whole lifetime very few days of fasts, now one might call all of life a single fast,' etc. 2. But this censure — which Quesnel, under no necessity of explaining or vindicating Leo, so lengthily set forth against the most excellent theologians, and especially against the very prince of theologians, St. Thomas — how it is not only inopportune but even extravagant, we show in a few words. They are reproved as though, from the perfection of the law of grace, they had preferred the shorter chastisements of today's fasts to the longer ones.
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Ex ipso quidem contextu liquet eos, considerata sui temporis disciplina, qua jejunium hora nona solvebatur potius quam vespere, congruam quamdam hujus horæ rationem quæsivisse, quæ legi gratiæ mystico sensu conveniret: sic enim et alii antiqui Patres mysticas instituendorum rituum rationes attulere. At breviores jejunii castigationes cum prolixioribus comparasse, et illas his quasi perfectiores antetulisse ex novæ legis perfectione nuspiam invenies. Quis enim sanæ mentis id cogitet? Quod si horam nonam prætulerunt vespertinæ, non idcirco breviorem castigationem longiori anteposuisse dicendi sunt:
從上下文本身可清楚看出,他們是考慮到自己時代的紀律——在該紀律中,齋戒是在第九時而非傍晚結束——故為這一時辰尋求某種合宜的理由,使之在奧秘意義上與恩典的律法相符:因為其他古代教父也如此為當設立的禮儀提出奧秘的理由。但要說他們把齋戒之較短克苦與較長克苦相比較,並因新律的完美而以前者為更完美、置於後者之上——這你在任何地方都找不到。因為神智清明之人有誰會這樣想?縱使他們以第九時勝過傍晚之時,也不可因此便說他們把較短的克苦置於較長的克苦之上:
From the context itself it is clear that they, considering the discipline of their own time — in which the fast was broken at the ninth hour rather than in the evening — sought a certain fitting reason for this hour, one that might agree with the law of grace in a mystical sense: for thus other ancient Fathers too adduced mystical reasons for the rites to be instituted. But that they compared the shorter chastisements of the fast with the longer ones, and preferred the former to the latter as though more perfect, on account of the perfection of the new law — this you will nowhere find. For who of sound mind would think it? And if they preferred the ninth hour to the evening one, they are not therefore to be said to have set a shorter chastisement before a longer one:
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nam eadem circiter castigatio haberi potuit, si quis viginti quator horarum spatio abstinens, hora nona vel vespere unica comestione utatur: quæ enim abstinentia brevior est solventi jejunium hora nona, sube quenti longiori abstinentia quodam modo compenatur; ac præterea cum illi theologi loquantur potisimum de jejunio Quadragesimæ, quod hora nona tum solvebatur, eamdem abstinentiam et castigationem percontinuas horas viginti quatuor considerare potuerunt in eo qui nona hora unius diei post prandium ad nonam alterius diei horam jejunat, 469 ac in eo qui jejunat a vespere in vesperem: edeo ut nonæ aut vespertinæ comestionis varietas in eadem viginti quator horarum abstinentia minimi fecerint.
因為若有人禁食二十四小時之久,而在第九時或傍晚只進一餐,則可獲得大致相同的克苦:對在第九時結束齋戒者而言較短的禁食,會被隨後較長的禁食以某種方式補足;況且,既然那些神學家主要論的是四旬期的齋戒(該齋戒當時在第九時結束),他們便可將二十四個連續小時的同樣禁食與克苦,既視為在午餐後從一日的第九時齋戒到次日的第九時者身上,也視為在從一傍晚齋戒到次一傍晚者身上;以致在同樣二十四小時的禁食中,第九時進食或傍晚進食的差異,他們是絲毫不加計較的。
for about the same chastisement could be had, if someone, abstaining for a span of twenty-four hours, took a single meal at the ninth hour or in the evening: for the abstinence that is shorter for one breaking the fast at the ninth hour is in a manner compensated by the following longer abstinence; and besides, since those theologians speak chiefly of the fast of Lent, which was then broken at the ninth hour, they could reckon the same abstinence and chastisement through twenty-four continuous hours both in the one who fasts from the ninth hour of one day, after the midday meal, to the ninth hour of the next day, and in the one who fasts from evening to evening; so that they would have made least account of the variation between a ninth-hour or an evening meal within the same twenty-four hours of abstinence.
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" Hæc precandi formula in primis catholica est, immo vero Christianæ religionis summa et plenitudo, quippe cujus proprium est colere Deum per Christum, Tertull. teste in Apologetico, cap. 21, et apud Optatum l. III: Paganum appellas eum, qui Deum Patrem per Filium ejus ante aram rogaverit? Et, quod omnium istar est testium, Ecclesia partim in officiis suis,partim in publica sacrificii prece illam usurpat. Omnes siquidem collectas suas ita concludit Per Christum, etc., mediatorem scilicet Dei et hominum. Et ut in altari semper ad Patrem dirigatur oratio, sancitum est olim a concilio Carthaginensi quod III dicitur, can. 23.
「這禱告的形式首先是公教的——不,毋寧說,它是基督教信仰的總綱與圓滿,因為藉基督敬拜天主正是它的特徵,正如戴都良(特土良)在《護教書》第二十一章所見證,以及奧普塔圖斯第三卷所言:你竟稱那在祭壇前藉天主聖子向天主聖父祈禱之人為外教徒?又——這相當於一切見證——教會一部分在其日課中、一部分在祭獻的公禱中運用它。因為她如此結束一切集禱經:『因基督,』等等,即天主與人之間的中保。並且,為使祭壇上的祈禱總是向聖父呈上,古時被稱為第三次的迦太基會議第二十三條已加以規定。」
'This formula of prayer is in the first place catholic — nay rather, it is the sum and fullness of the Christian religion, whose peculiar mark it is to worship God through Christ, as Tertullian witnesses in the Apologeticum, ch. 21, and in Optatus, book III: You call him a pagan who has prayed to God the Father through His Son before the altar? And — what is equivalent to all witnesses — the Church employs it partly in her offices, partly in the public prayer of the sacrifice. For she thus concludes all her collects, Through Christ, etc., namely the mediator of God and men. And that at the altar prayer may always be directed to the Father, it was of old sanctioned by the Council of Carthage which is called the Third, canon 23.'
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Olim tamen, dum ferveret Arianorum hæresis, non æquis omnino auribus hæc audiebatur loquendi formula e Leone usurpata: quoniam impium sub his verbis hæresis suæ sensum occultabant Ariani, qui hanc doxologiam ad calcem hymnorum suorum cantare soliti erant hoc modo: Gloria Patri per Filium in Spiritu sancto; cujus rei testis est Philostorgius in l. III Hist. Et eam ob rem Eusebius Pamphili, referente Socrate l. II Hist. c. 21, in suscipionem Ariani dogmatis venit apud quosdam, eo quod sæpius in scriptis snis repetit hæc verba, Per Christum. Quæ et scriptoribus passim ecclesiasticis familiaria sunt, in primisque apostolo Paulo:
然而古時,當亞略異端猖獗之際,利奧所運用的這種說話形式並非全然被善意地接納:因為亞略派在這些話語之下隱藏其異端不虔的意思,他們慣於在其聖詠的末尾如此頌唱這榮頌:「願榮耀藉聖子在聖神內歸於聖父」;斐洛斯托爾吉烏斯在其《歷史》第三卷中作此見證。也正因如此,凱撒利亞的優西比烏(潘斐利的優西比烏)——如索克拉底在其《歷史》第二卷第二十一章所述——在某些人中間招致了亞略教條的嫌疑,因為他在自己的著作中頗頻繁地重複這些話語:「因基督。」而這些話語對眾教會作家也處處耳熟能詳,首推宗徒保祿:
Of old, however, while the Arian heresy raged, this formula of speech employed by Leo was not heard with altogether favorable ears: because the Arians concealed the impious sense of their heresy under these words, being wont to sing this doxology at the close of their hymns in this manner: 'Glory to the Father through the Son in the Holy Spirit'; of which thing Philostorgius is witness in book III of his History. And for that reason Eusebius of Pamphili — as Socrates relates in book II of his History, ch. 21 — came under suspicion of the Arian dogma among certain persons, because he rather often repeats in his writings these words, 'Through Christ.' Which words are also everywhere familiar to ecclesiastical writers, and first of all to the apostle Paul:
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Qui tamen perversi dogmatis magister, inquit Socrates, numquam est existinatus. " Hæc omnia Quesnellus. « Similiter (inquit in annotatione Quesnellus)serm. 4 in Epiph. Dei Filius naturæ carnis immixtus dicitur. Hujusmodi loquendi modos scrupulosius refugerunt scholastici theologi quam illi antiquioris theologiæ parentes quorum princeps Augustinus, epistola 3, ad Volusianum, hanc incarnationis Dominicæ definitionem tam plenam quam brevem proponit: Mixtura Dei et hominis. Si tamen, ut statim subdit, recedat auditor a consuetudine corporum, qua solent duo liquores ita commisceri, 470 ut neuter servet integritatem suam.
「然而,」索克拉底說,「他從未被視為悖謬教條的教師。」以上全出自奎斯內爾。奎斯內爾在一則註釋中說:「同樣,在《論主顯節》第四篇講道中,天主聖子被說成與肉體之性相混合。此類說話方式,經院神學家比那些較古神學的先輩更謹慎地加以迴避;後者之首奧斯定(奧古斯丁)在《致沃盧西亞努斯》第三書信中,為主的降生提出這既豐盈又簡潔的定義:天主與人的混合。不過,正如他緊接著所補充的,唯有聽者擺脫物體的慣常想法——即兩種液體慣於如此混合,以致兩者都不保持自身的完整——才可如此說。」
'Who nevertheless,' says Socrates, 'was never reckoned a teacher of perverse dogma.' All this from Quesnel. 'Similarly,' says Quesnel in an annotation, 'in Sermon 4 On the Epiphany, the Son of God is said to be mingled with the nature of the flesh. Such modes of speaking the scholastic theologians shunned more scrupulously than did those parents of an older theology, whose chief, Augustine, in Epistle 3 to Volusianus, proposes this definition of the Lord's incarnation, as full as it is brief: A mixture of God and man. Yet only if, as he immediately subjoins, the hearer withdraw from the custom of bodies, whereby two liquids are wont to be so commingled that neither preserves its own integrity.'
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Unde et paulo post veretur ne indigne ad unionem Dei et hominis, immo animæ et corporis mixtionis vel mixturæ nomen admittatur. Securius tamen locuti sunt nondum litigantibus Eu tychianis, qui a consuctudine corporum, quod Augu stinus monuerat,non recedentes, naturas pos adunationem in unam coaluisse somnia verunt. Post cujus hæresis ortum cautius ac pensiculatius locutus est Leo, ne, quemadmodum Theodoretum admonebat, contra Nestorianos, aut Eutychianos agnes alteri corum videreturgabertisse, sed utrosque Christi hostes æqua lance vitaret atque damnaret (Epist. 93, al. 63).
因此稍後他自己也害怕,恐怕「混合」或「摻合」之名被不相稱地用於天主與人、乃至靈魂與肉體的結合。然而在歐迪克派尚未爭辯之時,他們說話還較為安穩;那派人——如奧斯定所警告的,並未擺脫物體的慣常想法——妄想諸性在結合之後融合為一。在此異端興起之後,利奧說話便更加謹慎、更加斟酌其詞,唯恐——如他訓誨狄奧多勒時所言——在反對聶斯托略派或反對歐迪克派時,顯得偏袒其中一方,而是要以公平的天秤迴避並譴責這兩個基督的仇敵(第九十三書信,別稱第六十三)。
Whence a little after he too fears lest the name of mixture or blending be unworthily applied to the union of God and man, nay of soul and body. Yet they spoke more securely while the Eutychians were not yet contending, who — not withdrawing from the custom of bodies, as Augustine had warned — dreamed that the natures had coalesced into one after the union. After the rise of which heresy, Leo spoke more cautiously and weighed his words more carefully, lest — as he admonished Theodoret — he should seem, against the Nestorians or against the Eutychians, to have favored one or the other of them, but might avoid and condemn both enemies of Christ with an equal balance (Epistle 93, alias 63).
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Cum porro naturæ alteri altera immixta est, notandum est non solum id quod passim noster declarat, neutram fuisse permixtione confusam; sed etiam ea ratione hox factum esse, quod cum Verbum Dei, ut ait Augustinus, permixtum est animæ habenti corpus, simul et animam suscepit et corpus (S. Aug., epist. 3). Quomodo autem permixtum sit animæ Verbum, quis explicet, cum explicare non audeat Augustinus? Hoc unum dicit, quod Sapientia Dei, quæ est ejus Verbum, ubique præsens et latens, nusquam conclusa, nusquam discissa,,nusquam tumida, sed sine mole ubique ttota, longe alio modo quodam quam eo quo creaturis cæteris adest, suscepit hominem, seque et illum fecit unum Jesum Christum, etc.
再者,當一性與另一性相混合時,不僅應注意我們的作者處處所宣稱的——即二者無一因混合而混淆——也應注意此事乃以此方式成就:正如奧斯定所說,當天主聖言與那具有肉體的靈魂相混合時,祂便同時取了靈魂與肉體(聖奧斯定,第三書信)。但聖言究竟以何方式與靈魂相混合,既然奧斯定都不敢解釋,誰又能解釋呢?他只說這一件事:天主的智慧,即祂的聖言,處處臨在又隱藏,無處被封閉,無處被分割,無處膨脹,卻無質量地全然充滿萬處,以一種遠異於祂臨在於其餘受造物的方式,取了那人,並使自己與他成為一個耶穌基督,等等。
Moreover, when the one nature has been mingled with the other, it is to be noted not only that which our author everywhere declares — that neither was confounded by the commingling — but also that this was done in this manner: that when the Word of God, as Augustine says, was mingled with the soul having a body, it at once took to itself both the soul and the body (St. Augustine, Epistle 3). But in what manner the Word was mingled with the soul, who could explain, when Augustine dares not explain it? This one thing he says: that the Wisdom of God, which is His Word, everywhere present and hidden, nowhere enclosed, nowhere divided, nowhere swollen, but without mass wholly everywhere, in a manner far other than that by which it is present to the rest of creatures, took up the man, and made both itself and him one Jesus Christ, etc.
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Ipsa enim, ut ait alio ejusdem Epistolæ loco, animam rationalem et per eamdem etiam corpus humanum, totumque omnino hominem in melius mutandum, nullo moso in deterius mutata coaptavit, nomen humanitatis ab eo dignanter assuments, Divinitatis ei largiter tribuens. Denique hæc unio aliud non est quam intima penetratio animæ totiusque per eam naturæ cuis se ipse Deus totus totum infundit eo modo qui creaturæ convernire non potest, nulla quippe alteram vere penetrat.
因為祂自己,正如他在同一書信別處所說,將理性的靈魂、並藉靈魂也將人的肉體、以及整個完全的人,與自己結合,使之變得更好——而祂自己絲毫未變得更壞——屈尊從那人取了「人性」之名,並慷慨地將自己的天主性賜予他。最後,這結合無非是天主親自全然地把整個自己傾注於靈魂、並藉靈魂傾注於整個本性之最深處的滲透;這方式非受造物所能有,因為沒有任何受造物能真正滲透另一者。
For she herself, as he says in another place of the same Epistle, joined to herself the rational soul and, through it, also the human body, and the whole man entirely, to be changed for the better — she herself in no way changed for the worse — deigning to assume from him the name of humanity, bountifully bestowing on him her Divinity. Finally, this union is nothing other than the intimate penetration of the soul and, through it, of the whole nature, into which God Himself wholly pours Himself wholly, in a manner that cannot befit a creature, since no creature truly penetrates another.
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Deus autem, inquit Augustinus, qui capax est, non capabilis, penetrans, non penetrabilis, implens, non implebilis, qui ubique simul totus, et ubique deffusus est, per infusionem potentiæ suæ misericordit er naturæ mixtus est humanæ,non humana natura naturæ est mixta divinæ » (Aug. in Leporii confessione). Hactenus ille. Plura vero nos hac super re collegimus dissert. 2, c. 3, in S. Zenonis Opera pag. 91, quæ quicumque volet conferre poterit.
「但天主,」奧斯定說,「祂能容納,卻不能被容納;祂穿透,卻不能被穿透;祂充滿,卻不能被充滿;祂處處同時全然臨在,處處遍布——藉其大能的傾注,慈憐地與人性相混合;並非人性與天主性相混合」(奧斯定,見勒波里烏斯的《懺悔書》)。他所言至此。而我們在《聖則諾作品集》第九十一頁的第二論說第三章中,就此題目蒐集了更多資料,凡願意者皆可加以對照。
'But God,' says Augustine, 'who is capacious, not capable of being contained; penetrating, not penetrable; filling, not fillable; who is everywhere at once wholly, and everywhere diffused — through the infusion of His power was mercifully mingled with human nature; the human nature was not mingled with the divine nature' (Augustine, in Leporius's Confession). Thus far he. But we have gathered more on this subject in Dissertation 2, ch. 3, in the Works of St. Zeno, p. 91, which whoever wishes will be able to compare.
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Peculiarem hac supper re Joannis Ciampini dissertatiunculam ad Erasmum Gattolam, quam suæ secundæ editioni Quenellus adjecit, hic inserimus Innotuit jam pridem tuus erga bonas artes, iisque addictos amor,ac de eisdem benemerendi voluntas, quam semper prætulisti ac præferre non cessas, alios ad studia invitando, alios alliciendo, alios humanissimis, doctisque responsionubus erudiendo, nullis denique parcenso sive laboribus, sive impensis, quibus litterariæ reipublicæ pro virilii prodesse possis. Noveram et ipse quæ de te in hac laude, non a tui tantum nobilissimi ordinissociis, sed et abaliis vulgo ferebantur.
我們在此插入喬凡尼·奇安皮尼就此題目、致伊拉斯莫·加托拉的一篇特別的小論說,此文乃奎斯內爾為其第二版所增補。您對文雅之學及獻身於此學者的鍾愛,以及您有意造福於他們的心願,早已為人所知——這份鍾愛您一向展現,且從不止息地展現:或邀請某些人向學,或吸引另一些人,或以最有禮而博學的答覆教導他人,最終無論勞苦或費用皆不吝惜,以便盡己所能造福於文壇。我自己也曾聽聞,人們普遍如此稱頌您——這稱頌不僅出自您那最尊貴修會的同會弟兄,也出自其他人。
Here we insert a particular little dissertation on this subject by Giovanni Ciampini, addressed to Erasmo Gattola, which Quesnel added to his second edition. Long since has your love toward the liberal arts and toward those devoted to them become known, together with your will to deserve well of them — a love which you have always displayed and cease not to display, inviting some to studies, enticing others, instructing others by your most courteous and learned replies, sparing at last neither labors nor expenses whereby you might be of service to the literary republic to the best of your power. I too had known what was commonly reported of you in this praise, not only by the associates of your most noble order, but also by others.
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Certius tamen et amplissimum hujus rei testimonium magna cumanimi delectatione cepi, cum non ita pridem. Maio mense ad invisendum celeberrimum archicœnobium in quo vivs me contuli. Spectavi proculdubio admirabundus loci sanctitatem, Dei domus decorem in templo, ac, ut ita dicam, inclytam virtutum omnium coloniam, quæ tot egregios urbibus episcopos,tot optimos Vaticano cardinales, tot sanctissimos Ecclesiæ pontifices, tot sanctorum myriadas cœlo dedit. Miratus sum cœnobii structuram et magnificentiam, tum conditoribus regibus, tum habitatoribus monachis plane dignam.
然而,我在不久前的五月,親身前往拜訪那最負盛名的大隱修院時,懷著心靈的莫大喜悅,領受了此事更確切、更豐盈的見證。我無疑滿懷讚歎地凝望那地方的聖德、聖殿中天主居所的華美,並可謂一切德行之光輝的殖民地——它為天上獻出了那麼多為各城市服務的卓越主教、那麼多為梵蒂岡服務的最優秀樞機、那麼多教會最神聖的教宗、那麼多千萬計的聖徒。我驚歎於隱修院的建築與宏偉,這建築顯然既無愧於作為創建者的諸王,也無愧於作為居民的眾隱修士。
Yet a more certain and most ample testimony of this matter I received with great delight of soul, when not long ago, in the month of May, I betook myself alive to visit that most celebrated arch-monastery. Doubtless I gazed in admiration upon the sanctity of the place, the beauty of God's house in the temple, and, so to speak, the illustrious colony of all the virtues, which gave to heaven so many excellent bishops for the cities, so many most worthy cardinals for the Vatican, so many most holy pontiffs of the Church, so many myriads of saints. I marveled at the structure and magnificence of the monastery, plainly worthy both of its royal founders and of its monastic inhabitants.
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Vidi libentissime Cæsarum, regum, pricipum opulentissima donaria, in quibus licuit agnoscere et Christianam eorum pictatem, et Benedicti parentis vestri glorum. Jucundissima quin etiam mihi pariter accidit singularis monachorum omnibus religiosæ hospitalitatis officiis liberalissimæ præstits abeuntemdimissere. Verum, ut ingenue fatear, quod ad rem præsentem maxime facit, eximiam cepi voluptalem, tot vetustissimorum codicum scrinia in bibliothica, cujus ipse custodiæ præes, aspiciendo; majoremque proculdubio, cum te summa facilitate codices ipsos tot tamque diversis characteribus exaratos expeditissime legentem audirem.
我最欣喜地看見凱撒、諸王、諸侯那些最富麗的獻禮,從中可以認出他們的基督徒虔敬,以及您先父本篤的榮耀。不僅如此,眾隱修士那非凡的慷慨同樣令我極為愉悅——他們在我告別之際,以修道好客的一切最豐厚的款待送我離去。但——容我坦白承認那與當前事務最相關的一點——我在您親自掌管的圖書館中,望見那麼多最古老抄本的箱櫃,感到莫大的快慰;而當我聽見您以極其嫻熟的方式,最輕鬆地誦讀那些以如此眾多、如此各異字體謄寫的抄本本身時,無疑感到更大的快慰。
Most gladly I saw the most opulent gifts of Caesars, kings, and princes, in which one could recognize both their Christian piety and the glory of Benedict your father. Nay, most pleasant to me likewise was the singular liberality of the monks, who dismissed me at my departure with all the most generous offices of religious hospitality. But — that I may frankly confess what most bears upon the present matter — I took exceeding pleasure in beholding so many chests of most ancient codices in the library over whose custody you yourself preside; and doubtless greater pleasure when I heard you reading most readily the codices themselves, written out in so many and such diverse characters, with the utmost ease.
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Profecto ex hac singulari erditione factum puto, ut toties a me in rebus dubiis interrogatus, eafacilitate responders, quam exspectare tentummodo possumusab homine in his studiis diu noctuqe versato.472 Neque vero ita codicibus manu exaratis addictus es ut vulgatos per tupos negligas. Quin immo et his cimparandis, quantum relogiosa disciplina permittit, non modicam pecuniæ summam impendisti, quos Romæ diligneter emptos in tuum nobile museum transtulisti; in his quietem, in his delicias tuas, sapientium more, reponens.Hinc factum est ut nullum tibi acceptius grati animi monumentum a metibi offerri posse crediderim, quam litteratium aliquod opusculum;
實在,我判斷正是出於這非凡的學識,才使得您在我屢屢就疑難之事相詢時,能以那樣的敏捷作答——這敏捷唯有從一個日夜長久沉浸於這些學問的人身上,我們才能期待。您也並非如此鍾情於手抄本,以致忽略印刷出版之書。不,恰恰相反,在收購這些書時,您也在修道紀律所容許的範圍內,花費了不小的一筆金錢;這些在羅馬悉心購得的抄本與書籍,您移入了自己高貴的珍藏室,效法智者,將您的休憩、您的樂趣安置其中。由此便有此結果:我認為,我能獻給您的、最為感恩之心所悅納的紀念,莫過於某部文字上的小著作;
Indeed, from this singular erudition I judge it came about that, so often questioned by me in doubtful matters, you answered with that facility which we can only expect from a man long versed day and night in these studies. Nor yet are you so devoted to codices written by hand that you neglect those published in print. Nay rather, in acquiring these too you have expended no small sum of money, so far as religious discipline permits — codices which, diligently bought at Rome, you transferred into your noble museum, therein placing your rest, therein your delights, after the manner of the wise. Hence it came about that I believed no more acceptable monument of a grateful soul could be offered to you by me than some little literary work;
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et hoc præsertim quod a te quodammodo profectum, jure quodam videtur tibi reddendum. Cum jam nonnullas meas lucubrationes cum epigraphe. De sacris Ædificiis a Constantino Magno constructus, typis commisissem, ejusque occasione toto terrarum orbe celeberrimam Vacticanam basilicam descripsissem, illud inter plura notandum venit quod prisci fideles flexis genibus venerabundi per gradus ad eamdem ascendere consueverunt. Qua dere cum R. P.
而尤其是這一部:它既可謂由您而來,便似乎按某種權利該當歸還於您。當我已將自己以《論君士坦丁大帝所建的神聖建築》為題的若干夜間著述付梓,並藉此機會描述了那舉世最負盛名的梵蒂岡大殿時,在諸多事項中有一件值得注意:古時的信徒曾慣於屈膝虔敬地循著台階登上該殿。就此事,當我偶然與可敬的神父
and this especially, which, having in a manner proceeded from you, seems by a certain right to be owed back to you. When I had already committed to type some of my lucubrations with the inscription 'On the Sacred Buildings Constructed by Constantine the Great,' and on that occasion had described the Vatican basilica, most celebrated throughout the whole world, this among many things came to be noted: that the ancient faithful, venerating on bended knees, were wont to ascend to it by steps. On which matter, when I chanced to hold a conversation with the Reverend Father
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Josepho Maria Thomasio presbytero congregationis clericorum regularium communi amico, veterumque sacrorum rituum nostri ævi eximio perscrutatore, cum forte collocutionem haberem, dixit mihi, se in sermone 7 sancti Leonis Magni de Nativitate Domini vocem ARÆ animadvertisse, quam per errorem ibi positam esse autumabat. Quamobrem meæ curæ, meæque indagationi illius dubii solutio nem relinquebat. Libentissime amici instantiisobsequi proposui; prooopterea primo in Loco ad impressos perquirendos codices me converti. Hos si tibi omnes recitavero, gravem me futurum minime puto, cum tulitterass ames. Antiquissima igitur sermonum sancti Leonis impressio est illa Coloniæ facta anno 1551;
若瑟·瑪利亞·托馬西——正規教士會的司鐸、我們共同的朋友、我們這時代古代神聖禮儀的傑出探究者——偶然交談時,他告訴我,在聖大利奧《論主聖誕》第七篇講道中,他注意到 ARÆ(「祭壇的」)一詞,他猜想此詞是因錯誤而置於該處的。因此他把這疑點的解決留給我去留心探究。我極其樂意決定順從朋友的敦促;於是我首先著手查考印刷的抄本。倘若我把這些全都向您陳述,我斷不以為會令您厭煩,因為您鍾愛文字之學。那麼,聖利奧講道集最古老的印本,是一五五一年在科隆所印的;
Giuseppe Maria Tommasi, priest of the Congregation of Clerics Regular, our common friend and an outstanding investigator of the ancient sacred rites of our age, chanced to hold a conversation, he told me that in Sermon 7 of St. Leo the Great, On the Nativity of the Lord, he had noticed the word ARÆ ('of the altar'), which he supposed to have been there placed by an error. Wherefore he left the solution of that doubt to my care and my investigation. Most gladly did I resolve to comply with my friend's urgings; therefore in the first place I turned to searching out the printed codices. If I recite all of these to you, I by no means think I shall be tiresome, since you love letters. The most ancient printing of St. Leo's sermons, then, is that made at Cologne in the year 1551;
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in-folio, quæ in eadem civitate et forma anno 1569 produit; deinde ejusdem sancti Leonis sermones in lucem fuerunt temissi Venetiis anno 1553, qui in eadem forma, in eadem civitate, anno 1573 iterum prodiere. Deinde anno 1566 Lovanii iidem sermones editi fuerunt in quarto; et postea Antuerpiæ anno 1583 recusi similiter in quarto. Anno vero 1633 omnia sancti Leonis Opera ex Lugdunensiblus typis in lucem emissa, quæ una cum sancto Maximo ac quinque aliis Patribus anno 1652 ibidem fuerunt pariter recusa. Demum Parisiis anno 1675 ab eruditissimo viro Paschasio Quesnel presbytero congregationis Oratorii, appendicibus, dissertationibus, observatio nibusque illustrata, e prelo exierunt.
為對開本,該本在同一城市、同一開本於一五六九年問世;隨後同一位聖利奧的講道於一五五三年在威尼斯面世,並以同一開本、於同一城市於一五七三年再度問世。其後於一五六六年在魯汶以四開本編印;再於一五八三年在安特衛普同樣以四開本重印。而於一六三三年,聖利奧的全部作品從里昂的印刷所面世,該版連同聖馬克西姆及其他五位教父,於一六五二年同樣在該地重印。最後,於一六七五年在巴黎,由最博學之士、聖願會(奧拉托利會)司鐸帕斯基耶·奎斯內爾,附以附錄、論說與觀察加以闡明,從印刷所出版。
in folio, which appeared in the same city and format in the year 1569; then the sermons of the same St. Leo were brought to light at Venice in the year 1553, which in the same format and in the same city came forth again in the year 1573. Then in the year 1566 the same sermons were edited at Louvain in quarto; and afterward reprinted at Antwerp in the year 1583, likewise in quarto. But in the year 1633 all the Works of St. Leo were brought to light from the presses of Lyons, which, together with St. Maximus and five other Fathers, were likewise reprinted there in the year 1652. Finally, at Paris in the year 1675, by that most erudite man Pasquier Quesnel, priest of the Congregation of the Oratory, illustrated with appendices, dissertations, and observations, they came forth from the press.
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Omnes has editiones, quæ ad meas pervenere manus, accurata ligi attentione, omnesque in se vocem ARÆ continere comperi. Quare ad indagandos manuscripos codices statim animum addixi; propterea Vaticanam adivi bibliothecam, in qua cum manuscriiptis abundet condicibus, tum maxime propter necessitudinem,, quæ tunc temporis cum bon. mem. Emanuele a Schelelstrat primo ejusdem bibliothecæ intercedebat custode, utque sperabam 473 aliquid in eadem me esse reperturum; at spes me fefellit; quoniam nihil adinveni. Ex hoc non perterritus animo, immo audacior factus, ad alias, tam in Urbe, quam extra eam invisendas, ac ope amicorum revolvendas bibliothecas, me converti.
這些落入我手中的版本,我皆以審慎的注意加以閱讀,發現它們全都含有 ARÆ 一詞。因此我立即決心探查手抄本;於是我前往梵蒂岡圖書館。該館既富有手抄本,又尤因當時我與已故的、該館主管理員善記的艾曼努埃爾·舍萊斯特拉特之間的親近之誼,我盼望能在其中有所發現;但希望欺騙了我,因為我一無所獲。我並未因此心生畏懼——反倒更加大膽——遂轉而拜訪羅馬城內外的其他圖書館,並藉朋友之助逐一翻查。
All these editions, which came into my hands, I read with careful attention, and found that all of them contained in themselves the word ARÆ. Wherefore I forthwith set my mind to investigating the manuscript codices; therefore I went to the Vatican Library, in which — since it abounds in manuscript codices, and chiefly on account of the intimacy which at that time existed with Emmanuel a Schelestrat of blessed memory, the chief custodian of the same library — I hoped I should find something therein; but hope deceived me, since I found nothing. Not terrified in mind by this — nay, made the bolder — I turned to visiting other libraries, both in the City and outside it, and to turning them over by the help of friends.
78:58
Inclytas Barberinam, et Otthobanam, necnon Angelicam adivi bibliothecas, et licet in eis manuscriptos codices, in quibus sancti Leonis erant sermones, in venissem, nihilominus ob illorum antiquitatem vene randi minime erant, in eisque nihil.nisi ARÆ vocem, observavi. Postea Mediolanum reverendiss. P. Eu stachio a Sancto Ubaldo ordinis sancti Augustini dispartibus consultori, deque republica litteraria optime merito litteras dedi, ut in Ambrosiana indagaret bibliotheca, an aliquis adesset manuscriptus codex, qui S. Leonis sermones contineret, et præfatam ARÆ vocem in eis anim adverteret. Respondit amicus se diligenter perquisivisse codices, atque in ARÆ vocem legisse.
我前往著名的巴貝里尼、奧托博尼、以及安傑利卡等圖書館;雖然在其中我曾找到含有聖利奧講道的手抄本,然而由於它們因古老而值得敬重,卻於事無甚助益,我在其中所見無非 ARÆ 一詞。其後我寫信給聖奧斯定會的至可敬神父、各區顧問、且對文壇最有貢獻的聖烏巴爾多的歐斯塔基奧,請他在安博圖書館查考,看是否有含聖利奧講道的手抄本,並請他留意其中前述的 ARÆ 一詞。我的朋友回覆說,他已勤勉地查考了那些抄本,並在其中讀到 ARÆ 一詞。
I went to the renowned Barberini, Ottoboni, and also the Angelica libraries, and although in them I had found manuscript codices in which were the sermons of St. Leo, nevertheless, on account of their being venerable for their antiquity, they were of least help, and in them I observed nothing but the word ARÆ. Afterward I wrote letters to the most reverend Father Eustachio a Sancto Ubaldo of the Order of St. Augustine, consultor of the districts and most deserving of the literary republic, that he might investigate in the Ambrosian Library whether any manuscript codex was there which contained the sermons of St. Leo, and that he might notice the aforesaid word ARÆ in them. My friend replied that he had diligently searched the codices, and had read in them the word ARÆ.
78:59
Mox tibi etiam dedi litteras, ac responsum accepti, te in codice signato numero 126 præfatum reperiisse sermonem, ac in eo vocem ARCÆ expressam esse; quare amanuensis errorem putabas, qui loco AREÆARCÆ scripsisset, commutando litteram E in C; codicemque illum unum supra nonaginta sancti Leonis continere sermones cujus codicis initium est: Incipiunt sermones sancti Leonis papæ. In primis de jejunio mensis decimi. Si fideliter, dilectissimi atque sapienter creationis nostræ intelligimus exor, dium etc., ac finit: Si quis ergo spreta perfiidiæ caligine ejus se præceptis, ac jussibus, et nisibus obtemperare voluerit, cœli, paradisique junuas securas intrabit, Amen;
不久我也寫信給您,並收到回覆說,您在編號一二六的抄本中找到了前述的講道,而其中所表達的是 ARCÆ 一詞;因此您猜想這是抄寫者的錯誤,他把 E 字母改為 C,遂把 ARÆ 寫成 ARCÆ;並說那一份抄本含有九十篇以上的聖利奧講道,該抄本的開頭是:「聖利奧教宗的講道於此開始。首篇,論十月的齋戒。至愛的諸位,倘若我們忠實而智慧地理解我們受造的本源,」等等;其結尾是:「所以,凡有人棄絕背信的幽暗、願順從他的訓誨、命令與努力者,必安然進入天國與樂園之門,阿們」;
Soon I also gave you letters, and received the reply that you had found the aforesaid sermon in the codex marked number 126, and that in it the word ARCÆ was expressed; wherefore you supposed it a copyist's error, who instead of ARÆ had written ARCÆ, changing the letter E into C; and that that one codex contained above ninety sermons of St. Leo, the beginning of which codex is: 'Here begin the sermons of St. Leo the Pope. First, on the fast of the tenth month. If, dearly beloved, we understand faithfully and wisely the origin of our creation,' etc., and it ends: 'If therefore anyone, having spurned the darkness of perfidy, shall have willed to obey his precepts and commands and endeavors, he shall enter secure the gates of heaven and of paradise, Amen';
78:60
codicem istum litteris Longobardicis jam a sexcentis et ultra annis exaratum esse, quonium Desiderii abbatis montis Casini, qui postea Romanus pontifex nomine Victor III exstitit, jussu scriptus fuit, ut in cap. 63, lib. III Chronicæ Casinensis legitur, et ut istius codicis ostendunt characteres, qui illis aliorum codicum de mandato ejusdemm Desiderii abbatis exaratorum similes sunt. Præfatis mihi communicatis notitiis, tuam erga me humanitatem abunde testari voluisti, cum aliorum sexdecim sermonum sub nomine ejusdem sancti Leonis in aliis codicibus manuscriptis repertorum initia et fines miseris. At novem ex illis a te indicatis jam sub alterius sancti nomine esse impressos novi;
並說那抄本乃以倫巴底字體謄寫,距今已六百餘年,因為它是奉卡西諾山院長德西德里烏斯之命寫成的——此人後來以維克托三世之名成為羅馬教宗,正如《卡西諾編年史》第三卷第六十三章所載,也正如此抄本的字體所顯示,這字體與奉同一位院長德西德里烏斯之命謄寫的其他抄本相似。當這些消息傳達給我後,您又充分地表達了對我的厚意,寄來了在其他手抄本中以同一聖利奧之名所發現的另外十六篇講道的開頭與結尾。但我知道,您所指出的其中九篇,早已以另一位聖人之名印行;
and that that codex was written out in Lombardic letters already six hundred and more years ago, since it was written by order of Desiderius, abbot of Monte Cassino, who afterward became Roman pontiff under the name Victor III, as is read in ch. 63, book III of the Cassinese Chronicle, and as the characters of this codex show, which are similar to those of other codices written out by command of the same abbot Desiderius. When these notices had been communicated to me, you wished abundantly to testify your kindness toward me, when you sent the beginnings and endings of another sixteen sermons found under the name of the same St. Leo in other manuscript codices. But I knew that nine of those you had indicated had already been printed under the name of another saint;
78:61
reliquorum vero ignoro auctores. Ex his duos apud Quesnellianam adinveni impressionem, sed integri minime sunt, cum partes sermonum sint; unus videlicet, qui incipit Honora- bilem, etc., est pars sermonis 1 de anniversario die Assumptionis 474 alter est sermo 48, de Quadragesima. Ex: transmissis itaque quinque supersunt, quos facta collatione, cum sancti Leonis nitido apertoque stylo minime concordare inveni. Putavii etiam in hoc amicorum uti judicio, qui in eamdem meam iverunt sententiam.
至於其餘的,我不知其作者為誰。這些之中,我在奎斯內爾版裡找到兩篇,但它們絕非完整,因為只是講道的片段;即其一,開頭為「Honorabilem(可敬的)」等等,乃是關於聖母升天週年日的第一篇講道的一部分;另一篇則是關於四旬期的第四十八篇講道。因此,在所寄來的當中,尚餘五篇;經過比對,我發現它們與聖利奧那清晰明白的文風全然不符。我在此也想採用朋友們的判斷,而他們都同意我這一意見。
but of the rest I do not know the authors. Of these I found two in the Quesnellian edition, but they are by no means complete, since they are parts of sermons; namely one, which begins 'Honorabilem,' etc., is part of Sermon 1 on the anniversary day of the Assumption; the other is Sermon 48, on Lent. Of those sent, therefore, five remain, which, comparison having been made, I found by no means to agree with the clear and open style of St. Leo. I thought also in this to use the judgment of friends, who came over to that same opinion of mine.
78:62
Indagationihus istis minime acquiescendum esse duxi, sed iterum Vaticanam bibliothecam adire, novamque adhibere diligentiam æquum putavi;rogavi propterea eruditum virum Laurentiumm Zaccagna ejusdem bibliothecæ secundum custodem, ut mihi copiam faceret indices perquirendi: illi petitioni meæ perhumaniter indulsit. Nec inutiliss fuit nova perquisitio. Unum itaque invenimus codicem signatum numero 1276, ante ducentos annos scriptum, in cujus pagina 39, a tergo, legitur vox ARCE absque diphthongo; in altero vero codice signato numero 1267, pag. 78, columna secunda, a tergo, a sex cir citer sæculis exarato, patentibus litteris, quæsitam AREÆ vocem legi, quæ dubii quæstionem solvit.
我判斷斷不可安於這些查考,而認為理當再度前往梵蒂岡圖書館,施以新的勤勉;因此我請求博學之士、該館第二管理員洛倫佐·扎卡尼,給我查閱目錄的機會:他極其和藹地應允了我的請求。而這新的查考並非徒勞。於是我們找到一份編號一二七六、二百年前寫成的抄本,其第三十九頁背面讀到不帶雙元音的 ARCE 一詞;但在另一份編號一二六七、第七十八頁第二欄背面、約六百年前謄寫的抄本中,我以清楚的字跡讀到所尋求的 ARÆ 一詞,這便解決了疑問。
I judged that I ought by no means to acquiesce in these investigations, but thought it fair to approach the Vatican Library again and to apply new diligence; I therefore asked the erudite man Lorenzo Zaccagni, the second custodian of the same library, that he would grant me the opportunity of searching the indexes: he most kindly indulged my petition. Nor was the new search useless. We found, then, one codex marked number 1276, written two hundred years ago, on the reverse of whose page 39 is read the word ARCE without a diphthong; but in another codex marked number 1267, page 78, second column, on the reverse, written out about six centuries ago, in plain letters I read the sought-for word ARÆ, which resolves the question of the doubt.
78:63
De hac a me adhibita diligentia te certum reddere duxi, ut scias in hac voce irrepsisse, et quomodo illa legenda sit animadvertas. Nam una litterula, amanuensis incuria omissa, totum immutat sensum, ut clarissime ex infra dicendis apparebit. Ara igitur locus est ille in quo sacra Deo offeruntur; area vero illa est planities quæin scalarum summitate, quandoque etiam in medio ac in aliis partibus, cum scalæ multos habent gradus, interponitur, ad hoc, ut ascendentes per illas, propter ascensus difficultatem ac laborem, ibi aliquantulum pausare valeant. Hæc VOX ARÆ legitur in sermone 7 sancti Leonis papæ de Nativitate Domini, cap. 4. Sermonis particula sic se habet:
我判斷,理當使您確知我所施的這番勤勉,好讓您知道錯誤已滲入此詞,並留意它應當如何誦讀。因為一個小小的字母,因抄寫者的疏忽而被略去,便改變了整個意義,這將從下文所要說的極清楚地顯明。那麼,「Ara」(祭壇)是向天主奉獻聖物之處;而「area」(平台)則是設於階梯頂端的那片平地——當階梯有許多級時,有時也設於中段及其他部分——其用意在於:使循階而上的人,因登攀之艱難與勞苦,能在該處稍作歇息。這 ARÆ 一詞見於聖利奧教宗《論主聖誕》第七篇講道第四章。該篇講道的這一小段如下:
Of this diligence applied by me I judged I ought to make you certain, that you may know it has crept into this word, and may notice how it ought to be read. For one little letter, omitted through the copyist's carelessness, changes the whole sense, as will most clearly appear from what is to be said below. 'Ara' (altar), then, is that place in which sacred offerings are made to God; but 'area' (landing) is that level space which is interposed at the top of stairs — and sometimes also in the middle and in other parts, when the stairs have many steps — for this purpose: that those ascending by them may be able to pause there a little, on account of the difficulty and labor of the ascent. This word ARÆ is read in Sermon 7 of St. Leo the Pope, On the Nativity of the Lord, ch. 4. The particular portion of the sermon runs thus:
78:64
De talibus institutis etiam illa generatur impietas, ut sol inchoatione diurnæ lucis exsurgens, a quibusdam insipientioribus de locis eminentioribus adoretur: quod nonnulli etiam Chri- stiani adeo se relogiose facere putant, ut priusquam ad B. Petri apostoli basilicam, quæ uni Deo vivo et vero est dedicate, perveniant,superatis gradibus, quibus ad suggestum ARÆ superioris ascenditur, converso corpore ad nascentem se solem reflectant, et curvatis cervicibus in honorem se splendidi orbis inclinent. Quod fieri partim ignorantiæ vitio,partim, paganitatis spiritu multum tabescimus et dolemus.
從這類習俗中還生出這樣一種不敬:太陽在白晝之光開始時升起,竟被某些愚昧之人從高處加以崇拜;有些人,甚至是基督徒,還自以為這樣做是虔敬的,以致在他們抵達獻給那位獨一永生真神的聖使徒伯多祿大殿之前,登上通往上層庭院平台的台階後,便將身體轉向初升的太陽,屈頸向那光耀的天體俯首致敬。這種行為部分出於無知之過,部分出於異教之風,我們為此深感憔悴、悲痛哀傷。
From such practices there also arises this impiety, that the sun, as it rises at the beginning of the daylight, is adored by certain rather foolish people from more elevated places; which some, even Christians, think they do so religiously that, before they reach the basilica of the blessed Apostle Peter, which is dedicated to the one living and true God, having climbed the steps by which one ascends to the platform of the upper court, they turn their bodies back toward the rising sun and, with bowed necks, bend themselves in honor of the shining orb. That this is done partly through the fault of ignorance, partly through the spirit of paganism, we greatly waste away in grief and sorrow.
78:65
Quis et si quidam forte Creatorem potius pulchri luminis quam ipsum lumen, quod est creatura, venerantur, abstinendum tamen est ab ipsa hujusmodi specie officii, quam cum in nostris invenit, qui deorum cultum reliquit, nonne hanc secum partrem opinionis vetustæ, tamquam probabilem, retentabit, quam Christianis et impiis viderit esse communem? 475 Abjiciatur ergo a consuetadine fidelium damnanda perversitas, nec honor uni Deo debitus eorum ritibus qui creaturis deserviunt misecatur. Hic jure te obtupescentem mihi videor intueri, tam putentem errorem ab eruditis viris, qui sancti Leonis Opera pluries edidere, minime observatum fuisse.
因為即使有些人所敬拜的或許是那美麗之光的創造者,而非那本是受造之物的光本身,也仍當避開這種行為外表的表象;因為當那位已棄絕拜諸神之人在我們中間看見此舉時,他豈不會將它作為舊觀念的一部分保留下來,視之為似有道理,因為他見它為基督徒與不敬者所共有?故當將這可咒的悖謬從信徒的習俗中除去,勿使獨歸於一神的尊榮與那些事奉受造之物者的儀式相混雜。此處我彷彿看見你正對我大為驚訝:這般醜陋的謬誤,竟未被那些屢次刊印聖良著作的博學之士絲毫察覺。
For even if some perhaps venerate the Creator of the beautiful light rather than the light itself, which is a creature, one must nevertheless abstain from this very appearance of such an observance; for when he who has abandoned the worship of the gods finds it among us, will he not retain it with himself as a portion of his old opinion, as though plausible, since he sees it to be common to Christians and to the impious alike? Let this damnable perversity therefore be cast out from the custom of the faithful, and let not the honor owed to the one God be mingled with the rites of those who serve created things. Here I seem to behold you rightly astonished at me, that so foul an error was not in the least noticed by the learned men who have several times published the works of Saint Leo.
78:66
Ne dedigneris propterea brevem moram tuiss interponere studiis, ac ea quæ post supra relatas factas indagationes eruditionis gratia exaravi amico legere animo. Primo igitur loco ad Vaticanæ basilicæ scalam me converto, quam prægrandem fuisse reperi, cujus triginta quinque marmorei gradus ad basilicæ superiorem aream præbabant ascensum, quique in quinque ordines distribus: nam architecti in graduum distributione imparem numerum observant: natura enim semper, cum ascendimmus, as sinistrum pedem primo movendum nos inclinat, et in eodem gradum plerumque sistimus: unde si gradus pares sint, dexter pes in ultimo sistit gradu, sinister vero remanet suspensus, quasi ipse vellet ascensum terminare.
故請不要不屑於在你的研讀中稍作停頓,以友善之心閱讀我為求學問、在上述查考之後所寫下的這些。那麼,我首先要談梵蒂岡大殿的階梯,我查得它極為宏大;其三十五級大理石台階通往大殿的上層平台,並分為五組。因為建築師在台階的分佈上採用單數;因為當我們上行時,天性總使我們先邁左腳,並通常在同一級上停立。故若台階為雙數,右腳便停於最後一級,而左腳則懸空,彷彿它想要結束這攀登。
Do not therefore disdain to interpose a brief pause in your studies, and to read with a friendly mind those things which, for the sake of erudition, I have written after the inquiries recorded above. In the first place, then, I turn to the stairway of the Vatican basilica, which I have found to have been very great; its thirty-five marble steps afforded the ascent to the upper area of the basilica, and these were distributed into five sets. For architects observe an odd number in the arrangement of steps; for nature, when we ascend, always inclines us to move the left foot first, and on that same step we usually come to rest. Hence, if the steps be even in number, the right foot rests on the last step, while the left remains suspended, as if it wished to end the ascent.
78:67
Quare ascendens quamdam patitur molestiam, quia cum natura sinistro pede velit quietem invenire, illa nequaquam fruitur. Hujus scalæ delineamentum, ut antiquitus erat, in tabula 12 mei operis de Sacris Ædificiis a Constantino Magno constructis, expono, ubi distincte quinque graduum ordines cum intermixtis areolis cernuntur: quare singuliordines ed septem constabant gradibus. Arearum vero, quæ in scalis interponuntur, finis est, ut ascendens in ascendendo defatigatus paulisper quietem deambulando, sive consistendo, inveniat. In scalæ vero summitate major omnibus, aliis areis alia est, cum ibi majorem quietem ascendens, antequam ædificium ingrediatur, invenire debeat.
因此上行之人會感到某種不適,因為天性雖欲讓左腳得歇息,卻絕不能享有。這階梯古時的樣式,我已在拙作《君士坦丁大帝所建之聖殿》第十二圖版中描繪,其中清楚可見五組台階,中間夾有平台;故每組由七級台階構成。而階梯間所設平台的用途,是使上行之人在攀登中疲乏時,藉由踱步或站立稍得片刻歇息。至於階梯頂端,則有一座比其餘一切都大的平台,因為上行之人在進入建築物之前,應在那裡得到更大的歇息。
Wherefore the one ascending suffers a certain discomfort, since, though by nature the left foot desires to find rest, it by no means enjoys it. The design of this stairway, as it was in antiquity, I set forth in plate 12 of my work concerning the Sacred Buildings constructed by Constantine the Great, where the five sets of steps are distinctly seen with landings interspersed among them; hence each set consisted of seven steps. The purpose of the landings which are placed between the flights is that the one ascending, wearied in the climb, may find rest for a little while by strolling or by standing still. But at the summit of the stairway there is one landing greater than all the others, since there the one ascending ought to find greater rest before he enters the building.
78:68
In hisce sancti Petrii scalis maxime erat area, quam suggestumm areæ superioris sanctus Leo appellat, ad differentiam aliarum inferiorum. Per hujus scalæ gradus prisci fideles orationis voto, sive gratia, indifferenter habebant ascensum, flexis scilicet genibus, ut ex Gregorii IV ac Adriani I apud bibliothecarium Vitis deducitur. Ostenso igitur quid vox area sit, quidque in sensu sancti Leonis significet, operæ pretium poscit ut ejusdem pontificis ad fideles objurgationem examini subjiciam.
在聖伯多祿的這些台階中,最大的平台就是聖良所稱的「上層庭院的平台」,以與其他較低者相區別。古時的信徒為祈禱或還願之故,不加分別地經由此階梯的台階上行,即屈膝而上,這可從圖書館員所著《傳記》中格列高利四世與亞德里安一世的記載推知。既已闡明「庭院」(area)一詞為何,以及在聖良的意義中它表示什麼,此事便要求我將這位教宗對信徒的責備提出加以審視。
In these stairs of Saint Peter's the greatest landing was the one which Saint Leo calls 'the platform of the upper area,' to distinguish it from the other lower ones. Through the steps of this stairway the ancient faithful, for the sake of prayer or of a vow, ascended indiscriminately, namely on bended knees, as is gathered from Gregory IV and Hadrian I in the Lives of the Librarian. Having therefore shown what the word 'area' (court) is, and what it signifies in the sense of Saint Leo, the matter demands that I submit to examination that same pontiff's rebuke to the faithful.
78:69
Nonnulli antiqui fideles antequam Vaticanam ingrederentur basilicam, post scalarum ascensum, scilicet in ipsa scalarum maxima area, Natalis Domini die se sistebant, nascentemque solem adorabant, ducto argumento a Manichæis, qui hujusmodi profanum observabant ritum. Quare fideles ipsi propriorum rituum ignari, nascentem Christum cum oriente sole confundebant, adorando creaturam pro Creatore, Strictius hæc exponam. Gentes fere 476 omnes, et præsertim Orientales, solem deorum principem esse crediderunt. Docet id admirandæ lectionis atque eruditionis vir Gaspar Bartius in suis Adversariorum Commentariis lib. XLI, cap. 27.
某些古時的信徒,在他們進入梵蒂岡大殿之前,於登上台階之後——即在階梯那最大的平台上——會於主降生之日站立,並崇拜初升的太陽,其效法對象是摩尼教徒,那些人遵行這類世俗不潔的儀式。故這些信徒因不明自己的禮儀,便將新生的基督與升起的太陽混淆,以受造之物代替創造主而加以崇拜。讓我更精確地闡述此事。幾乎所有民族,尤以東方民族,都相信太陽為諸神之首。這一點由博學而閱歷卓越之人加斯帕·巴爾提烏斯在其《雜記評註》第四十一卷第二十七章中教導。
Certain of the ancient faithful, before they entered the Vatican basilica, after the ascent of the stairs—that is, on that greatest landing of the stairs—would station themselves on the day of the Lord's Nativity and adore the rising sun, taking their pattern from the Manichaeans, who observed a profane rite of this kind. Wherefore these very faithful, ignorant of their own rites, confused the newborn Christ with the rising sun, adoring the creature in place of the Creator. Let me set this forth more precisely. Nearly all the nations, and especially those of the East, believed the sun to be the chief of the gods. This is taught by a man of admirable reading and erudition, Gaspar Barthius, in his Adversaria Commentaries, book 41, chapter 27.
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Idem ostendit vir multijugæ eruditionis et variæ lectionis GasparJoannis Vossii in suo tractatu de idololatria plurimis in locis; idem Kircherus in suo Ædipo Ægyptiaco. Cum igitur Manichæorum hæresis in Mesopotamia,Orientali plaga, suam habuerit originem, ut scribit Constantiæ, sive Salaminæ in Cypro episcopus sanctus Epiphanius adversus Hæreses, hæresi 46, sive 66, mirum non est quod ipsi Manichæi solem adoraverint quod innuit magnum illud Ecclesiæ lumen sanctus Augustinus, lib. de Hæres., hæres. 43, de eisdem Manichæis sic scribens: Orationes faciunt ad solem per diem quaquaversum circumit; ad lunam per noctem, si apparet ad Aquiloniam partem, qua sol cum occiderit ad orientem revertitur.
同樣之事亦由博學多聞、涉獵廣泛之人加斯帕·約翰·沃西烏斯在其論偶像崇拜的著作中多處指出;克爾赫爾在其《埃及的俄狄浦斯》中亦然。既然摩尼教的異端源起於東方之地美索不達米亞,正如塞浦路斯的君士坦提亞(即撒拉米)主教聖厄庇法尼在其《反異端》第四十六(或六十六)異端中所寫,那麼這些摩尼教徒崇拜太陽便不足為奇;教會那偉大之光聖奧斯定在其《論異端》第四十三異端中論及這些摩尼教徒時如此寫道:「他們白晝向太陽祈禱,無論它運行到何處;夜間若月亮出現,則向北方祈禱,即太陽落下後返回東方之處。」
The same is shown by a man of manifold erudition and varied reading, Gaspar Johannes Vossius, in his treatise on idolatry in very many places; the same by Kircher in his Oedipus Aegyptiacus. Since therefore the heresy of the Manichaeans had its origin in Mesopotamia, an eastern region, as writes Saint Epiphanius, bishop of Constantia—or Salamis—in Cyprus, in his work Against Heresies, heresy 46 (or 66), it is no wonder that these Manichaeans adored the sun; which that great light of the Church, Saint Augustine, indicates in his book On Heresies, heresy 43, writing thus concerning these same Manichaeans: 'They make prayers to the sun by day, wheresoever it goes about; to the moon by night, if it appears, toward the northern part where the sun, when it has set, returns to the east.'
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Quare ad illam cœli plagam ubi videbant illa hora spectari solem, ibi se ad illum adorandum convertebant. Summo igitur mane sol oriens Vaticanæ basilicæ faciem respicit, illamque per multas illustrat horas. Ergo si Manichæi, dum in Vaticanis scalis stabant, solem adorare volebant, in hujusmodi actu ipsi Vaticanæ basilicæ vertebant dorsum; et licet hujusmodi profanus ritus omnii die, omnique hora a Manichæis observatus fuerit, nihilominus ipse dies 25 Decembris Nativitatis Domini apud Manichæos honorabilis erat propter solis ortum, ut ex laudato sancto Leone apertissime deducitur in serm. 2 de Nativitate Domini cap. 6, ubi sic:
故凡他們見太陽於那時刻朝向的天空某方,他們便轉向該處以崇拜它。那麼,清晨極早時,升起的太陽照臨梵蒂岡大殿的正面,並照亮它許多時辰。因此,摩尼教徒若在站立於梵蒂岡台階上時欲崇拜太陽,在這類舉動中他們便是將背轉向梵蒂岡大殿本身。雖然摩尼教徒每日每時都遵行這類世俗不潔的儀式,然而十二月二十五日主降生那一日,因太陽的升起,在摩尼教徒中卻被視為可尊敬的,這可從所讚許的聖良《論主降生》第二篇講道第六章中極為明白地推知,他在那裡如此說:
Wherefore, toward that region of the sky where they saw the sun to be viewed at that hour, there they turned themselves to adore it. In the very early morning, then, the rising sun looks upon the face of the Vatican basilica, and illumines it for many hours. Therefore, if the Manichaeans, while they stood on the Vatican stairs, wished to adore the sun, in an act of this kind they turned their backs to the Vatican basilica itself. And although a profane rite of this sort was observed by the Manichaeans on every day and at every hour, nevertheless that very day, the 25th of December, of the Lord's Nativity, was esteemed honorable among the Manichaeans on account of the rising of the sun, as is most openly gathered from the praised Saint Leo in sermon 2 On the Nativity of the Lord, chapter 6, where he says thus:
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Habentes ergo tantæ spei fiduciam, dilectissimi, in fide, qua fundati estis, stabiles permanete, ne idem ille tentator, cujus jam a vobis dominationem Christus cæclusit, aliquibus vos iterum seducat insidiis; et hæc ipsa præsentis diei gaudia suæ fallaciæ arte corrumpat, elludens simplicioribus animis de quorumdam persuasione pestifera, quibus hæc dies solemnitatis nostræ, non tam de Nativitate Christi, quam de novi, ut dicunt, solis ortu honorabilis videatur. Quorum corda vastis tenebris obvoluta, et ab omni incremento veræ lucis aliena sunt;
「至愛的弟兄們,你們既懷有如此偉大盼望的確信,就當在你們所立定其上的信德中堅定不移,免得那同一位試探者——基督已將他對你們的轄制阻絕——再以某些詭計誘惑你們;也免得他以其欺騙之術敗壞今日這些喜樂,用某些人有害的說服迷惑那些較單純的心靈,在這些人看來,我們這節慶之日之所以可敬,與其說是因基督的降生,不如說是因他們所謂新太陽的升起。他們的心被廣大的黑暗所籠罩,與真光的一切增長無分;」
'Having therefore the confidence of so great a hope, most beloved, in the faith in which you are founded, remain steadfast, lest that same tempter, whose dominion over you Christ has already shut out, seduce you again by some snares; and lest he corrupt by the art of his deceit these very joys of the present day, mocking the simpler souls with the pestilent persuasion of certain persons, to whom this day of our solemnity seems honorable not so much on account of the Nativity of Christ as on account of the rising, as they say, of a new sun. Their hearts, wrapped in vast darkness, are estranged from every increase of the true light;'
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tra huntur enim adhuc stultissimis gentilitatis erroribus, et quia supra id quod carnali intuentur aspectu nequeunt aciem mentis erigere, ministra mundi luminaria divino honore venerantur. Absit ab animis Christianis impia superstitio, prodigiosumque mendacium. Ultra omnem modum distant a sempiterno temporalia, ab incorporeo corporea, a dominatore subjecta: quia et si mirandam habent pulchritudinem, adorandam tamen non habent Deitatem. Illa ergo virtus, illa sapientia, illa est colenda majustes, quæ universitatem mundi creavit ex nihilo, et in quas voluit formas atque men- suras terrenam cælestemque substantiam omni potenti ratione produxit.
「因為他們仍被異教最愚昧的謬誤所牽引,又因不能將心智的敏銳提升至他們以肉眼所見之上,便以神性的尊榮敬拜那些服事世界的發光體。願不敬的迷信與駭人的虛謊遠離基督徒的心靈。屬時間之物與永恆之物、有形之物與無形之物、受轄之物與統治者之間,相距超乎一切度量;因為它們縱有奇妙的美麗,卻並無當受崇拜的神性。故當敬拜的乃是那大能、那智慧、那威嚴,就是那從無中造出整個世界、並以全能之理將地上與天上的實體按其所願塑成各樣形狀與尺度者。」
'for they are still dragged along by the most foolish errors of paganism, and because they cannot raise the keenness of the mind above that which they behold with carnal sight, they venerate with divine honor the luminaries that minister to the world. Far be impious superstition and monstrous falsehood from Christian minds. Temporal things are beyond all measure distant from the eternal, corporeal from the incorporeal, subject things from the ruler; for although they possess a wondrous beauty, they nevertheless possess no Godhead to be adored. That power, therefore, that wisdom, that majesty is to be worshiped, which created the whole of the world out of nothing, and by all-powerful reason produced earthly and heavenly substance into whatever forms and measures it willed.'
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Sol, luna et sidera sint commoda utentibus, sint speciosa cernentibus; sed ila ut de illis gratiæ 477 referantur auctori, et odoretur Deus,qui condidit, non creatura, quæ servit. Laudate igitur Deum, dilectissimi, in omnibus operibus ejus atque ju diciis. Sit in vobis indubitata credulitas virginæ integritatis et partus. Reformationis humanæ sacrum divi numque mysterium sancto atque sincero honorate servitio. De hoc pravæ adorationis usu fideles denuo increpat idem sanctus Leo in superius allegato serm. 7, de eadem Nativitate, c. 4, quod hic repetere non incongruum fore puto. Sic igitur iste sanctus loquitur:
「願太陽、月亮與眾星對使用它們的人有益,對觀看它們的人顯為美麗;但要如此:使感謝藉由它們歸於其創造者,並使那創造它們的神受敬拜,而非那服事的受造之物。故至愛的弟兄們,當在神一切的工作與判斷中讚美神。願你們心中對童貞的完整與生育懷有毫不動搖的信念。當以聖潔真誠的事奉,尊崇人類更新的神聖奧秘。」關於這墮落崇拜的習俗,同一位聖良在上引第七篇論同一降生的講道第四章中再次責備信徒,我認為在此重述並非不宜。故這位聖者如此說:
'Let the sun, the moon, and the stars be of use to those who use them, let them be beautiful to those who behold them; but in such a way that thanks be referred from them to their Author, and that God be adored, who created them, not the creature, which serves. Praise God therefore, most beloved, in all His works and judgments. Let there be in you an undoubting belief in virgin integrity and childbearing. Honor with holy and sincere service the sacred and divine mystery of human reformation.' Concerning this practice of depraved adoration the same Saint Leo again rebukes the faithful in the above-cited sermon 7, On the same Nativity, chapter 4, which I think it will not be unfitting to repeat here. Thus therefore this holy man speaks:
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De talibus institutis etiam illa generatur impietas, ut sol inchoatione diurnæ lucis exurgens, a quibusdam insipientioribus de locis eminentioribus adoretur: quod nonnulli etiam Christiani adeo se religiose facere putant, ut priusquam ad beati Petri apostoli basilicam, quæ uni Deo vivo et vero est dedicata, perveniant, superatis gradibus, quibus ad suggestum AREÆ superioris ascenditur, converso corpore ad nascentem se solem reflectant, et curvatis cervicibus, in honorem se splendidi orbis inclinent. Quod fieri partim ignorantiæ vitio, mus.
「從這類習俗中還生出這樣一種不敬:太陽在白晝之光開始時升起,竟被某些愚昧之人從高處加以崇拜;有些人,甚至是基督徒,還自以為這樣做是虔敬的,以致在他們抵達獻給那位獨一永生真神的聖使徒伯多祿大殿之前,登上通往上層庭院平台的台階後,便將身體轉向初升的太陽,屈頸向那光耀的天體俯首致敬。這種行為部分出於無知之過……」
'From such practices there also arises this impiety, that the sun, rising at the beginning of the daylight, is adored by certain rather foolish people from more elevated places; which some, even Christians, think they do so religiously that, before they reach the basilica of the blessed Apostle Peter, which is dedicated to the one living and true God, having climbed the steps by which one ascends to the platform of the upper court, they turn their bodies back toward the rising sun and, with bowed necks, bend themselves in honor of the shining orb. That this is done partly through the fault of ignorance...'
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Quia et si quidam forte Creatorem potius pulchri luminis quam ipsum lumen, quod est creatura, venerantur, abstinendum tamen est ab ipsa hujusmodi specie officii, quam cum in nostris invenit, qui deorum cultum reliquit, nonne hanc secum partem opinionis vetustæ tamquam probabilem retentabit, quam Christianis et impiis viderit esse communem? Veritas hæc, quæ ex allatis eruitur sermonibus, magis illucescet,si ejusdem sancti Loonis trutinentur tempora, quo ad populi concursum ad Vaticanam basilicam.
「因為即使有些人所敬拜的或許是那美麗之光的創造者,而非那本是受造之物的光本身,也仍當避開這種行為外表的表象;因為當那位已棄絕拜諸神之人在我們中間看見此舉時,他豈不會將它作為舊觀念的一部分保留下來,視之為似有道理,因為他見它為基督徒與不敬者所共有?」若衡量同一位聖良的時代,尤其是關於百姓聚集到梵蒂岡大殿的情形,這從所引講道中得出的真理便會更加彰顯。
'For even if some perhaps venerate the Creator of the beautiful light rather than the light itself, which is a creature, one must nevertheless abstain from this very appearance of such an observance; for when he who has abandoned the worship of the gods finds it among us, will he not retain it with himself as a portion of his old opinion, as though plausible, since he sees it to be common to Christians and to the impious alike?' This truth, which is drawn out from the sermons cited, will shine forth the more if the times of the same Saint Leo are weighed, with respect to the concourse of the people to the Vatican basilica.
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Consuevere enim antiqui Romani pontifices usque ad Gregorii VII tempora, nempe usque ad finem circiter undecimi sæculi, divina officia, quæ in festivitate Natalis Domini celebrabantur, tribus distinctis locis, distinctisque horis illa celebrare: idque apertissime eruitur ab antiquis libris Missarum Romanæ Ecclesiæ,, scilicet Antiphonario sancti Gregorii papæ a laudato Josepho Maria Thomasio nuper in lucem emisso, ubi, pag. 15, sic in antiquis libris legitur VII kalendas Januarii. Nativitas Domini Nostri Jesu Christi. In media nocte Nativitatis Domini. Ad Sanctam Mariam antiphona ad introitum. Dominus dixit ad me, etc.; et pag. l6: Item mane prima Ad Sanctam Anastasiam.
因為古時的羅馬教宗,直到格列高利七世的時代——即約至十一世紀末——習慣在三個不同地點、三個不同時辰舉行主降生節慶所行的神聖日課。這一點從羅馬教會古時的彌撒書中極為明白地得出,即聖教宗格列高利的《對經集》,近由所讚許的若瑟·瑪利亞·托馬西烏斯刊行問世,其中第十五頁在古書中如此記載:「一月朔日前第七日。我主耶穌基督之降生。主降生之夜半。在聖瑪利亞堂,進台詠對經:主對我說,等等」;又第十六頁:「又於清晨初曉,在聖亞納大西亞堂。」
For the ancient Roman pontiffs, down to the times of Gregory VII—that is, down to about the end of the eleventh century—were accustomed to celebrate the divine offices that were performed on the festivity of the Lord's Nativity in three distinct places and at three distinct hours. And this is most openly gathered from the ancient Mass-books of the Roman Church, namely the Antiphonary of Saint Gregory the Pope, recently brought to light by the praised Joseph Maria Thomasius, where, on page 15, it is thus read in the ancient books: 'The seventh before the Kalends of January. The Nativity of Our Lord Jesus Christ. In the middle of the night of the Lord's Nativity. At Saint Mary, the antiphon at the introit: The Lord said to me, etc.'; and on page 16: 'Likewise at the first dawn, at Saint Anastasia.'
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Antiphona ad introitum. Lux fulgebit hodie super nos, etc.; pag. vero 17, In die Natalis Domini ad Missamm. Statio ad Sanctum Petrum. Antiphona ad introitum. Puernatus est nobis, etc. Et in Comite ab Albino ex Caroli (scilicet Magni) imperatoris præcepto emendato, pag. 1, post Antiphonarium sic legitur: Incipiunt tituli lectio num sequentis tibri. I. In Vigilia Domini. II. ad Sanctam Mariam. III. ad Sanctam Mariam. IV. ad Sanctum Petrum. In Capitularibus vero Evangeliorum 478 de anni circulo pag.141: In Natale Domini.Ad Sanctam Mariam Majoram, etc. Item ad Sanctam Anastasiam, etc. Item ad Sanctum Petrum, etc.
「進台詠對經:今日必有光照臨我們,等等」;而第十七頁:「在主降生之日的彌撒中。聖伯多祿堂為駐蹕堂。進台詠對經:有一嬰孩為我們而生,等等。」而在阿爾昆的《經課選》——奉皇帝查理(即查理曼)之命所校訂——第一頁,於《對經集》之後如此記載:「以下之書各篇經課標題於此開始。一、主之守夜。二、在聖瑪利亞堂。三、在聖瑪利亞堂。四、在聖伯多祿堂。」而在年度周期福音的《章節錄》第一四一頁:「主降生。在聖瑪利亞大殿,等等。又於聖亞納大西亞堂,等等。又於聖伯多祿堂,等等。」
'The antiphon at the introit: A light shall shine upon us this day, etc.'; and on page 17: 'On the day of the Lord's Nativity, at the Mass. The station at Saint Peter. The antiphon at the introit: Unto us a child is born, etc.' And in the Comes of Alcuin, emended by order of the emperor Charles (that is, Charlemagne), on page 1, after the Antiphonary it is thus read: 'Here begin the titles of the readings of the following book. I. On the Vigil of the Lord. II. at Saint Mary. III. at Saint Mary. IV. at Saint Peter.' And in the Capitularies of the Gospels of the yearly cycle, on page 141: 'On the Nativity of the Lord. At Saint Mary Major, etc. Likewise at Saint Anastasia, etc. Likewise at Saint Peter, etc.'
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Huc usque relata, ex Petro Mallio, qui floruit duodecimo sæculo, apertius intelliguntur, ibi: In prima Missa ejusdem noctis ad Præsepe. Manc ad Sanctam, Anastasiam. In missa vero dici antiquitus, scilicet usqueq ad tempus Gregorii VII, fuit statio ad Sanctum Petrum, unde adhuc canonici pro presbylerio noctis 8 sol. Sed nunc celebratur, missa diei apud Sanctam Mariam Majorem, quia via brevis est, dies parvi sunt. Malius impressus est, sed mutilus, hæc allata sunt in principio manucripti. Quare concludo, sancti Leonis ævo stationem in die Nativitatis Domini in Vaticana fuisse basilica, sicque ibidem fuisse populi concursum,ibique sanctum Leonem supra relatas fecisse homilias.
迄今所述之事,從活躍於十二世紀的伯多祿·馬留斯處可更清楚地明白,他在那裡說:「在那同一夜的第一台彌撒,於聖嬰馬槽堂。清晨,於聖亞納大西亞堂。但白日的彌撒,古時——即直到格列高利七世之時——駐蹕堂在聖伯多祿堂,故至今議事司鐸為夜間的司鐸班仍領取八索利多。但如今白日的彌撒在聖瑪利亞大殿舉行,因為路途近而白晝短。」馬留斯之書已刊印,但殘缺不全;所引這些內容見於手稿之首。故我斷定,在聖良的時代,主降生之日的駐蹕堂在梵蒂岡大殿,因此百姓聚集於彼處,聖良亦在彼處發表上述講道。
The things related thus far are more clearly understood from Peter Mallius, who flourished in the twelfth century, where he says: 'In the first Mass of that same night, at the Crib. In the morning, at Saint Anastasia. But in the Mass of the day, in ancient times—that is, down to the time of Gregory VII—the station was at Saint Peter, whence still the canons receive for the presbytery of the night 8 solidi. But now the Mass of the day is celebrated at Saint Mary Major, because the way is short and the days are brief.' Mallius has been printed, but mutilated; these things cited are found at the beginning of the manuscript. Wherefore I conclude that in the age of Saint Leo the station on the day of the Lord's Nativity was in the Vatican basilica, and that thus there was a concourse of the people there, and there Saint Leo delivered the homilies related above.
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Non intendebat sapientissimus ille pontifex orationem versa facie ad orientem prohibere; apprime sciebat priscorum Patrum dicta; sed volebat pravum Manichæorum abolere ritum. Et hæc pro voce AREÆ satis sint dicta. Silentio tamen prætereundum minime puto Casali sententiam de Veteribus Sacris Christianorum Riti- bus, cap. 3, opinantis ritum hunc vertendi se ad orientem, a fidelibus fuisse observatum in atrio Sancti Petri:
那位最有智慧的教宗並非意圖禁止面向東方的祈禱;他極為熟悉古教父們的言論;他所要的乃是廢除摩尼教徒墮落的儀式。關於「庭院」(area)一詞,所說這些便已足夠。然而我絕不認為應默然略過卡薩利烏斯的意見,他在其《論基督徒古時的聖禮》第三章中主張,這種轉向東方的儀式是信徒在聖伯多祿堂的前庭中所遵行的;
That most wise pontiff did not intend to forbid prayer with the face turned to the east; he knew exceedingly well the sayings of the ancient Fathers; but he wished to abolish the depraved rite of the Manichaeans. And let these things suffice as said concerning the word 'area' (court). Yet I by no means think it should be passed over in silence what Casalius holds, in his work On the Ancient Sacred Rites of the Christians, chapter 3, opining that this rite of turning oneself to the east was observed by the faithful in the atrium of Saint Peter's;
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proptereaque, ad avertendam omnem idololatriæ suspicionem, anno 1300 a Jotto Florentino excellenti pictore, jussu cardinalis Stephanesci Bonafacii VIII, summi pontificis ex fratre nepotis, musivi operis navem fuisse constructam, in qua sanctus Petrus cum aliis apostolis, ac Christus Dominus noster in littore maris Petrum ad se vocans, conspiciuntur; quæ pictura cum in interiori porticus parte esset, non fuit ibi locata ad tollendum ritum istum convertendi se ad orientem, sed ob peculiarem devotionem, vel aliam causam: quoniam hujusmodi ritus observabatur extra porticum in scalarum summitate, antequam porticum ipsam fideles ingrederentur.
故為了消除一切拜偶像的嫌疑,於一三○○年,由佛羅倫斯的傑出畫家喬托,奉樞機主教斯特凡內斯基——即最高教宗博義八世之兄的姪子——之命,建造了一座鑲嵌畫工的中殿,其中可見聖伯多祿與其他使徒,以及我們的主基督在海邊召喚伯多祿歸向自己。既然這幅畫在門廊的內部,它安置於彼處並非為廢除這轉向東方的儀式,而是出於某種特別的敬禮,或別的緣故;因為這類儀式是在門廊之外、階梯頂端所遵行的,在信徒進入門廊本身之前。
and that therefore, to avert every suspicion of idolatry, in the year 1300 a nave of mosaic work was constructed by Giotto the Florentine, an excellent painter, at the command of Cardinal Stefaneschi, nephew by a brother of Boniface VIII, the supreme pontiff; in which Saint Peter with the other apostles, and Christ our Lord on the seashore calling Peter to Himself, are seen. And since this painting was in the inner part of the portico, it was not placed there to abolish this rite of turning oneself to the east, but on account of a particular devotion, or some other cause; because a rite of this kind was observed outside the portico, at the summit of the stairs, before the faithful entered the portico itself.
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Accipe igitur quæ huc usque dixi in mutui amoris tesseram; tibique præcino quod sicut ætate ac studiis flores, ita etiam eadem ætate maturus tuorum studiorum uberrimos colliges fructus. Vale. 1. Duo Quesnellus in hujus sermonis cap. 1 annotavit. Primum iis. S. pontificis verbis: Sic nos Au ctoris nostri exstruxit manus, ut cum opifice suo etiam is qui reparatur operetur, ejusmodi notationem subjecit. "Juvat hæc verba B Bernardi verbis explicare lib. de Gratia et Lib. Arbitr. c. 14: Ad hoc uti- que prævenit gratia, ut jam sibi deinceps cooperatur liberum 479 arbitrium. Ita tamen quod a sola gratia cæptum est, pariter ab utroque perficitur, ut mixtim, non sigillatim;
故請作為彼此相愛的憑證,接受我迄今所說的這些;我並向你預言:正如你在年歲與學問上茂盛,同樣在那同一年歲中成熟時,你必收穫你研讀最豐盛的果實。珍重。一、克內爾在本篇講道第一章中注了兩點。首先,對於這位聖教宗的話:「我們的創作者之手如此塑造了我們,使那受修復之人也能與其造作者一同做工」,他附加了這樣的評註:「用聖伯爾納鐸在其《論恩典與自由意志》第十四章的話來解釋這些話是有益的:恩典確實先行於此,使自由意志此後得與之合作。然而其方式乃是:那由恩典獨自開始的,同樣由二者一同成全,使它們交融地做工,而非各自分開地做工;」
Receive therefore, as a token of mutual love, the things I have said thus far; and I foretell to you that, just as you flourish in age and in studies, so also in that same age, being mature, you shall gather the most abundant fruits of your studies. Farewell. 1. Two things Quesnel noted in chapter 1 of this sermon. First, to these words of the holy pontiff, 'Thus has the hand of our Author fashioned us, that with his Maker even he who is restored may work,' he subjoined this remark: 'It helps to explain these words by the words of Saint Bernard in his book On Grace and Free Will, chapter 14: To this indeed grace goes before, that thenceforth free will may cooperate with it. Yet in such a way that what has been begun by grace alone is equally brought to perfection by both, so that they work intermingled, not separately;'
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simul, non vicissim, per singulos profectus operentur, non partim gratia, partim liberum arbitrium; sed totum singula opere individuo peragunt. Totum quidem hoc, et totum illa; sed ut totum in illoc. sic totum ex illa." Hæc satis bene. 2. Porro in illa Auctoris verba: Gratiæ igitur Dei inobedientia se humana non subtrahat; nec ab illo bono, sine quo non potest bona esse, deficiat: ac si quid sibi impossibile aut arduum in mandatorum effectibus ex- peritur non in se remaneat, sed ad jubentem recurrat, qui ideo dat præceptum, at excicet desiderium, et præstet auxilium, in hæc, inquam, verba Quesnellus ejusmodi postillam in margine apposuit: Dei man data impossibilia homini in seremanenti.
「一同,而非輪流,藉每一次進步做工,並非部分是恩典、部分是自由意志;而是各自以不可分割的工作成就全部。這全部確實既屬此,也屬彼;但如全部在彼者之中,故全部亦出於此者。」這說得甚好。二、再者,對於作者這些話:「故人的悖逆不當使自己脫離神的恩典;也不當離棄那善,離了它便不能為善;若它在遵行誡命中感到有任何對自己不可能或艱難之事,不當停留於自身,而當求助於那發令者,就是那賜下誡命、以激起渴望並供給幫助者」——我說,對於這些話,克內爾在頁邊附加了這樣一則旁註:「神的誡命對停留於自身的人而言是不可能的。」
'together, not by turns, through each advance they work, not partly grace and partly free will; but each accomplishes the whole by an undivided work. The whole indeed both this and the whole that; but as the whole is in the latter, so the whole is from the former.' This is well enough said. 2. Further, upon those words of the Author: 'Let not human disobedience withdraw itself from the grace of God; nor let it fail from that good, without which it cannot be good; and if it experiences anything impossible or arduous to itself in the carrying out of the commandments, let it not remain in itself, but have recourse to Him who commands, who therefore gives the precept, that He may arouse desire and furnish aid'—upon these words, I say, Quesnel appended in the margin this postil of the following kind: 'The commandments of God impossible to a man remaining in himself.'
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Hanc tamen sententiam recitata Leonis verba proprie et generatim non exibent. Neque enim de omnibus mandatis, seu potius, ut ait, mandatorum effectibus generatim pronuntiat. Illa vero non in se remaneat eo tantum consilio proprie dictat liquet ut homines moneantur, ne in rebus quas impossibiles aut arduas experiuntur sibi fidant, sed ad Deum jubentem recurrant: quibus cum indicetur modus obtinendi divinum auxilium, quo mandata rerum quoque perdifficilium, seu, ut videntur, impossibilium impleantur, ejus impossibilitas mandatorum proprie dicta excluditur. 3.
然而所引良的話語,就其本義與一般而言,並未呈現此種見解。因為他並非就一切誡命,或更確切地說(如他所言)就「誡命之遵行」一般地作出宣告。而「不當停留於自身」這句話,他之所以本義地說出,其唯一用意顯然是要人受勸誡:在他們所經歷為不可能或艱難之事上不要倚靠自己,而要求助於發令的神。既然向他們指明了獲取神助的方式,藉此連最艱難之事——或如其所似的、不可能之事——的誡命也能得以成全,那麼本義上所謂誡命的不可能性便被排除。三、
Yet the cited words of Leo do not, properly and generally, exhibit this opinion. For he does not pronounce generally concerning all commandments, or rather, as he says, concerning 'the carrying out of the commandments.' But that phrase 'let it not remain in itself' he properly dictates with this counsel alone, evidently that men may be admonished not to trust in themselves in the matters which they experience as impossible or arduous, but to have recourse to God who commands. And since to them is indicated the manner of obtaining the divine aid by which the commandments even of the most difficult things—or, as they seem, impossible things—may be fulfilled, the properly-so-called impossibility of the commandments is excluded. 3.
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Hac occasione duo alia ejusdem Quesnelli loca in serm.90 considerare juvat, quibus ille in impos sibilitate præceptorum igrerenda sollicitus, quantum a Leonis sententia absit, apertius agnoscetur. Scripsit S. pontifex in eo serm. 90, c. 2: Et ne us que ad inertem desidiam desperatione ducamur, quæ impossibilia sunt homini ex imbecillitate propria, possibilia spondet (Dominus) ex vitute divina. Nihil sanius et verius. At Quesnellus in margine: Præcepta sine gratia impossibilia; et in synopsi capitis secundi: Nihil sine gratia Christi etiam regeneratis possibilite.
藉此機會,考察同一克內爾在第九十篇講道中另外兩段話是有益的,藉此便可更明白地看出,他在急於引入誡命的不可能性時,離良的見解有多遠。這位聖教宗在該第九十篇講道第二章中寫道:「免得我們因絕望而被引入怠惰的懶散,凡因人自身軟弱而對人不可能之事,主應許藉神的大能使其成為可能。」再沒有比這更健全、更真確的了。但克內爾在頁邊註:「無恩典則誡命不可能」;並在第二章的摘要中:「若無基督的恩典,即使對已重生者亦無事可能。」
On this occasion it is useful to consider two other passages of the same Quesnel in sermon 90, by which he, anxious to bring in the impossibility of the precepts, will be more openly recognized as to how far he is from Leo's opinion. The holy pontiff wrote in that sermon 90, chapter 2: 'And lest we be led even to slothful idleness by despair, the things that are impossible to man through his own weakness, He (the Lord) promises to be possible through the divine power.' Nothing is sounder or truer. But Quesnel in the margin: 'The precepts without grace are impossible'; and in the synopsis of the second chapter: 'Nothing is possible without the grace of Christ, even to the regenerate.'
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Viden, latum inter Leonis et Quesnulli verba discri- men ?Quesnellus sine Dei gratia generalem impossi bilitatem affirmat, eamque imponit ipsis præceptis; ac ita affirmat, ut (si propositio non sit de subjecto, quod numquam accidit) eam impossibilitatem etiam in regeneratis aliquando reperiri præsumat. Leo e contra nec recitatis verbis, nec toto contextu generalem impossibilitatem subindicat; nec illam, quam astruit, præceptis divinis, sed imbecillitati hominis ita attribuit, ut ex divino adjutorio superari queat. Hæc autem imbecillitatis, ut ita dicam, impossibilitas, non absolutam et veram impossibilitatem, sed difficultatem significat, quæ vulgata lecutione impossibilitas appellari solet:
你可看見良的話與克內爾的話之間相差何等之大?克內爾主張一種無神恩典即普遍存在的不可能性,並將其加諸誡命本身;而且他這樣主張,以致(除非命題不涉及主詞,而這絕不會發生)他假定這種不可能性有時甚至在已重生者身上也可尋見。良則相反,無論在所引的話中還是在整個上下文中,都未暗示普遍的不可能性;他也不將自己所主張的不可能性歸於神的誡命,而是歸於人的軟弱,其方式乃是使之能藉神助得以克服。而這所謂軟弱的不可能性,可以說並非指絕對而真實的不可能,而是指困難,這困難按通俗用法慣常被稱為不可能;
Do you see how wide a difference lies between the words of Leo and of Quesnel? Quesnel affirms a general impossibility without the grace of God, and imposes it upon the precepts themselves; and he affirms it in such a way that (if the proposition be not about a subject, which never happens) he presumes that impossibility to be found sometimes even in the regenerate. Leo, on the contrary, neither in the cited words nor in the whole context intimates a general impossibility; nor does he attribute the impossibility which he does assert to the divine precepts, but to the weakness of man, in such a way that it can be overcome by the divine help. But this impossibility of weakness, so to speak, signifies not an absolute and true impossibility, but a difficulty, which by common usage is wont to be called impossibility;
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Unde S. pontifex textu alle gato ex ser. 43, impossibile aut arduum veluti synonyma adhibuit; et serm. 94, c. aut 2. inquiens. Cum videtur esse difficile quod jubeo, appellavit 480 difficile, quod alibi impossibile dixerat. 4. Aliunde vero Dei præcepta ita possibilia indicavit, ut iisdem tribuerit excitare hominem ad petendum auxilium, quod si petatur, obtinebitur; si vero non petatur ac desit, impossibilitas erit voluntaria, quæ male ascribentur præceptis, nec idoneam excusationem afferet; unde scripsit serm. 49, cap. 4: Ideo enim datur præceptum, ut præcipientis quæratur auxilium. Nec se quisquam per occasionem infirmatatis excuset, cum qui præstitit velle, donet et posse. Hinc jure S.
故這位聖教宗在所引第四十三篇講道的經文中,將「不可能」與「艱難」用作同義詞;並在第九十四篇講道第二章中說「當我所命之事似為困難時」,他把在別處稱為「不可能」的稱作「困難」。四、另一方面,他指出神的誡命為可能,其方式乃是賦予誡命一種力量,去激動人祈求幫助,這幫助若被祈求便必得著;但若不祈求而致缺乏,則那不可能性便是出於自願的,而這被誤歸於誡命,也不能提供合宜的藉口;故他在第四十九篇講道第四章中寫道:「賜下誡命正是為此緣故:使人尋求那發令者的幫助。也不要有人以軟弱為由為自己開脫,因為那賜下意願者,也賜下能力。」因此聖
whence the holy pontiff, in the cited text from sermon 43, employed 'impossible' and 'arduous' as synonyms; and in sermon 94, chapter 2, saying, 'When that which I command seems to be difficult,' he called 'difficult' what elsewhere he had said to be 'impossible.' 4. On the other hand, he indicated the precepts of God to be possible in such a way that he attributed to them the power to rouse a man to ask for help, which, if it be asked, will be obtained; but if it be not asked and be lacking, the impossibility will be voluntary, which is wrongly ascribed to the precepts, nor will it furnish a fitting excuse; whence he wrote in sermon 49, chapter 4: 'For the precept is given for this reason, that the help of Him who commands may be sought. Nor let anyone excuse himself under the occasion of infirmity, since He who granted the willing gives also the being able.' Hence rightly Saint
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Thomas. quæst. 24, de Veritate, a. 74, postquam in responsione ad 1 docuit: Illud quod præcepit Deus non est impossibile homini ad servandum, hæc addidit in resp. ad 2: Recte homo corripitur, qui præcepta non implet; quia ex ejus negligentia est quod gratiam non habeat, per quam potest mandata servare. 5. Observamus præterea, Leonem, serm. 43, loqui de omnibus justis, quibus illa congruunt: Nec ab illo bono, sine quo non potest bona esse, deficiat. De regeneratis etiam ac justis, verba facere serm. 90, ex cap. 1, colligi potest. Porro nulla mandata homini, præsertim justo esse impossibilia Auctor aperte tradit, serm. 18, c.
多瑪斯在《論真理》第二十四題第七十四條中,於答第一異議時教導:「神所命之事對人而言並非不可能遵守」,又於答第二異議時補充道:「不遵行誡命之人受責備乃是正當的;因為他之所以沒有那能使他遵守誡命的恩典,是出於他自身的疏忽。」五、我們此外注意到,良在第四十三篇講道中所論的是一切義人,那些話對他們是合宜的:「也不當離棄那善,離了它便不能為善。」他論及已重生者與義人,這也可從第九十篇講道第一章中推知。再者,作者在第十八篇講道第「一」章中明白地教導:對人、尤其對義人,沒有任何誡命是不可能的,
Thomas, in question 24 of On Truth, article 74, after having taught in the response to the first objection: 'That which God has commanded is not impossible for man to keep,' added this in the response to the second: 'Rightly is a man rebuked who does not fulfill the precepts; because it is from his negligence that he does not have the grace by which he can keep the commandments.' 5. We observe moreover that Leo, in sermon 43, is speaking of all the just, to whom those words are fitting: 'Nor let it fail from that good, without which it cannot be good.' That he speaks of the regenerate and the just can also be gathered from sermon 90, from chapter 1. Furthermore, the Author openly delivers that no commandments are impossible to man, especially to the just man, in sermon 18, chapter
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1, ubi de hominis natura jam redempta, et sacro baptismate jam renata scribit: Corrumperetur carnalidesiderio, nisi spirituati muniretur auxilio: quis sicut illi mumquam deest unde corruat, ita SEMPER præsto est unde subsistat, dicente Apostolo: Fidelis enim Deus, qui vos non patietur tentari supra id quod potestis, sed faciet proventum, ut possitis sustinere. Ad hæc Quesnellus in marginati postilla: Quid sit anima etiam regenerata sinc Dei auxilio? Non scripsit quid esset, sed quid sit; ac si uliqua anima jam regenerata, ac propterea justa, ex Leonis sententia careat aliquando auxilio Dei; cum tamen ille testetur: Semper præsto est unde subsistat.
他在那裡論及人已蒙救贖、已藉聖洗重生的本性寫道:「它本會被肉體的私慾所敗壞,若非有屬靈的幫助加以護衛;故正如它從不缺乏可使它跌倒之物,同樣它也總是有可使它站立穩固之物近在手邊,正如使徒所說:因為神是信實的,必不叫你們受試探過於所能受的,而在受試探時總要給你們開一條出路,叫你們能忍受得住。」對於這些話,克內爾在頁邊旁註道:「一個靈魂,即使已重生,若無神的幫助,是什麼呢?」他寫的不是「它曾是什麼」,而是「它現是什麼」;彷彿按良的見解,某個已重生、因而為義的靈魂,有時竟缺乏神的幫助;然而良卻見證道:「它總是有可使它站立穩固之物近在手邊。」
1, where he writes concerning the nature of man now redeemed and now reborn by holy baptism: 'It would be corrupted by carnal desire, unless it were fortified by spiritual help; and so, just as there is never lacking to it that whereby it may fall, so there is ALWAYS at hand that whereby it may stand fast, the Apostle saying: For God is faithful, who will not suffer you to be tempted above that which you are able, but will make with the temptation a way of escape, that you may be able to bear it.' To these words Quesnel, in a marginal postil: 'What is a soul, even regenerate, without the help of God?' He wrote not 'what it was,' but 'what it is'; as if some soul already regenerate, and therefore just, according to Leo's opinion, sometimes lacks the help of God; whereas he testifies: 'There is always at hand that whereby it may stand fast.'
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Huic igitur homini Leo impossibilia affirmare non potuit, serm. 43, divina mandata, cum hæc impossibilitas a divino illo auxilio, quod ei semper præsto esse docuit, eliminetur. Hinc S. pontifex aperte adversatur propositioni primæ Jansenii, qua impossibilia traduntur etiam justis hominibus divina mandata, ac deesse iliis gratiam qua possibilia fiant. Cum Leo tradit illis semper præsto esse unde subsistant, gratiam utique eisdem aliquam semper adesse cognovit, qua vel facerent qaod possent vel peterent quod non possent, ut post Augustinum (Lib. de Nat. et Gr. c. 43) Tridentina synodus (Sess. 6, c. 11) docuit: unde in difficilioribus casibus orationis remedium S. pontifex et in hoc serm.
故對這樣的人,良在第四十三篇講道中不能斷言神的誡命是不可能的,因為這不可能性已被他所教導、總是為此人近在手邊的那神助所消除。因此這位聖教宗明白地反對楊森的第一命題,該命題主張神的誡命對義人亦不可能,並主張他們缺乏能使誡命成為可能的恩典。既然良教導說,總有可使他們站立穩固之物近在他們手邊,他便確實承認:總有某種恩典時常臨在他們身上,藉此他們或能行所能行的,或能求所不能行的——正如繼奧斯定(在《論本性與恩典》第四十三章)之後,特倫特大公會議(第六會期第十一章)所教導的。故在較艱難的情況中,這位聖教宗屢屢提出祈禱的良方,既在本篇講道
To this man, therefore, Leo could not affirm the divine commandments to be impossible, in sermon 43, since this impossibility is eliminated by that divine help which he taught to be always at hand for him. Hence the holy pontiff openly opposes the first proposition of Jansen, by which the divine commandments are handed down as impossible even to just men, and grace as lacking to them whereby they might become possible. Since Leo delivers that there is always at hand for them that whereby they may stand fast, he certainly acknowledged that some grace is always present to them, by which they might either do what they could, or ask for what they could not—as, after Augustine (in the book On Nature and Grace, chapter 43), the Synod of Trent (Session 6, chapter 11) taught. Whence in the more difficult cases the holy pontiff frequently suggested the remedy of prayer, both in this sermon
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43 et alibi, uti monuimus, frequenter suggessit. Vide quam belle concinat cum doctrina catholica, et quam a Janse niana dissentiat. 6. Quesnellus itaque, omissa ea postilla, quam af fixit cap. 1 serm, 43, aliam Leonis sententiæ magis congruentem melius substituisset ad ea recitati testimonii verba: Gratiæ igitur Dei obedientia se humana non subtrahat; 481 nimirum hanc, Gratiæ Dei non substrahatur obedientia: quæ propositio cum eam posse subtrahi et reipsa subtrahi aliquando præsumat, opponitur tertiæ propositioni Jansenianæ, nec non decimæ quintæ Quesnellianæ damnatæ in constitutione Unigenitus, quæ ab interiori gratia numquam humanam obedientiam se subtrahere palam insinuat.
及別處,一如我們所提示。試看它與公教教義何等美妙地相合,又與楊森派何等地相異。六、故克內爾若略去他附於第四十三篇講道第一章的那則旁註,本可為所引證言那些話「勿使人的順服脫離神的恩典」代之以另一則更合乎良見解者,即:「勿使順服自神的恩典中被抽離」;此命題既假定順服能被抽離、且有時實際被抽離,便與第三條楊森派命題相對立,也與《獨生子》憲章中所定罪的第十五條克內爾派命題相對立,那命題公然暗示人的順服從不使自己脫離內在的恩典。
43 and elsewhere, as we have advised. See how beautifully it harmonizes with Catholic doctrine, and how it dissents from the Jansenian. 6. Quesnel, therefore, having omitted that postil which he affixed to chapter 1 of sermon 43, would better have substituted another more congruent with Leo's opinion for those words of the cited testimony: 'Let not human obedience withdraw itself from the grace of God'; namely this: 'Let obedience not be withdrawn from the grace of God'; which proposition, since it presumes that it can be withdrawn and is sometimes in fact withdrawn, is opposed to the third Jansenian proposition, and also to the fifteenth Quesnelian, condemned in the constitution Unigenitus, which openly insinuates that human obedience never withdraws itself from interior grace.
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Quando Deus mandatum suum, et suam æternam locutionem comitatur unctione sui spiritus, et interiori vi gratiæ, operatur illa in corde obedientiam quam petit. 1. In hæc verba Leonis c. 1: Inter profectuum gradus nullus est qui non semper melior esse debeat, ita Quesnellus annotavit. « Idem habet in serm, 11de Quadragesima cap. 1: Nemo, inquit, tam sanctus est, ut non sanctior; nemo tam devotus, ut non debeat esse devotior. Peccat ergo qui ad majorem semper justitiam non tendit. Peccatum est enim, inquit Augustinus, cum vel non est charitas quæ esse debet, vel minor est quam debet (De Perf. justiitiæ, c. 6 et seq. ).
「當神以其聖神的傅油與恩典內在的力量伴隨祂的誡命與祂永恆的言語時,祂便在人心中做成祂所要求的那順服。」一、對於良在第一章中的這些話:「在進步的各等級中,沒有一級是不當總是更好的」,克內爾如此註道:「同樣的話他在《論四旬期》第十一篇講道第一章中也有:他說,沒有人聖潔到不當更聖潔的地步;沒有人虔敬到不當更虔敬的地步。故凡不常向更大的義努力的人,便是犯罪。因為奧斯定說,當應有的愛德或不存在、或少於所當有的,便是罪(《論義德的完全》第六章及以下)。」
'When God accompanies His commandment and His eternal utterance with the unction of His Spirit and the interior force of grace, He works in the heart that obedience which He asks.' 1. Upon these words of Leo in chapter 1: 'Among the degrees of progress there is none that ought not always to be better,' Quesnel annotated thus: 'The same he has in sermon 11 On Lent, chapter 1: No one, he says, is so holy that he ought not to be holier; no one so devout that he ought not to be more devout. He sins, therefore, who does not always strive toward greater righteousness. For it is a sin, says Augustine, when either there is not the charity which ought to be, or it is less than it ought to be (On the Perfection of Righteousness, chapter 6 and following).'
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Immo culpabilis est quisquis Deum ex tota anima non diligit, quem ita diligere jubetur, et quisquis concupiscit quod concupiscere prohibetur. Non tamen imputat his qui fideliter ei dicunt: Dimitte nobis debita nostra, sicut et nos dimittimus debitoribus nostris. Quod quisquis orandum sibi non esse patat, seipsum Christianum non esse profitetur. Quamdiu enim hic vivimus, est adhuc aliquid carnalis concupiscentiæ quod vel continendo frenetur, donec fiat perfecta justitia tamquam sanitas plena: tunc autem plena sanitas quando plena charitas; tunc plena charitas, quando videbimus eum sicuti est » Hæc ille. 2.
「實在,凡不全心愛神——他既被命令如此去愛神——之人,以及凡貪戀他所被禁止貪戀之物之人,都是有罪的。然而神並不將這些歸咎於那些忠信地向祂說:『免我們的債,如同我們免了人的債』之人。而凡自以為不需如此祈禱之人,便是自認並非基督徒。因為只要我們還活在此世,就仍有某種肉體的私慾,它至少藉節制得以約束,直到完全的義得以成就,如同圓滿的健康:而圓滿的健康,乃在圓滿的愛德之時;圓滿的愛德,乃在我們要見祂本相之時。」他如此說。二、
'Indeed, culpable is whoever does not love God with his whole soul, whom he is commanded so to love, and whoever covets what he is forbidden to covet. Yet He does not impute these things to those who faithfully say to Him: Forgive us our debts, as we also forgive our debtors. And whoever thinks he need not pray this, professes himself to be no Christian. For as long as we live here, there is still something of carnal concupiscence which is at least bridled by continence, until perfect righteousness be made like unto full health: but then full health, when full charity; then full charity, when we shall see Him as He is.' Thus he. 2.
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Præter charitatis præceptum, quod ipsius charitatis et justitiæ augmentum requirit, ut S. Thomas docuit in 3 Sent. disi. 29, q. 1, a. 8, quæst. 2, magis obviam et expeditiorem viam aperit ipse Leo, qui tum in præsenti sermone 6 de Nativitate Domini, tum in serm. 11 quem Quesnellus laudavit, hoc augendæ Christianæ justitiæ debitum cum tentationibus et concupiscentiis cuivis etiam sancto undequaque insidiantibus ita conjungit, ac si alterum ab altero pendeat.
除了愛德的誡命——它要求愛德與義本身的增長,正如聖多瑪斯在《箴言四書》第二十九題第一節第八條第二問中所教導——良自己更開闢了一條更明顯、更便捷之路,他無論在本篇《論主降生》第六篇講道中,還是在克內爾所讚許的第十一篇講道中,都將這增進基督徒之義的責任,與那四面環伺、甚至暗算任何聖者的試探及私慾如此聯繫在一起,彷彿此者依賴於彼者。
Besides the precept of charity, which requires an increase of charity and righteousness itself, as Saint Thomas taught in the third book of the Sentences, distinction 29, question 1, article 8, question 2, Leo himself opens a more obvious and more expeditious way, who, both in the present sermon 6 On the Nativity of the Lord and in sermon 11 which Quesnel praised, so joins this obligation of increasing Christian righteousness with the temptations and concupiscences that on all sides beset even any holy person, as if the one depended upon the other.
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Enim vero certum est præceptum dilectionis Dei, cum postulat ut a peccatis vel levioribus caveamus, tum vero etiam exigere ut resistamus concupiscentiis ac tentationibus quæ ad peccandum exstimulant, In hac autem quitidiana resistentia, quam quilibet etiam sanctus adhibere debet, plures virtutum actus ac præsertim charitas exercenda erit; sicque Christianæ justitiæ semper augendæ occasio ac debitum exstat.
因為愛神的誡命,當它要求我們連較輕微的罪也要防備時,確實同時也要求我們抵抗那些煽動我們犯罪的私慾與試探。而在這日常的抵抗中——任何人、即使是聖者也當操練——必須實行諸多德行的行為,尤其是愛德;如此,基督徒之義始終要增長的機會與責任便長存不衰。
For indeed it is certain that the precept of the love of God, when it demands that we beware even of the lighter sins, then also requires that we resist the concupiscences and temptations which incite us to sin. And in this daily resistance, which anyone even holy ought to exercise, many acts of the virtues, and especially charity, will have to be practiced; and thus there stands ever an occasion and an obligation for Christian righteousness always to be increased.
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Sicut autem nunquam in hac vita penitus auferentur tentationes et concupiscentiæ, 482 ita numquam cessandum erit a resistendo iisdem, ac per consequens a crescendo in justitia de die in diem, donec ad eam æternam vitam perveniamus, in qua tentationes nullæ erunt, nullæ concupiscentiæ quibus resistatur; ac propterea in hac vita inter profentuum gradus, ut ait Leo, nullus est qui non semper melior esse debeat. 1. Memorato S. Leonis testimonio hanc annota tionem Quesnellus subjecit: « Doctrina ex Augustini pincipiis hausta, immo ex ipsius fidei principiis.
但正如在此生中試探與私慾永不會被完全除去,同樣也永不會停止抵抗它們,因而永不會停止日復一日地在義中長進,直到我們抵達那永生,在其中將沒有試探、沒有當抵抗的私慾;故在此生中,正如良所說,在進步的各等級中,沒有一級是不當總是更好的。一、對於上述聖良的證言,克內爾附加了這則註釋:「這是取自奧斯定原理的教義,不,是取自信德本身原理的教義。」
But just as the temptations and concupiscences will never be wholly taken away in this life, so there will never be a ceasing from resisting them, and consequently from growing in righteousness from day to day, until we arrive at that eternal life, in which there will be no temptations, no concupiscences to be resisted; and therefore in this life, among the degrees of progress, as Leo says, there is none that ought not always to be better. 1. To the aforementioned testimony of Saint Leo, Quesnel subjoined this annotation: 'A doctrine drawn from the principles of Augustine, nay, from the very principles of the faith.'
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Nam cum nemo possit præceptis Dei, ut oportet, obedire sine charitate, et inter Dei præcepta non postremum sit credendi præceptum, manifestum est scite dictum a Leone, quod sine dilectione non creditur. Unus Augustini locus instar omnium erit, ut utriusque per sensus et doctrina intelligatur. Igitur lib. de Dono perseverantiæ cap. 16: Prævenit ergo et fidem gratia, inquit, alioquin si fides eam prævenit, procul dubio prævenit et voluntas: quoniam fides sine voluntate non potest esse. Si autem gratia prævenit fidem, quoniam prævenit voluntatem, profecto prævenit omnem obedientiam, prævenit etiam charitatem, qua una Deo veraciter et suaviter obeditur.
「因為既然無人能如所當地在沒有愛德的情況下服從神的誡命,而在神的誡命中,信的誡命並非最微者,那麼良所說『無愛便不信』一語顯然是恰當的。奧斯定的一段話可抵得上一切,使二者的意義與教義都可明白。故他在《論恆忍之恩》第十六章中說:故恩典甚至先行於信;不然,若信先行於恩典,則意志無疑也先行於恩典,因為信不能沒有意志而存在。但若恩典先行於信,因它先行於意志,則它確實先行於一切順服,也先行於愛德,唯獨藉這愛德,人才真實而甘甜地順服神。」
'For since no one can, as he ought, obey the precepts of God without charity, and among the precepts of God the precept of believing is not the least, it is manifest that it was aptly said by Leo, that without love one does not believe. One passage of Augustine will stand in place of all, that the meaning and doctrine of both may be understood. Therefore, in the book On the Gift of Perseverance, chapter 16, he says: Grace therefore precedes even faith; otherwise, if faith precedes it, without doubt the will also precedes it, since faith cannot exist without the will. But if grace precedes faith, because it precedes the will, assuredly it precedes all obedience, it precedes also charity, by which alone God is truly and sweetly obeyed.'
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Et hæc omnia gratia in eo cui datur, et cujus omnia prævenit operaturHactenus Quesnellus. 2. Tota autem hujus Quesnellianæ annotationis vis in eo sita est, ideo S. Leonem affirmasse, Sine dilectione non creditur, quia sicut aliis præceptis, ita etiam præcepto fidei nemo potest, ut oportet, obedire sine charitate: qua una, ut Augustinus loquitur, Deo veraciter et suaviter obeditur; et idcirco Leonis doctrinam ex Augustini principiis haustam tradidit. Hic autem cavendum est ne hujusmodi locutio eo sensu accipiatur quem refert Quesnelli propositio 47 pro accipiatur quem refert Quesnelli propositio 47 proscripta in constitutione Unigenitus, nimirum:
「而恩典在那蒙賜恩之人身上、並在它所先行一切之人身上,做成這一切。」克內爾如此說。二、但這則克內爾派註釋的全部力量在於此:聖良之所以主張「無愛便不信」,其理由乃是:正如對其他誡命一樣,對信的誡命,若無愛德,亦無人能如所當地服從——唯獨藉這愛德,如奧斯定所說,人才真實而甘甜地順服神;因此他把良的教義說成是取自奧斯定的原理。但此處須當防備,免得這類措辭被按照克內爾第四十七命題所提出、且在《獨生子》憲章中被禁絕的意義來理解,即:
'And all these things grace works in him to whom it is given, and whose all these things it precedes.' Thus far Quesnel. 2. But the whole force of this Quesnelian annotation lies in this: that Saint Leo affirmed 'without love one does not believe' for the reason that, just as with the other precepts, so also with the precept of faith no one can, as he ought, obey without charity—by which alone, as Augustine says, God is truly and sweetly obeyed; and therefore he delivered Leo's doctrine as drawn from the principles of Augustine. But here one must beware lest a locution of this kind be taken in the sense which Quesnel's proposition 47, proscribed in the constitution Unigenitus, sets forth, namely:
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Obedientia legis profluere debet ex fonte, et hic fons est charitas. Quando Dei amor est illius principium interius, et Dei gloria ejus finis; tunc purum est quod apparet exterius: alioquin non est nisi hypocrisis, aut falsa justitia; quæ conveniunt cum propositione 17 a S. Pio V condemnata inter Baianas: Non est vera legis obedientia, quæ fit sine charitate. Et in defensionem quidem propositionis 47 Quesnellianæ Augustini testimonium ex libro de Dono persev. c. 16 in Hexaplis Quesnellianis inculcatum, ac prave explicatum, aut potius contortum legimus. Cum enim S.
「律法的順服當出自一個源頭,而這源頭就是愛德。當神的愛是其內在的原則、神的榮耀是其目的時,那顯於外者便是純潔的;不然便無非是假冒為善,或虛假的義」——這與聖庇護五世在百烏斯諸命題中所定罪的第十七命題相合:「凡無愛德而行的,便無律法的真順服。」而事實上,為辯護第四十七條克內爾派命題,我們讀到取自《論恆忍之恩》第十六章的奧斯定證言,在《克內爾六重對照》中被強加援引,並被扭曲地解釋,或更確切地說,被歪曲。因為當這位聖
'The obedience of the law ought to flow from a source, and this source is charity. When the love of God is its interior principle, and the glory of God its end, then that which appears exteriorly is pure; otherwise it is nothing but hypocrisy, or false righteousness'—which agree with proposition 17, condemned by Saint Pius V among the Baian propositions: 'There is no true obedience of the law which is done without charity.' And indeed, in defense of the 47th Quesnelian proposition, we read Augustine's testimony from the book On the Gift of Perseverance, chapter 16, urged in the Quesnelian Hexapla, and depravedly explained, or rather distorted. For when the holy
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doctor una charitate veraciter obedire dixerit, illi exinde intulerunt sine charitate non obediri veraciter, sed per fallaciam, 483 qua omnis ejusmodi obedientia non vera sit obedientia legis, sed ad hypocrisim falsamque justitiam referenda sit. 3.Si hoc tam pravo atque proscripto sensu atque consilio Quesnellus eam annotationem subjecit, si gnificare voluisset ea Leonis verba, sine dilectione non creditur, in eam sententiam esse accipienda, quod fides, quæ sine charitate in peccatoribus reperitur, vera fides non sit, qua præcepto fidei veraciter obeditur:
博士說唯獨藉愛德人才真實地順服,他們便由此推斷:無愛德便不真實地順服,而是藉欺騙而順服,據此凡這類順服都不是律法的真順服,而當歸於假冒為善與虛假的義。三、克內爾若是按這般墮落且被禁絕的意義與意圖附加那則註釋,若他曾想使良那些話「無愛便不信」表示應按這樣的見解來理解:即在罪人身上不帶愛德而存在的信不是真信,不是那真實地服從信之誡命的信:
doctor said that by charity alone one truly obeys, they thence inferred that without charity one does not truly obey, but by deceit, whereby all obedience of this kind is not true obedience of the law, but is to be referred to hypocrisy and false righteousness. 3. If Quesnel subjoined that annotation in this so depraved and proscribed sense and intention, if he had wished those words of Leo, 'without love one does not believe,' to signify that they are to be taken in this opinion: that the faith which is found without charity in sinners is not true faith, by which the precept of faith is truly obeyed:
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cui quidem sententiæ affines sunt propositiones 52 et 58 damnatæ in constitutione memorata, quibus fidem et religionem veram sine amore et charitate haud quaquam consistere Quesnellus asseruit. Quod doctrinæ monstrum expresse quoad fidem jamdiu ante prædamnaverat Tridentina synodus sess. 6, c. 28: Si quis dixerit... fidem, quæ remanet ( in peccatore) non esse veram fidem, licet non sit viva; aut eum qui fidem sine charitate habet non esse Christia num, anathema sit. Unde etiam proscripta est ab Alexandro VIII prop. 12: Quando in magnis peccatoribus deficit amor, deficit etiam fides; et etiamsi videantur credere, non est fides divina, sed humana. 5.
其實,該憲章中所定罪的第五十二與第五十八命題與這見解相近,克內爾藉此二命題主張:信與真宗教絕不能離了愛與愛德而存在。這教義的怪物,就信而言,特倫特大公會議早已明白地預先定罪,第六會期第二十八條:「若有人說……那(在罪人身上)存留的信不是真信,儘管它並非活的;或說那有信而無愛德之人不是基督徒,該受絕罰。」故亞歷山大八世也禁絕了第十二命題:「當大罪人身上缺乏愛時,信也缺乏;縱使他們看似相信,那也不是屬神的信,而是屬人的信。」五、
to which opinion, indeed, propositions 52 and 58, condemned in the aforesaid constitution, are akin, by which Quesnel asserted that faith and true religion by no means subsist without love and charity. Which monster of doctrine, as regards faith, the Synod of Trent had expressly pre-condemned long before, Session 6, canon 28: 'If anyone shall say... that the faith which remains (in the sinner) is not true faith, though it be not living; or that he who has faith without charity is not a Christian, let him be anathema.' Whence also there was proscribed by Alexander VIII proposition 12: 'When love is lacking in great sinners, faith also is lacking; and even if they seem to believe, it is not divine faith, but human.' 5.
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Si separatim a contextu consideretur hæc propositio: Sine dilectione non creditur, suspicari quispiam poterit S. pontificem latu sensu dilectionis nomen sumpisse, nimirum nin de charitate solum, sed de qualibet dilectione, ita ut etiam illa involvatur, qua quicumque credit saltem veritatem et fidem ipsam aliquatenus diligit. At sicuti ex contextu, a quo genuinus verborum sensus semper est colligendus, palam fit S. Leonem dilectionis nomine eam charitatem intelligere quæ fructum æternum pariat, ita nomine fidei vivam fidem intelligit, quæ una cum charitate conferat ad videndum et promerendum Deum.
這命題「無愛便不信」,若脫離其上下文單獨考量,或許有人會懷疑這位聖教宗是在寬泛的意義上取用「愛」之名——即不僅指愛德,而是指任何一種愛,以致連那種愛也包括在內,藉此愛,凡相信之人至少在某程度上愛真理與信本身。但正如從上下文——話語的真義始終當從中推得——可清楚看出,聖良以「愛」之名所指的乃是那結出永恆果實的愛德,同樣他以「信」之名所指的乃是活的信,這信與愛德一同有助於看見並配得神。
If this proposition, 'Without love one does not believe,' be considered separately from its context, someone might suspect that the holy pontiff took the name of 'love' in a broad sense—that is, not of charity alone, but of any love whatsoever, so that even that love is involved by which whoever believes at least in some measure loves the truth and faith itself. But just as from the context, from which the genuine sense of the words is always to be gathered, it becomes plain that Saint Leo understands by the name of 'love' that charity which brings forth eternal fruit, so by the name of 'faith' he understands living faith, which together with charity contributes to seeing and meriting God.
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Enimvero in capite ejus sermonis secundo, cui laudata verba inseruntur, jam ab initio sibi exponendum proposuerat, per cujusmodi vias nobis sit ad Dei promissa tendendum, nimirum ad æternam gloriam. Duas mox vias subjicit ex secra Scriptura, videlicet misericordiæ et veritatis, et has monet non esse divisas, cum utraque virtus connexa esse debeat, ut ad eum finem tendamus. Mox transit ad finem et charitatem, et harum pariter virtutum nexum ad eumdem finem necessarium affirmat; unde subdit: 484 Tunc verum nomen, et verus est frunctus (nimirum æternus) ambarum, cum insolubilis utriusque manet connexio. Et hanc quidem connexionem in eum finem omnino necessariam explicaturus statim addit:
因為在那篇講道——所讚許的話語即插入其中——的第二章裡,他從一開始便已為自己定下要闡明的:我們當藉由何種道路奔向神的應許,即奔向永恆的榮耀。他隨即從聖經中引出兩條道路,即憐憫與真理,並警戒這兩者不可分割,因為這兩種德行當彼此相連,好使我們奔向那目的。他隨即轉到目的與愛德,並肯定這些德行的相連對同一目的同樣是必要的;故他補充道:「唯有當兩者不可分解的相連得以存留時,二者之名才為真,二者之果(即永恆之果)才為真。」而他確實,正要闡明這相連對那目的乃是全然必要的,便立即補充道:
For indeed, in the second chapter of that sermon, into which the praised words are inserted, he had already from the beginning proposed to himself to set forth by what kind of ways we ought to strive toward God's promises, namely toward eternal glory. He soon subjoins two ways from sacred Scripture, namely of mercy and of truth, and warns that these are not divided, since each virtue ought to be connected, that we may strive toward that end. Soon he passes to the end and to charity, and affirms the connection of these virtues likewise to be necessary for the same end; whence he adds: 'Then is the name true, and true the fruit (namely, eternal) of both, when the indissoluble connection of each remains.' And indeed, about to explain this connection as altogether necessary for that end, he immediately adds:
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Ubi enim non simul fuerint, simul desunt, quia (notetur ratio quæ beatitudinis finem proponit) invicem sibi et juvemen et lumen sunt: donec desiderium credulitatis impleat remuneratio visionis, et incommutabililer videatur et ametur, quod nunc et sine fide non diligitur, et sine dilectione non creditur, ut scilicet utiliter ad visionis remunerationem obtinendam credatur. Hanc connexionem et hunc finem apertius insinuant quæ statim subjiciuntur: Quia ergo, sicut Apostolus ait, in Christo Jesu neque circumcisio aliquid valet, neque præputium, sed fides quæ per dilectionem operatur, simul atque conjunctim et charitati studeamus et fidei.
因為凡不同時存在之處,也就一同缺失;因為(要注意這提出真福終向的理路)二者彼此互為扶助與光照:直到見面的賞報滿足信仰的渴慕,並使那如今若無信德便不被愛慕、若無愛德便不被相信之物得以不變地被瞻仰、被愛慕,也就是說,為著獲得瞻仰的賞報而有益地相信。緊接著所補上的話更明白地暗示了這種連結與這終向:「因為,正如使徒所說,在基督耶穌內,割損算不得什麼,未割損也算不得什麼,惟有藉愛德而運作的信德才有效」,所以讓我們同時且共同地既熱衷於愛德,也熱衷於信德。
For where they are not present together, together they are lacking; because (let the reasoning be noted, which sets forth the goal of blessedness) they are to one another both aid and light: until the reward of vision fulfils the desire of belief, and that be seen and loved unchangeably, which now is neither cherished without faith nor believed without love, namely so that it may be usefully believed in order to obtain the reward of vision. This connexion and this goal are more openly suggested by the words at once added: 'For since, as the Apostle says, in Christ Jesus neither circumcision avails anything, nor uncircumcision, but faith which works through love,' let us at one and the same time and conjointly be zealous both for charity and for faith.
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Hic est enim quidam efficacissimus et geminarum alarum volatus, quo ad promerendum et videndum Deum puritas mentis attollitur, ne oneri curarum carnalium deprimatur. Nam qui ait: Sine fide impossibile est placere Deo, idem dicit: Si habuero omnem fidem, ita ut montes transferam, charitatem autem non habuero, nihil sum, nimirum apud Deum, apud quem sine charitate nihil prodest ut ibidem Apostolus loquitur: ita enim S. pontifex serm. 2 de Jejunio Pentecostes c. 3 exposuit: Cum dicat Apostolus nul- las sibi virtutes sine charitate prodesse. Hinc rursum Leo cap. 3 sermonis 45 illud inseruit principium:
因為這正是一種極為有效、憑雙翼而作的飛翔,藉此心靈的純潔被提升,以配得瞻見天主,免得被肉體憂慮的重擔所壓垮。因為那說「沒有信德,就不可能悅樂天主」的,也說「我若有全備的信德,甚至能移山,卻沒有愛德,我就算不得什麼」——的確在天主面前算不得什麼,正如使徒在同處所言,在天主面前若無愛德,一切都無益。因為這位聖教宗在《五旬節齋戒》第二講第三章如此闡釋:「既然使徒說,若無愛德,任何德行對他都無益。」由此,良教宗又在第四十五講第三章插入了那一原則:
For this is a certain most efficacious flight upon twin wings, by which purity of mind is lifted up to merit and to see God, lest it be pressed down by the burden of carnal cares. For he who said, 'Without faith it is impossible to please God,' the same says, 'If I have all faith, so that I could remove mountains, but have not charity, I am nothing'—assuredly nothing before God, before whom without charity nothing profits, as the Apostle speaks in the same place. For thus the holy pontiff in Sermon 2 on the Fast of Pentecost, chapter 3, expounded: 'Since the Apostle says that no virtues profit him without charity.' Hence again Leo, in chapter 3 of Sermon 45, inserted that principle:
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Quod non ex fidei procedit fonte, ad præmia æterna non pervenit, ubi se loqui indicat de fide qua præmium æternum promeremur, quæ sine charitate esse non potest. Vides ergo quam probe omnia ad finem æternæ beatitudinis referantur. 6 Evidens tandem fiet non aliam nisi hanc esse posse Leoninæ mentis interpretationem ex serm. 4 de collectis c. 1, ubi satis innuit haberi in multis fidem sine charitate; at fidem ejusmodi a charitate disjunctam ad salutem seu præmium æternum nihil proficere. De multis enim Christianis verba faciens, Multis, inquit, quibus (diabolus) auferre non potuit fidem, sustutit charitatem;
「凡不從信德之泉源而發的,就不能達到永遠的賞報」——他在此表明,他所論的是我們藉以配得永賞的那信德,而這信德不能沒有愛德而存在。所以你看,一切事物是何等恰當地都歸向永遠真福這終向。第六:由《論斂捐》第四講第一章,終將顯明,除此以外,對良教宗心意再無別的解釋可能;他在那裡充分暗示,在許多人身上有無愛德的信德;但這種與愛德分離的信德,對於得救或永賞毫無裨益。因為他論及許多基督徒時說:「魔鬼從許多它無法奪去信德的人身上,取走了愛德;」
'That which does not proceed from the fount of faith does not attain to the eternal rewards'—where he shows that he is speaking of that faith by which we merit the eternal reward, which cannot exist without charity. You see therefore how properly all things are referred to the goal of eternal blessedness. 6. It will at length become evident that no other interpretation of Leo's mind than this is possible, from Sermon 4 on the Collections, chapter 1, where he sufficiently intimates that in many there is faith without charity; but that faith of this kind, disjoined from charity, avails nothing unto salvation or the eternal reward. For speaking of many Christians, he says: 'From many, whose faith the devil could not take away, he has removed charity;'
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et agro cordis ipsorum avaritiæ radicibus occupato, spoliavit fructu operum, quos non privavit fructu labiorum. Quid apertius? Hinc etiam serm. 10 de Quadrag. c. 3 fidem rectam, qua satis obeditur præcepto fidei, sine charitate stare posse, at non esse fructuosam ad futuram gloriam, si absque charitate sit, palam fatetur. Quamvis enim, inquit, magnum sit habere fidem rectam sanamque doctrinam, et multa laude digna sit circumcisio gulæ, lenitas mansuetudinis, puritas castitatis, nudæ tamen sunt omnes sine charitate virtutes, nec potest dici in qualibet morum excellentia fructuosum, quod non dilectionis partus ediderit. Hinc intelligentur illa serm. 18, c.
「並用貪婪的根霸佔了他們心田,剝奪了他們善行的果實,卻沒有奪去他們口舌的果實。」還有什麼比這更明白呢?由此,在《四旬期》第十講第三章,他也公開承認:藉以充分遵守信德誡命的正信,能在無愛德的情況下存立,但若沒有愛德,對將來的榮耀便無果效。他說:「因為,雖然持守正信與純正教理是件大事,雖然節制食慾、溫柔和藹、貞潔純淨都值得許多稱讚,然而一切德行若無愛德便是赤裸的;凡不是愛德所生之子所產出的,在任何品行的卓越中都不能稱為有果效。」由此可理解第十八講第……章的那些話:
'and having seized the field of their heart with the roots of avarice, it despoiled of the fruit of works those whom it did not deprive of the fruit of the lips.' What could be plainer? Hence also in Sermon 10 on Lent, chapter 3, he openly confesses that right faith, by which the precept of faith is sufficiently obeyed, can stand without charity, but is not fruitful unto future glory if it be without charity. 'For although,' he says, 'it be a great thing to have right faith and sound doctrine, and although the circumcision of the appetite, the gentleness of meekness, the purity of chastity be worthy of much praise, yet all virtues are naked without charity, nor can that be called fruitful in any excellence of conduct which the offspring of love has not brought forth.' Hence are to be understood those words of Sermon 18, chapter
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3, ubi varios Christianorum profectus describens: In fide germen est, inquit, in spe 485 incrementum, in charitate maturitas; quibus fidem et spem virtutes agnoscit, at non fructuosas æternæ vitæ, nisi ex charitate maturitatem obtineam. Ita S. Pontificis doctrina hausta ex principio fidei, quæ cum Scriptura ac traditione Tridentina synodus statuit, et a proscriptis thesibus aliena cognoscitur. 7. Neque minus cohæret cum Augustini principiis, qui multis in locis fidem sine charitate identidem reperiri deserte docuit, ut serm. 90, num. 8: Potestis habere fidem sine delectione;
第三章,他在那裡描述基督徒的各種進境時說:「在信德中是萌芽,在望德中是生長,在愛德中是成熟」;他藉此承認信德與望德是德行,但除非由愛德得到成熟,否則對永生並無果效。這位聖教宗的教義既取自信德的原則,而這原則是特利騰大公會議連同聖經與聖傳所確立的,故可認定與那被禁的命題毫無干係。第七:它與奧斯定的原則同樣毫不相悖;奧斯定在許多地方明白教導,信德屢屢可見於無愛德之處,如《第九十講》第八節:「你可以有信德而無愛德;」
3, where, describing the various advances of Christians, he says: 'In faith is the germ, in hope the increase, in charity the maturity;' by which he acknowledges faith and hope to be virtues, but not fruitful of eternal life unless from charity they obtain maturity. Thus the doctrine of the holy pontiff, drawn from the principle of faith which the Tridentine synod established together with Scripture and tradition, is recognized as foreign to the proscribed theses. 7. Nor does it cohere any less with the principles of Augustine, who in many places has expressly taught that faith is repeatedly found without charity, as in Sermon 90, number 8: 'You can have faith without love;'
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et solum ei qui sine charitate credit, hanc fidem inanem esse affirmat, seu inutilem ad æternum præmium, hæc scribens in Enchiridio num. 117: Qui vero non amat inaniter credit, etiamsi sint vera quæ credit; et lib. VIII de Trinitate c. 4: Nisi per fidem diligatur, non poterit cor mundari, quo ad Deum videndum sit aptum et idoneum. In hanc autem sententiam, cum in libro de Dono persev. c. 16 de charitate scripsit, qua una Deo veraciter et suaviter obeditur, vocem veraciter de prefecta obedientia legis accepit, qua homo fiat aptus et idoneus ad videndum Deum, ut ex aliis Augustini testimoniis latius probant qui de hac ejusdem doctrina ex proposito disserunt.
他斷言,唯獨對那沒有愛德而相信的人,這信德才是空洞的,亦即對永賞無用;他在《手冊》第一一七節如此寫道:「凡不愛的,即使他所信的是真的,他的相信也是徒然的」;又在《論三位一體》第八卷第四章:「除非藉信德愛慕祂,人心便不能潔淨,以致堪能適於瞻見天主。」如今,正是在這意義上,當他在《論堅忍之恩》第十六章論及那唯獨藉以真實而甘飴地順服天主的愛德時,他把「真實」一詞取為對律法的完全順服,人藉此得以堪能適於瞻見天主,正如那些專門論述他這同一教義的人由奧斯定其他證言更充分地證明的那樣。
and he affirms that only to him who believes without charity is this faith empty, that is, useless unto the eternal reward, writing thus in the Enchiridion, number 117: 'But he who does not love believes in vain, even though the things he believes be true;' and in Book VIII on the Trinity, chapter 4: 'Unless He be loved through faith, the heart cannot be cleansed, so as to be fit and suitable for seeing God.' Now, in this sense, when in the book On the Gift of Perseverance, chapter 16, he wrote of that charity by which alone God is truly and sweetly obeyed, he took the word 'truly' of the perfect obedience of the law, by which a man becomes fit and suitable for seeing God, as they prove more fully from other testimonies of Augustine who treat of this same doctrine of his of set purpose.
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Nobis autem Leonis sententiam explicasse et constituisse sufficiat. " Idem habet (inquit Quesnellus in annotatione recitato testimonio subjecta) supra serm. 2 de Quadrag. cap. 5: Romani, inquit, orbis piissimi imperatores sancta antiquitus observatione custodiunt, qui in honorem passionis et resarrectionis Christi, constitutionum suarum severitate mollita, multarum culparum reos præcipiunt relaxari. Et serm. 9, cap. 3: Ut severitas ultionum, quæ nunc etiam in publicis judiciis relaxatur, etc. Quousque remissio et relaxatio ista extenderetur, an solis vinculis soluti rei in custodia remanerent, an etiam e carcere dimitterentur, non invenio clare definitum.
但對我們而言,已闡明並確立良教宗的見解便足夠了。「同樣」(凱斯內爾在附於所引證言之後的註釋中說)「他在上文《四旬期》第二講第五章也持此見:他說:羅馬世界最虔敬的皇帝們,以古老的遵守方式保守著一項神聖的習俗,他們為敬崇基督的苦難與復活,緩和其法令的嚴厲,下令釋放許多犯有過錯的罪人。又在第九講第三章:使那即便如今在公開審判中也得緩解的刑罰之嚴厲,等等。這寬赦與緩解要延伸到何等程度——被告是否只是解開鎖鏈而仍留在羈押中,抑或也被釋出監獄——我找不到明確的界定。」
But for us let it suffice to have explained and established Leo's opinion. 'The same' (says Quesnel in the annotation appended to the cited testimony) 'he holds above in Sermon 2 on Lent, chapter 5: The most pious emperors of the Roman world,' he says, 'preserve by ancient observance a holy custom, who, in honour of the passion and resurrection of Christ, tempering the severity of their constitutions, order those guilty of many faults to be released. And in Sermon 9, chapter 3: That the severity of punishments, which even now is relaxed in the public tribunals, etc. To what extent that remission and relaxation was to be extended—whether the accused, loosed only from their chains, remained in custody, or were also dismissed from prison—I do not find clearly defined.'
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In libello supplici monachorum qui sub Eutyche erant, actioni 1 concilii Chalcedonensis inserto, hæc habentur: Sapervenit, inquiunt, et salutaris passionis dies et sacra nox, et Resurrectionis festivitas, in qua quidem et plurimis peccatoribus a sanctis Patribus nostris damnationes solvuntur; verum et ab imperatoribus criminalia reis vincula relaxantur;: justa vero lætitia omnis domus et omne forum repletur. Videntur ex his verbis rei saltem nonnulli in libertatem esse vindicati in paschali festo legibus imperatoriis. Nulla tamen in Codice quæ id 486 asserat, etsi plures quæ actionem omnem in reos suspendant, aliæ quæ per totam Quadragesimam, aliæ per quindecim paschalis festi dies. Cod.
在歸於厄烏提克門下的隱修士們的懇求小冊中——此冊被載入加采東大公會議第一場會議記錄——有以下文字:他們說:「拯救之苦難的日子、神聖之夜,以及復活的節慶已經來到,在其中我們的聖父們的確解除了眾多罪人的定罪;皇帝們也緩解了被告的刑事鎖鏈;每一家庭、每一公共廣場都充滿了正當的喜樂。」由這些話看來,至少有些被告在逾越節的節慶中憑皇帝的法律被釋放了。然而《法典》中並無斷言此事之處,雖有數條法律中止對被告的一切訴訟——有的在整個四旬期,有的在逾越節慶的十五日間。見《法典》
In the supplicatory booklet of the monks who were under Eutyches, inserted in Act 1 of the Council of Chalcedon, these things are found: 'There has come,' they say, 'the day of the saving passion and the sacred night and the festival of the Resurrection, in which indeed by our holy Fathers the condemnations of very many sinners are loosed; and also by the emperors the criminal bonds of the accused are relaxed; and every house and every forum is filled with just gladness.' From these words it appears that at least some of the accused were set at liberty at the Paschal feast by imperial laws. Yet there is nothing in the Code which asserts this, although there are several which suspend all proceedings against the accused—some through the whole of Lent, others through the fifteen days of the Paschal feast. Code,
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lib. III, tit. 12, de Feriis: Quadrag. diebus, qui auspicio cæremoniarum paschale festi anticipant, omnis cognitio inhibeatur criminalium quæstionum. Impp. Valent. Valens et Grat. AAA. In quindecim paschalibus diebus compulsio annonariæ functionis et omnium publicorum privatorumque debitorum differatur exactio. Valent. Theod. et Arcad. AAA. Exceptionem continet alia eorumdem constitutio, quæ Leonis nostri sententiam confirmet magis quam infirmet: In his tamen, inquiunt, et emancipandi et manumittendi cuncti licentiam habeant. Sed Leonis locus primo loco citatus ex serm.
第三卷第十二題《論節日》:「藉禮儀之預兆而先於逾越節慶的四十日中,一切刑事案件的審理均予禁止。」皇帝瓦倫提尼安、瓦倫斯與格拉提安,三位奧古斯都。「在逾越節的十五日中,糧秣供役的強制與一切公私債務的徵收均予延緩。」瓦倫提尼安、狄奧多西與阿卡狄烏斯,三位奧古斯都。同一批皇帝另有一項法令載有一例外,它使我們良教宗的見解得到確認而非削弱:他們說:「然而在這些事上,眾人皆有解放與釋奴的自由。」但首處所引良教宗的那段話,出自《四旬期》
Book III, title 12, On Feast Days: 'For the forty days which by the auspice of ceremonies anticipate the Paschal feast, let all cognizance of criminal cases be forbidden.' Emperors Valentinian, Valens, and Gratian, the three Augusti. 'In the fifteen Paschal days let the compulsion of the annona-service and the exaction of all public and private debts be deferred.' Valentinian, Theodosius, and Arcadius, the three Augusti. Another constitution of the same emperors contains an exception which confirms rather than weakens the opinion of our Leo: 'In these matters, however,' they say, 'let all have the liberty both of emancipating and of manumitting.' But the passage of Leo cited in the first place, from Sermon
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2 Quadragesimæ multarum culparum reos imperatoriis constitutionibus relaxatos esse per hanc paschalium dierum solemnitatem clarius videtur asserere. Nam relaxari nihil aliud esse quam dimitti ex serm. 47, de Pass. 8, c. 3, probatur, uti ut Barabbam indulgentia relaxaret, clamasse populos scribitHactenus quesnellus. Si vero is observasset titulum Justinianei Codicis De episcopali audientia, lib. I, tit. 4, invenisset legem Valentiniani II, n. 3, descriptam et editam an. 385, in qua hæc habenteur: Exsequantur judices quod indulgere consuevimus. Ubi primus dies paschalis exstiterit, nullum teneat carcer inclusum, imnium vincula disslovantur;
第二講,似乎更明確地斷言:藉逾越節諸日的這一隆重慶典,許多犯有過錯的罪人憑皇帝的法令被釋放了。因為「被緩解」不外乎意謂「被釋放」,這一點由《論苦難》第八篇即第四十七講第三章得到證明——他在那裡寫道,群眾呼喊,要比拉多以其寬赦釋放巴辣巴。」凱斯內爾所論至此。但他若留意查士丁尼《法典》第一卷第四題《論主教聽審》,便會發現瓦倫提尼安二世的一項法律,即第三號,於三八五年制定並頒布,其中載有:「願眾法官執行我們慣於恩准寬赦之事。當逾越節首日一到,監獄不得囚禁任何人;願眾人的鎖鏈全被解開;」
2 on Lent, seems more clearly to assert that those guilty of many faults were released by imperial constitutions through this solemnity of the Paschal days. For that 'to be relaxed' means nothing other than 'to be dismissed' is proved from Sermon 47, On the Passion 8, chapter 3, where he writes that the peoples cried out that Pilate might release Barabbas by his indulgence.' Thus far Quesnel. But if he had observed the title of the Justinianic Code 'On the Episcopal Audience,' Book I, title 4, he would have found the law of Valentinian II, number 3, drawn up and published in the year 385, in which these things are contained: 'Let the judges execute what we have been accustomed to grant as indulgence. When the first Paschal day shall have arrived, let the prison hold none confined; let the bonds of all be dissolved;'
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et subjiciuntur exceptiones quorumdam reorum et criminum. In Codice autem Theodosiano lib. IX, tit. 28, De indulgentiis criminum quinque ejusmidi leges occurrunt, duæ Valentiniani Senioris ac tres Junioris, quarum ultima est jam allegata, ex quibus colligitur olum hanc indulgentiam usu quodam inductam, vel epistolis etiam imperatorum per sigulos annos ad omnes civitates missis, ut liquet ex duobus testimoniis Chrysostomi, ex more præscriptam, nonnullas dubitationes peperisse de quibus dam reis, num eadam indulgentia essent relaxandi; quæ dubitationes ut solverentut illæ leges datæ fuerunt. IN postrema autem lege genetalis sanctio edita fuit, quæ omnes exceptiones complectitur.
接著又附上某些被告與某些罪行的例外。但在狄奧多西《法典》第九卷第二十八題《論罪犯之寬赦》中,出現五條這類法律,兩條屬老瓦倫提尼安,三條屬小瓦倫提尼安,其中末一條即上文已引者;由此可推知:這寬赦起初是憑某種習俗而引入的,或甚至是皇帝們照慣例每年致函各城所規定的——這由金口若望的兩則證言可以清楚看出——而它對某些被告引起了若干疑問,即他們是否應憑同一寬赦而被釋;而那些法律之所以頒布,正是為解決那些疑問。但在最末一條法律中,頒布了一項總體規定,涵蓋了一切例外。
and there are appended exceptions of certain accused persons and crimes. But in the Theodosian Code, Book IX, title 28, 'On the Indulgences of Crimes,' five such laws occur, two of Valentinian the Elder and three of the Younger, of which the last is the one already cited; from which it is gathered that this indulgence was at first introduced by a certain custom, or even prescribed by the letters of the emperors sent yearly to all the cities according to usage, as is clear from two testimonies of Chrysostom—and that it gave rise to certain doubts concerning some accused persons, whether they were to be released by the same indulgence; and that those laws were issued in order to resolve those doubts. But in the last law a general sanction was published, which embraces all the exceptions.
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Vide Jacovu Gottofredi Commentatium præipue in legem 3, ubi indicatos Chrysostomi textus recitat. Ipsa illa substantiæ nostræ in Deitate susceptio, qua Verbum caro factum est, et habitavit in nobis, quem hominem misericordiæ suæ, nisi infidelem, reliquit exsortem? His Leonis verbis hanc postillam Quesnellus afflixit: Infidelis exsors gratiæ Christi. Hæc auem indefinita propositio perperam 487 intelligi potest, ita ut favere videatur propositioni 26 damnatæ in constitutione Unigenitus, qua traditur: Nullæ dantur gratiæ nisi per fidem. Sed misericordiæ nimen S. pontifex adhibuit, non autem nomen gratiæ.
參閱雅各·哥托弗雷杜斯的《註釋》,尤其對第三條法律的註釋,他在那裡引述了金口若望的相關經文。「我們本性被納入天主性中的這一領受——藉此聖言成了血肉,並住在我們中間——除了那不信者以外,它還把哪個人留在其慈悲之外呢?」凱斯內爾對良教宗這些話加了如下的旁註:「不信者被排除於基督的恩寵之外。但這不定的命題可能被誤解,以致似乎有利於《獨生子》憲章中所定罪的第二十六命題,其中傳授說:除非藉信德,便不賜任何恩寵。」然而這位聖教宗所用的是「慈悲」一詞,而非「恩寵」一詞。
See the Commentary of Jacobus Gothofredus, especially on law 3, where he recites the indicated texts of Chrysostom. 'That very assumption of our substance into the Deity, whereby the Word was made flesh and dwelt among us—what man did it leave devoid of His mercy, save the unbeliever?' To these words of Leo, Quesnel affixed this note: 'The unbeliever devoid of the grace of Christ. But this indefinite proposition may be wrongly understood, so that it seems to favour proposition 26 condemned in the constitution Unigenitus, in which it is handed down: No graces are given except through faith.' But the holy pontiff employed the term 'mercy,' not the term 'grace.'
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Ne vero ipsum misericordiæ nomen cuipiam fucum faciat, quo ille sensu exsortem misericordiæ dixerit infidelem, ex contectu explicandum est. Ejus itaque misericordiæ infifeles exsortes intelligit, cujus partcipes fideles affirmat. Porro ad fideles pertinent ista, quæ præcedenti testimonio immediate subjiciuntur; Et cui nin cimmunis natura cum Christo est, si assumentem recepti, et eo spiritu est regeneratus, quo ille progenitus? ubi indicat fidei et baprismatis gratiam, ut not. 24 in hunc locum explicavimus. Loquitur nimirum S. Leo de illa misericordia qua Verbum caro factum et in nobis habitans nos per fidem et baptisma sibi unitos divinæ affecit consortes natur.
但為免「慈悲」這名稱本身在何等意義上稱不信者為被排除於慈悲之外一事上迷惑了任何人,這必須由上下文來解釋。因此,他把不信者理解為被排除於那慈悲之外,而他肯定信者是這慈悲的分享者。此外,那些緊接在前一證言之後所補充的話乃是指向信者的:「若人已領受那位承擔此本性的主,並已被那使祂受生的聖神所重生,誰又與基督沒有共同的本性呢?」他在此指出信德與洗禮之恩寵,正如我們在對此段的第二十四註中所闡明的。聖良的確是在論那慈悲:藉此慈悲,成了血肉並住在我們中間的聖言,使我們這些藉信德與洗禮而與祂結合的人,成為天主性的分享者。
But lest the very name 'mercy' impose upon anyone as to the sense in which he called the unbeliever devoid of mercy, it must be explained from the context. Accordingly, he understands the unbelievers to be devoid of that mercy of which he affirms the faithful to be partakers. Moreover, to the faithful pertain those things which are immediately subjoined to the preceding testimony: 'And to whom is there not a common nature with Christ, if he has received Him who assumes it, and has been regenerated by that Spirit by which He was begotten?' where he indicates the grace of faith and baptism, as we explained in note 24 on this passage. Assuredly the holy Leo speaks of that mercy by which the Word made flesh and dwelling among us made us, united to Him through faith and baptism, sharers of the divine nature.
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Sicut ergo fideles, qui fidem et baptisma susceperunt, hujus misericoediæ participes sunt, ita infideles, qui et fide et baptismate carent, eadem hac misericordia recte dicuntur exsortes. 1.Tres annotationes in hoc testimonium Quesnellus subjecit quas hic describimus. Primum in ea verba, Quo post resurrectionem Domini ducentesimus et sexagesimus annus impletus est, « Mendum, ait, hic subese suspicatur Dionysius Petavius in annotatio nibus ad Epiphanium pag. 267, et pro CCLX, trans lato numero uno, legendum vult CCXL. Ratio ejus est quod Probi et Paulini consulats indicit in annum fere Christi CCLXXVII in æra Dionusiana.
因此,正如已領受信德與洗禮的信者是這慈悲的分享者,那缺乏信德與洗禮二者的不信者,也理當被稱為被排除於這同一慈悲之外。第一:凱斯內爾對這一證言附加了三則註釋,我們在此錄下。第一則是關於「主復活後第二百六十年由此完成」這些話:「戴奧尼修·佩塔維烏斯在其《厄丕法尼註釋》第二六七頁中,懷疑此處潛藏一項錯誤,並主張把260中的一個數字調換,讀作240。他的理由是:普洛布斯與保利努斯的執政官任期,按戴奧尼修紀年約落在基督紀元二七七年。」
As therefore the faithful, who have received faith and baptism, are partakers of this mercy, so the unbelievers, who lack both faith and baptism, are rightly said to be devoid of this same mercy. I. Quesnel appended three annotations to this testimony, which we here set down. The first is on these words, 'By which the two-hundred-and-sixtieth year after the resurrection of the Lord was completed': 'Here Dionysius Petavius, in his annotations on Epiphanius, page 267, suspects that an error lies hidden, and wishes that for 260, with one number transposed, 240 be read. His reason is that the consulship of Probus and Paulinus falls about the year of Christ 277 in the Dionysian era.'
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Quo ex numero XXXI, inquit, annis deductis, CCXLVI anni reliqi sunt ab ascensione Domini; totidem scilicet, quot ex aliorum chronographorum sententia ponit Epiphanius. Leo autem noster horum sententiam secutus erit (si Petavii corrctio subsistit), numerum rotundum CCXL pro CCXLVI usurpans; quod inter concionandum maxime evenire solet, ubi ad strictos chronologiæ apices non attenditur. Proprius adhuc ad illam ipocham accedet Leo, si pro CCLX posuerit CCL, quod quidem habet Oxoniensis codex unus ms. in alterius locum, dormitantibus 488 operis, irrepere, et pro XL excudi LX, ita inter scribendum facilius est numerum unum alicui summæ superaddi, ut X ad L ». 2.
「他說,從這數目減去三十一年,便從主升天算起剩下二百四十六年——也就是說,正是厄丕法尼按其他編年史家的意見所定的數目。而我們的良教宗(若佩塔維烏斯的訂正成立)將是跟隨這些人的意見,以整數240代替246;這種情形尤在講道時慣常發生,因講道時並不嚴格留意年代學的精確要點。良教宗若把260寫作250,便將更接近那個時代;的確有一份牛津抄本作250,因為在工匠昏睏時,一個數字易於竄入另一個之位、把L排印成X;同樣,書寫時把一個數目加到某和數上——如把X加到L——也較為容易。」第二:
'From which number, he says, subtracting 31 years, there remain 246 years from the ascension of the Lord—as many, that is, as Epiphanius sets down according to the opinion of the other chronographers. And our Leo will have followed the opinion of these (if Petavius' correction stands), using the round number 240 for 246; which is wont to happen especially while preaching, where strict attention is not paid to the precise points of chronology. Leo will come still nearer to that epoch if for 260 he had put 250, which indeed one Oxford manuscript codex has, for it is easier, while the workmen are drowsy, for one number to creep into the place of another, and for L to be printed for X; likewise while writing it is easier for one number to be added to some sum, as X to L.' 2.
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Secundo in ea verban Probo imperatore Paulinoque coss.: « Hinc corrige, inquit, inquit, Cassiodori Fastos consulares, qui hunc consulatum Aureliani et Marcellini consulatui immediate subjiciunt. Corrige etiam Annales ecclesiasticos, qui ad annum Ch. 277 hunc consulatum cum septimo Aureliani imperatoris anno componunt. Cum enim ex fastis omnibus Probum Paulinumque simul consulatum gessisse constet, Probumque imperatorem appellet Leo noster, necesse est ut post Aureliani mortem, immo et post Taciti, cui Probus successit, obitum, consulatus ille Probi Paulinique contigerit. Concinit Eusebii Chronologia, qui anno 2 Probi imperratoris Manichæorum originem assignat.
其次,關於「普洛布斯為皇帝、保利努斯任執政官」這些話:他說:「由此訂正卡西奧多魯斯的執政官年表,他把這執政官任期緊接在奧勒良與馬爾切利努斯的任期之後。也訂正《教會編年史》,它把這執政官任期置於基督紀元二七七年,與奧勒良皇帝第七年並列。因為既然由一切年表都確定普洛布斯與保利努斯是同時擔任執政官,而我們的良教宗稱普洛布斯為皇帝,那麼普洛布斯與保利努斯的那執政官任期必然發生於奧勒良死後——不,甚至在普洛布斯所繼位的塔奇圖斯逝世之後。歐瑟伯的《年代學》與此相符,他把摩尼教徒的起源歸於皇帝普洛布斯第二年。」
Secondly, on these words 'Probus being emperor and Paulinus consuls': 'Hence correct,' he says, 'the consular Fasti of Cassiodorus, who subjoin this consulship immediately to the consulship of Aurelian and Marcellinus. Correct also the Ecclesiastical Annals, which place this consulship, in the year of Christ 277, together with the seventh year of the emperor Aurelian. For since from all the Fasti it is established that Probus and Paulinus bore the consulship together, and our Leo calls Probus emperor, it is necessary that that consulship of Probus and Paulinus occurred after the death of Aurelian—nay, even after the demise of Tacitus, whom Probus succeeded. The Chronology of Eusebius agrees, who assigns the origin of the Manichaeans to the second year of the emperor Probus.'
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Facilis tamen conciliandorum auctorum diversa de Manichæorum sectæ initiis scribentium via. Alii de ipso Manete, alii de ejus magistris Scytchiano et Budda, de quibus supra, intelligendi. Aliqui de ipsa origine monstri illius; nonnulli de variis ejus eruptionibus in Eccle siam, partim Orientalem, partim Occidentalem; ac demum alii de errorum ejus damnatione, de qua Leo noster mentionem facit. ». 3. Tertio in ea verba, Cum octava jam in Christianos pesrsecutio, etc.: « Si de Aureliani, inquit, imperatioris persecutione loquitur, ut videtur omnino, hæc non octava fuit, sed nona, quemadmodum numerat Augustinus de Civit. Dei lib. XVIII, cap. 3, et ex aliarum persecutionum enumeratione liquet.
「然而,調和那些對摩尼派宗派之起始作不同記述的作者,其途徑不難。有的當理解為指摩尼本人,有的指其師父斯基提亞努斯與布達斯——上文已論及;有的指這怪物本身之起源;有的指它對教會的種種侵入,一部分是東方教會,一部分是西方教會;最後有的指其謬誤之被定罪,而我們的良教宗所提及的正是這一點。」第三:關於「當第八次教難已臨到基督徒」等語:「他若是論奧勒良皇帝的教難——看來完全如此——那麼這並非第八次而是第九次,正如奧斯定在《天主之城》第十八卷第三章所計,並由其他教難之列舉可以清楚看出。」
'Yet the way of reconciling authors who write diversely of the beginnings of the Manichaean sect is easy. Some are to be understood of Manes himself, others of his teachers Scythianus and Buddas, of whom above; some of the very origin of that monster; some of its various eruptions into the Church, partly Eastern, partly Western; and finally others of the condemnation of its errors, which our Leo makes mention of.' 3. Thirdly, on these words, 'When already the eighth persecution against the Christians,' etc.: 'If he is speaking of the persecution of the emperor Aurelian, as seems altogether the case, this was not the eighth but the ninth, as Augustine reckons in On the City of God, Book XVIII, chapter 3, and as is clear from the enumeration of the other persecutions.'
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Si Charitonis martyris acta, quæ apud Surium 24 Septembr. leguntur, digna sunt quibus hac in parte fides habeatur, Tacitus Probi prædecessooor huic jam persecutioni finem imposuerat; ut benigne interpretari juvet hæc Leonis verban quæ persecutionis etiam exordium videntur significare: Cum jam ebulliret, etc., quamquam mss. codd. tres Oxonienses habent, desæviret. ».Hæc omnia Quesnellus. 4. Omnes hujus loci chronicas notationes sum- ptas deteximus ex integro Prosperi Chronico. Inter tres enim aut potius quatuor hujus Chronici editiones, quas accuratissime distinguit ac statuit P. Hieronymus a Prato diss. 3 in Sulpicium Severum, tom. II, num.
「若查里頓殉道者的行傳——載於蘇里烏斯九月二十四日條——在此一點上值得採信,那麼普洛布斯的前任塔奇圖斯已經結束了這場教難;因此,寬厚地解釋良教宗這些似乎連教難之起始也在指涉的話,乃是可取的:當它已在沸騰湧起等語——雖然三份牛津抄本作『大肆施暴』。」以上全是凱斯內爾所論。第四:我們發現此段一切年代學的記述,全都逐字取自普洛斯佩爾的《編年史》。因為此《編年史》有三種、或不如說四種版本,普拉托的耶羅尼莫神父在《論蘇爾皮基烏斯·塞維魯》第三論文(第二卷)第……節中極為精確地加以區分與確立,
'If the Acts of the martyr Chariton, which are read in Surius on the 24th of September, are worthy of belief in this part, Tacitus, the predecessor of Probus, had already put an end to this persecution; so that it is agreeable to interpret kindly these words of Leo, which seem to signify even the beginning of the persecution: When it was already boiling up, etc.—although three Oxford manuscript codices have raged fiercely.' All these things are Quesnel's. 4. We have discovered all the chronological notes of this passage to be taken entire from the Chronicle of Prosper. For among the three, or rather four, editions of this Chronicle, which Father Hieronymus a Prato most accurately distinguishes and establishes in Dissertation 3 on Sulpicius Severus, tome II, number
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23 et seqq., altera ex duabus prioribus, seu, si mavis, tertia in rem præsentem, qua de Manichæis Romæ detectis agitur, Leoni usui esse potuit. Prima quam Prosper vulgavit an. 433, secunda, quæ desinit an. 443, et confirmari potest ex codice antiquo Veronensi Saibanteo, qui integrum Prosperi Chronicon hoc anno desinens, id est hanc ipsam secundam editionum Prosperi repræsentat. Tertia, quæ extenditur ad annum usque 445. Ex aliqua vro harum editionum Leonem profecisse 489 in memoratis chronicis notationibus describendis duo certa indicia demonstrant. Probi siquidem imperatoris et Paulini consulatus in uno Prosperi chronico legitur:
即第二十三節及其後,兩種較早版本中的一種,或者你若願意,第三種,可能對良教宗在眼下這件論及羅馬所偵獲的摩尼教徒之事上有用。第一種普洛斯佩爾於四三三年出版;第二種止於四四三年,並可由古老的維洛那·薩伊班特抄本得到印證,該抄本呈現整部普洛斯佩爾《編年史》止於此年——亦即正是普洛斯佩爾諸版本中的這第二種。第三種延伸至四四五年。良教宗在抄錄上述年代學記述時是取材於這些版本中的某一種,有兩項確鑿的跡象可以證明。因為皇帝普洛布斯與保利努斯的執政官任期見於普洛斯佩爾的一部《編年史》:
23 and following, one of the two earlier, or, if you prefer, the third, could have been of use to Leo in the matter at hand, which treats of the Manichaeans detected at Rome. The first Prosper published in the year 433; the second, which ends in the year 443, and can be confirmed from the ancient Veronese Saibante codex, which represents the whole Chronicle of Prosper ending in this year—that is, this very second of Prosper's editions. The third extends up to the year 445. That Leo drew from some one of these editions in copying out the aforesaid chronological notes, two certain indications demonstrate. For the consulship of the emperor Probus and of Paulinus is read in one Chronicle of Prosper:
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nam Prosper, qui ex Eusebii chronico ab Hieronymo Latine reddito pleraque decerpsit, primus omnium a passione seu resurrectione Christi consulatus adjecit, Manichæorum hæresis initia Probi imperatoris et Paulini consulatui assignavit. Octavæ etiam persecutionis notatio soli Prosperi Chronico referenda est: Eusebius enim persecutiones quidem suis locis indicavit in Chronico, non autem expressit numerum quem in Prospero invenimus. Hinc autem anni quoque annotatio ex eodem Prosperi Chronico supputando collecta dicenda est. 5. Si vero recta supputatio facta credatur, scribendus fuerat potius annus 250 quam 260.
因為普洛斯佩爾——他從熱羅尼莫譯成拉丁文的歐瑟伯《編年史》中摘取了大部分內容——是眾人中第一個從基督的苦難或復活起添加執政官任期的,並把摩尼異端的起始歸於皇帝普洛布斯與保利努斯的執政官任期。第八次教難的記述,也必須單單歸於普洛斯佩爾的《編年史》;因為歐瑟伯固然在《編年史》中於各處標明了諸教難,卻未表明我們在普洛斯佩爾中所見的那數目。由此可見,年份的記述也必須說是由同一部普洛斯佩爾《編年史》經推算而得。第五:但若相信作了正確的推算,那麼本應寫二五○年而非二六○年。
for Prosper, who excerpted most things from the Chronicle of Eusebius rendered into Latin by Jerome, was the first of all to add the consulships from the passion or resurrection of Christ, and assigned the beginnings of the Manichaean heresy to the consulship of the emperor Probus and of Paulinus. The note of the eighth persecution also must be referred to the Chronicle of Prosper alone; for Eusebius indeed indicated the persecutions in their places in the Chronicle, but did not express the number which we find in Prosper. Hence, therefore, the note of the year also must be said to have been gathered by computation from the same Chronicle of Prosper. 5. But if a correct computation be believed to have been made, the year 250 rather than 260 ought to have been written.
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Si enim a consulatu Geminorum, cui passio et resurrectio Christi in iisdem editionibus attribuitur (postremæ siquidem editioni, quæ prodiit an. 455, trubuenda est illa opinionis mutatio, qua Prosper Geminorum consulatui manifestationem seu prædicationem Christi, tribus autem post annis passionem et resurrectionem ascripsit): si, inquam, ab eo Geminorum consulatu ad consulatum Probi, et Paulmi, cui initium hæresis Manichæorum affigitur, recte compu tes, invenies quidem in editis consulatus 247, qui rotundo numero, ut sæpe fit, latius haberi potuerunt pro anno 250, non vero 260.
因為,若從雙子(革米尼)執政官任期算起——在這同一些版本中,基督的苦難與復活即歸於此任期(因為那出版於四五五年的末版,必須歸於這一意見的更改,即普洛斯佩爾把基督的顯現或宣講歸於雙子執政官任期,而把苦難與復活歸於其後三年):我是說,若你從雙子的那執政官任期,正確地推算到摩尼異端起始所繫的普洛布斯與保利努斯執政官任期,你在刊行的版本中確會找到二四七個執政官任期,這按整數——如常有的情形——較寬泛地可作二五○年,卻不能作二六○年。
For if from the consulship of the Gemini, to which the passion and resurrection of Christ is attributed in these same editions (for to the last edition, which came out in the year 455, must be attributed that change of opinion by which Prosper ascribed to the consulship of the Gemini the manifestation or preaching of Christ, and three years later the passion and resurrection): if, I say, from that consulship of the Gemini to the consulship of Probus and Paulinus, to which the beginning of the Manichaean heresy is affixed, you compute correctly, you will indeed find in the printed editions 247 consulships, which by a round number, as often happens, could more broadly be taken for the year 250, but not 260.
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At observandum est in vulgato Prosperi Chronico alios consulatus librariorum incuria omissos, alios autem perperam fuisse insertos, ut colligi potest ex Canone paschali Victorii Aquitani, qui consulatus ex Prospero accuratius exscripsit, nec non ex aliis argumentis, quæ luculenter proposuit Joannes Vander Haagen in Observationibus ad Chronicon Prosperi, § 49 et seqq. Porro ex eodem Victorii Canone atque ex aliis ipsius Prosperiani Chronici notis liquet, consulatum Geminorum, cui assignantur passio et resurrectio Christi, ab ipso Prospero fuisse affixum ei anno qui respondet anno æræ vulgaris vigesimo octavo.
但須留意,在通行本普洛斯佩爾《編年史》中,有些執政官任期因抄寫者的疏忽而遺漏,另有一些被錯誤地插入,這可由亞奎丹的維克托里烏斯之《逾越節推算表》看出——他更準確地從普洛斯佩爾抄錄了執政官任期——也可由約翰·范德爾·哈根在其《普洛斯佩爾編年史觀察》第四十九節及其後所光輝地闡明的其他論據看出。此外,由維克托里烏斯的同一推算表,以及由普洛斯佩爾《編年史》本身的其他記述,可以清楚看出:基督的苦難與復活所歸屬的雙子執政官任期,是普洛斯佩爾本人繫於那與通用紀元第二十八年相應的年份。
But it must be observed that in the vulgate Chronicle of Prosper some consulships were omitted through the negligence of the copyists, and others were wrongly inserted, as can be gathered from the Paschal Canon of Victorius of Aquitaine, who copied out the consulships from Prosper more accurately, and also from other arguments which Joannes Vander Haagen luminously set forth in his Observations on the Chronicle of Prosper, section 49 and following. Moreover, from the same Canon of Victorius and from other notes of Prosper's Chronicle itself, it is clear that the consulship of the Gemini, to which the passion and resurrection of Christ is assigned, was affixed by Prosper himself to that year which corresponds to the twenty-eighth year of the common era.
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Si vero ab hoc anno æræ vulgaris computare incipias usque ab Probi et Paulini consulatum, qui concurrit cum anno æræ vulgaris 277, invenies his consulibus, (computatis terminis) decurrisse annum ducentesimum quinqua gesimum, qui minus accurate impletus a Leone appellatur. 6. Dissimulandum quidem non est, in Prosperi Chronico si expungantur consulatus duo certo ex pungendi, et addantur quatuor, qui certe addendi sunt, ut laudatus Vander Haagen probavit, Probi et Paulini consulatum a consulatu Geminorum cadere in annum 249, quemadmodum et apud Victorium accidit. Sed cum in consulatibus notandis Prosperi et Victorii codices sint evidenter corrupti, non multum in his insistendum videtur.
但若你從通用紀元的這一年起,算到與通用紀元二七七年相合的普洛布斯與保利努斯執政官任期,你會發現在這些執政官任內(把兩端計入)已經過了第二百五十年,良教宗較不精確地稱之為「完成」。第六:的確不可隱瞞:在普洛斯佩爾的《編年史》中,若把那確應刪除的兩個執政官任期劃去,並把那確應增補的四個增補進來——正如受稱讚的范德爾·哈根所證明的——那麼從雙子執政官任期算起,普洛布斯與保利努斯的執政官任期便落在二四九年,正如在維克托里烏斯那裡也如此。但既然在標記執政官任期上,普洛斯佩爾與維克托里烏斯的抄本顯然已訛誤,看來對這些不宜過於倚重。
But if you begin to compute from this year of the common era up to the consulship of Probus and Paulinus, which concurs with the year 277 of the common era, you will find that in these consuls (the terms being reckoned in) the two-hundred-and-fiftieth year had run its course, which Leo, less accurately, calls completed. 6. It is not indeed to be dissembled that, in the Chronicle of Prosper, if the two consulships certainly to be expunged are struck out, and the four which are certainly to be added are added—as the praised Vander Haagen proved—the consulship of Probus and Paulinus from the consulship of the Gemini falls in the year 249, just as it also happens in Victorius. But since in the noting of the consulships the codices of Prosper and Victorius are evidently corrupt, it seems that not much reliance should be placed on these.
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Cum vero Prosper jam aliquanto ante Probi et Paulini consulatum, 490 ac deinceps etiam, veteri unius anni anticipatione deserta, consules proprio cujusque anno ascribere cæperit, satius est credere proprio quoque anno assignasse consulatum Probi atque Paulini, ita ut unus consulatus, qui præpositus fuerat, perperam in codicibus postpositus lagatur, ac propterea illorum consulatus vere concurrerit cum anno post resurrectionem Christi 250. Cum itaque S. Leo cæteras chronicas notationes ex Prosperi Chronico sumpse rit, annum quoque 250, ex eodem per supputationem annotasse credibile est, non vero 260. Sed unus tantum codex Oxoniensis a Quesnello laudatus eum annum præfert.
但既然普洛斯佩爾早在普洛布斯與保利努斯執政官任期之前,其後亦然,已捨棄舊有的提前一年之法,開始把各執政官各歸其本年,那麼較好的看法是:他也把普洛布斯與保利努斯的執政官任期歸於其本年,以致那原本置前的一個執政官任期在抄本中被誤讀為置後,因此他們的執政官任期實際上與基督復活後第二五○年相合。既然聖良的其餘年代學記述取自普洛斯佩爾的《編年史》,那麼可信他也是從同書經推算而記下二五○年,而非二六○年。但只有凱斯內爾所引的一份牛津抄本呈現那個年份。
But since Prosper had already, somewhat before the consulship of Probus and Paulinus, and thereafter also, having abandoned the old anticipation of one year, begun to ascribe the consuls each to its own proper year, it is better to believe that he assigned the consulship of Probus and Paulinus also to its own proper year, so that one consulship which had been placed before is wrongly read as placed after in the codices, and therefore their consulship truly concurred with the year 250 after the resurrection of Christ. Since therefore the holy Leo took the other chronological notes from the Chronicle of Prosper, it is credible that he also noted the year 250 from the same by computation, and not 260. But only one Oxford codex, cited by Quesnel, presents that year.
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Cum vero cæteri omnes tum Collectionum tum Lectionariorum et multi et antiqui codices, quos diligenter exquisivimus atque contulimus, et inter hos antiquissimus Vat. 38 5, habeant annum 260, et non numericis Romanis notis CCLX, quæ facile a librariis mutari et vitari potuissent, sed distinctis verbis expressum ducentesimus et sexagesimus, quæ non ita facile mutationem recipiunt, non ausi sumus a vulgata lectione discedere. Experimento enim patefactum est quantum a primæva et originali lectione desciverint illi qui ex arbitrio licet conjecturis vehementibus ducti, numericas quasdam notationes corrigere voluerunt. Neque movent excessus decennii, qui in an. 260 manifestus est.
但既然其餘一切——無論是彙編集抑或讀經集的抄本,眾多且古老、我們曾勤加搜求並校勘的抄本,其中包括最古老的梵蒂岡三八五號——都作二六○年,且並非以羅馬數字符號CCLX(此易被抄寫者更改與訛誤),而是以清楚的文字表達為「第二百六十」(這不那麼容易被更改),我們便不敢背離通行的讀法。因為經驗已使人明白:那些憑己意、雖受強烈臆測所引導而欲訂正某些數字記述的人,離原初本真的讀法有多遠。二六○年中明顯超出十年這一差距,也不能動搖我們。
But since all the rest—both of the Collections and of the Lectionaries, many and ancient codices which we have diligently searched out and collated, and among these the most ancient Vatican 385—have the year 260, and that not in Roman numerical marks CCLX, which could easily have been changed and vitiated by the copyists, but expressed in distinct words, 'the two-hundred-and-sixtieth,' which do not so easily admit of change, we have not dared to depart from the vulgate reading. For it has been made manifest by experience how far those have departed from the primitive and original reading who at their own discretion, though led by vehement conjectures, have wished to correct certain numerical notations. Nor does the excess of a decade, which is manifest in the year 260, move us.
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Antiquos enim Ecclesiæ Patres in computandis an nis sive ab ortu sive a passione Christi non fuisse multum accuratos, excessisse etiam ultra decennium, pluribus exemplis probavimus diss. 1 S. Zenonis editioni præmissa cap. 2. § 1. Hæc quoad primam Quesnelli annotationem. 7. Quoad alteram illud monere sufficiat, Leonis verba de tempore quo Manes dammandus innotuit, illud tempus indicare, quo primus omnium Archelaus Cascharæ in Mesopotamia eposcopus cum Manete publicam disputationem habuit, ac exinde ejus errores ita prodierunt, ut tum damnandus in notuerit. 8. Quoad tertam annotationem jam indicabimus persecutionis octavæ mentionem a S. pontifice sumptam fuisse ex Prosperi Chronico.
因為古代教會諸父在推算基督誕生或苦難以來的年數時並不十分精確,甚至有超出十年以上者,我們已在冠於《聖則諾集》卷首的第一論文第二章第一節以數個例證加以證明。以上是關於凱斯內爾第一則註釋的討論。第七:至於第二則,只須指出這一點便足夠:良教宗論及摩尼被認出為當定罪者的那個時候,其言乃是指那個時候——即眾人中第一個、美索不達米亞卡斯卡拉的主教阿爾赫勞斯與摩尼舉行公開辯論之時,其謬誤由此顯露,以致當時他被認出為當定罪者。第八:至於第三則註釋,我們現在要指出:第八次教難的提及,乃是這位聖教宗取自普洛斯佩爾的《編年史》。
For that the ancient Fathers of the Church were not very accurate in computing the years either from the birth or from the passion of Christ, and even exceeded by more than a decade, we have proved by several examples in Dissertation 1 prefixed to the edition of Saint Zeno, chapter 2, section 1. Thus far concerning Quesnel's first annotation. 7. As to the second, let it suffice to remark this: that Leo's words concerning the time when Manes became known as one to be condemned indicate that time when, first of all, Archelaus, bishop of Cascharae in Mesopotamia, held a public disputation with Manes, and thereupon his errors so came forth that then he became known as one to be condemned. 8. As to the third annotation, we shall now point out that the mention of the eighth persecution was taken by the holy pontiff from the Chronicle of Prosper.
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Prosper autem novem tantum persecutiones recensuit: illam enim Aureliani, quæ ab Augustino et Orosio nona dicitur, quæque commola quidem, sed fulmine et morte ejus dem imperatoris statim intercepta traditur, Prosper distincto numero inter persecutiones referendam non credidit, adeo ut Diocletianeam ( alias decimam) nonam vocaverit. Hinc cum Leo octavam persecutionem appellavit, Prosperi vestigiis insistens, non Aureliani, sed Valeriani persecutionem intellexit, quæ apud Prosperum æque ac apud Augustinum et Orosium, nec non apud Sulpicium et Hieronymus octava computatur. 1. Sanctus pontifex in serm. 79, de Jejunio Pen tecostes secundo, cap.
但普洛斯佩爾只列舉了九次教難:因為奧勒良的那次教難——奧斯定與奧羅西烏斯稱之為第九次,並相傳它固然已發動,卻旋即被那同一皇帝的雷擊與死亡所中斷——普洛斯佩爾認為不當以一個獨立的數目列入諸教難之中,以致他把戴克里先的那次(另計為第十次)稱作第九次。因此,當良教宗稱之為第八次教難、跟隨普洛斯佩爾的足跡時,他所理解的並非奧勒良的教難,而是瓦勒良的教難——後者在普洛斯佩爾,以及在奧斯定與奧羅西烏斯,也在蘇爾皮基烏斯與熱羅尼莫那裡,都計為第八次。第一:聖教宗在《五旬節齋戒》第二篇即第七十九講第……章,
But Prosper enumerated only nine persecutions: for that of Aurelian, which by Augustine and Orosius is called the ninth, and which is handed down as indeed set in motion but at once cut short by the thunderbolt and death of that same emperor, Prosper did not think should be reckoned among the persecutions with a distinct number, so that he called the Diocletianic (otherwise the tenth) the ninth. Hence when Leo called it the eighth persecution, following in the footsteps of Prosper, he understood not the persecution of Aurelian but of Valerian, which in Prosper, as well as in Augustine and Orosius, and also in Sulpicius and Jerome, is reckoned the eighth. 1. The holy pontiff in Sermon 79, on the Fast of Pentecost, the second, chapter
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2, de infidelium jejuniis loquens, non solum ea appellavit vana, verum etiam infidelitate polluta asseruit. Aliud enim agit sub veritate ratio, aliud sub falsitate deceptio. Apud nos fides etiam sanctificat manducantem, apud illos infidelitas polluit jjejunantem. Et mox hanc generalem propositionem subjicit: Extra Ecclesiam catholicam nihil est integrum, nihil castum, dicente Apostolo: Omne quod non est ex fide, pecccatum est:quibus verbis non tam jejunia quam omnes aliarum virtutum moralium actus infidelitate pollutos ac peccata esse videtur innuere. His autem verbis Quesnellus postillam affixit: An et qualia sint infidelium bona opera. 2. Ne quis vero sententiæ ab Ecclesia proscriptæ S.
第二章,論不信者的齋戒時,他不僅稱之為虛妄,甚至斷言它們被不信所玷污。「因為在真理之下的理智所行是一事,在虛謊之下的欺騙所行是另一事。在我們這裡,信德甚至使進食者成聖;在他們那裡,不信卻玷污禁食者。」隨即他補充這一總體命題:「在大公教會之外,沒有什麼是完整的,沒有什麼是純潔的,正如使徒所言:凡不出於信德的,都是罪」——他藉這些話似乎暗示:不僅是齋戒,連其他倫理德行的一切行為,都被不信所玷污並且是罪。凱斯內爾對這些話加了旁註:「不信者的善功是否存在、屬於何種。」第二:但為免有人以為聖良
2, speaking of the fasts of unbelievers, not only called them vain but even asserted them to be polluted by unbelief. 'For reason under truth does one thing, deception under falsehood another. With us faith sanctifies even the one eating; with them unbelief pollutes the one fasting.' And presently he subjoins this general proposition: 'Outside the Catholic Church nothing is whole, nothing is chaste, the Apostle saying: Everything that is not of faith is sin'—by which words he seems to intimate that not so much fasts as all the acts of the other moral virtues are polluted by unbelief and are sins. To these words Quesnel affixed the note: 'Whether, and of what sort, are the good works of unbelievers.' 2. But lest anyone think that the holy Leo
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Leonem favere existimet, præponendum est eum alibi palam fuisse professum laude digna esse misericordiæ et humanitatis opera quæ non prodeunt ex fide, si nullo provo fine aliunde infecta, ex ipsarum virtutum motivo eliciantur. Hæc enim leguntur serm. 7 de Quadragesima, c. 3: Quid hac humanitate felicius ? Quæ utique laude sua fraudanda non esset, si propter ipsam naturæ communionem ( en naturalis virtutis motivum) juvando homini ab homine præstaretur. Sed quia, addit, quod non ex fidei procedit fonte, ad præmia æterna non pervenit; alia est conditio operum cælestium, alia terrenorum. Mundana benevolentia in his quos adjuvat habet finem;
有利於教會所禁的意見,就必須先聲明:他在別處公開表明,那不出於信德的慈悲與仁愛之善功也值得稱讚,只要它們不受任何來自別處的邪惡目的所感染,而是出於諸德行本身的動機而發。因為這些話見於《四旬期》第七講第三章:「還有什麼比這仁愛更幸福呢?倘若它是為了本性共通之故(看哪,這正是自然德行的動機)而由人施於人以助人,它斷不當被剝奪其稱讚。但是」,他補充說,「因為凡不從信德之泉源而發的,就不能達到永賞,所以屬天之善功的境況是一回事,屬地之善功的境況是另一回事。屬世的善意在其所助之人身上有其終向;」
favours the opinion proscribed by the Church, it must be premised that he elsewhere openly professed that works of mercy and humaneness which do not proceed from faith are worthy of praise, provided that, infected from no perverse end from elsewhere, they be elicited from the motive of the virtues themselves. For these things are read in Sermon 7 on Lent, chapter 3: 'What is happier than this humaneness? Which surely would not have to be defrauded of its praise, if for the sake of the very community of nature (behold the motive of natural virtue) it were rendered to man by man in helping him. But because,' he adds, 'that which does not proceed from the fount of faith does not attain to the eternal rewards, the condition of heavenly works is one thing, of earthly another. Worldly benevolence has its end in those whom it aids;'
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Christiana pietas in suum transit auctorem, dum in ipsum dicimur benigni, quem in nobis falemur operari. Qui laude sua fraudandam non esse ejusmodi humanitatem affirmat, etiamsi non esse djusmodi humanitatem affirmat, etiamsi no ex fidei procedat fonte, dummodo propter ipsam naturæ communionem juvando homini ab homine præstetur, qui est finis miserationis ac virtutis naturalis; is bonan tuique, non auem malam hanc humanitatem credidit: neque enim malum, quod solam vituperationem maeretur, dici potuisset fraudendum non esse sua laude. Solum vero hæc opera præmio cœlesti, in quibus sistunt, et in hoc mundo terminari.
「基督徒的虔敬則越入其本原,我們既承認祂在我們內運作,便被稱為向祂仁慈。」他既肯定這樣的仁愛不當被剝奪其稱讚——即使它不從信德之泉源而發,只要它是為了本性共通之故而由人施於人以助人(這正是憐憫與自然德行的終向)——他便相信這仁愛是善的而非惡的;因為惡只配受責備,斷不能被說成「不當被剝奪其稱讚」。他只是相信,這些善功不以任何屬天的賞報為界(善功並非止於那賞報之中),而是止息並終結於今世。
'Christian piety passes over into its own Author, while we are said to be kind toward Him whom we confess to work in us.' He who affirms that such humaneness is not to be defrauded of its praise, even though it does not proceed from the fount of faith, provided that for the sake of the very community of nature it be rendered to man by man in helping him—which is the end of compassion and of natural virtue—he believed this humaneness to be good and not evil; for evil, which deserves only reproach, could not have been said to be not to be defrauded of its praise. Only he believed that these works are bounded by no heavenly reward, in which they rest, and terminate in this world.
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Si qui orgo infidiles misericordiæ autalterius moralis veirtutis opera edant ex morivo vritutis, licet non ex fide deant, peccati accusandi non sunt ex Leonis sententia 3. Quod si eorum jejunia infidelitate polluta, et apud eos nihil integrum, nihhil castum reperiri, in hoc serm. 79 affirmavit, id alio sensu, qui antecedenti sententiæ non contradicat, affirmasse decendus est, quatenus scilicet jejunia et alia vertutum opera apud infideles plerumque non ec motivo 492 virtutis, sed ex aliquo vitioso fine profecta credidit. Qua in re observandum est S. Pontificem infidelium nomine complecti omnes qui Christiana fide carent, sive pagani illi sint, sive Judæi, sive etiam hæretici.
因此,若有不信者出於德行的動機而行慈悲或其他倫理德行之善功,雖不出於信德,按良教宗的意見,他們也不當被控以罪。第三:但他在這第七十九講中肯定他們的齋戒被不信所玷污,且在他們中間找不到任何完整、任何純潔之物——這必須說是在另一種與前述意見不相牴觸的意義上肯定的,也就是說,因為他相信在不信者中間,齋戒與其他德行之善功大多不是出於德行的動機,而是出於某種有惡的目的。在這件事上須留意:這位聖教宗以「不信者」之名涵蓋一切缺乏基督信德的人,無論他們是外教人、猶太人,還是異端者。
If therefore any unbelievers produce works of mercy or of another moral virtue from the motive of virtue, although they do not do so from faith, they are not to be accused of sin according to the opinion of Leo. 3. But that he affirmed in this Sermon 79 that their fasts are polluted by unbelief, and that among them nothing whole, nothing chaste is found—this must be said to have been affirmed in another sense which does not contradict the preceding opinion, namely insofar as he believed that among unbelievers fasts and other works of the virtues generally proceed not from the motive of virtue but from some vicious end. In which matter it must be observed that the holy pontiff embraces under the name of unbelievers all who lack the Christian faith, whether they be pagans, or Jews, or even heretics.
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Ita enim exorditur caput secundum: In exercendo autem hoc Dei munere (id est continentia a cibis per jejunium) non ideo segniores esse debemus, quia et et apud ipsos paganos sunt quædam vana jejunia. Mox de hos omnibus jejunantibus subdit: Aliud enim agit sub veritate ration aliud sub falsitate deceprio. Apud nos fides etiam sancitficat manducantem, apud illos infidelitas polluit jejunantem; ubi infidelitas non solum ad paganos, sed ad Hebræos et hæreticos etiam extenditur. Varia autem ratione istorum abstinentiæ (et similiter alii actus vertutum moraliumm) ex pravo aliquo fine pollui poruerant.
因為他如此開始第二章:「但在履行天主的這一職責(即藉禁食而戒食)時,我們不當因此更加懈怠,因為即便在外教人自身中間,也有某些虛妄的齋戒。」隨即,論這一切禁食者,他補充說:「因為在真理之下的理智所行是一事,在虛謊之下的欺騙所行是另一事。在我們這裡,信德甚至使進食者成聖;在他們那裡,不信卻玷污禁食者」——這裡的「不信」不僅延及外教人,也延及希伯來人與異端者。但這些人的禁食(以及倫理德行的其他行為同樣如此),可能因種種不同的理由而被某種墮落的目的所玷污。
For thus he begins the second chapter: 'But in exercising this duty of God (that is, abstinence from foods through fasting) we ought not on that account to be more sluggish, because even among the pagans themselves there are certain vain fasts.' Presently, of all these who fast, he subjoins: 'For reason under truth does one thing, deception under falsehood another. With us faith sanctifies even the one eating; with them unbelief pollutes the one fasting'—where 'unbelief' extends not only to pagans but also to Hebrews and heretics. But by a varied reason the abstinences of these (and similarly the other acts of the moral virtues) could be polluted by some depraved end.
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Paganorum qidem jejunia, si quæ Leonis ætate in inanium deorum cultum vigerent ( uri erat iilud quod Cereri institutum Licius memorat, quodque IV nonas Ocrobris præscirptum legitur in antiquo Kalendario marmoreo Amirterni effosso [ Apud Murator. Thesaur. inscript. pag. 150]) quatenus infidelitate polluta proprie dicantur, quisque intelligit. Idipsum est de jejuniis Manichæorum in honorem Solis ac Lunæ a Leone natetis Serm. 4 de Quadrag. c. 5, et in epist. ad Turribium c. 4, de quibus proinde affirmat in laudato sermone: Qui sua maxime observantia polluuntur. Alia etiam istorum hæreticorum jejunia perstrinxit serm. 4 de Nativitate c. 6:
外教人的齋戒——若在良教宗的時代有任何齋戒盛行於對虛妄神明的敬拜中(如利奇烏斯所提及、為刻瑞斯所設立的那一種,據載於古老的阿米特爾努姆大理石曆——此曆出土後見於穆拉托里《碑銘寶典》第一五○頁——被規定於十月諾內斯前第四日)——就其可正當地被稱為受不信所玷污而言,人人都能明白。摩尼教徒為敬崇日、月而行的齋戒也是如此,良教宗在《四旬期》第四講第五章及《致圖里比烏斯書》第四章中提及,故他在受稱讚的那篇講道中論及這些齋戒說:「這些人正因其自身的遵守而最受玷污。」他在《論聖誕》第四講第六章也抨擊了這些異端者的另一些齋戒:
The fasts of the pagans indeed—if any in Leo's age were in vigour in the worship of empty gods (such as was that instituted to Ceres which Licius mentions, and which is read to have been prescribed on the fourth day before the Nones of October in the ancient marble Calendar of Amiternum dug up [in Muratori, Thesaurus of Inscriptions, page 150])—insofar as they may properly be called polluted by unbelief, everyone understands. The same is true of the fasts of the Manichaeans in honour of the Sun and Moon, noted by Leo in Sermon 4 on Lent, chapter 5, and in the letter to Turribius, chapter 4, concerning which accordingly he affirms in the praised sermon: 'Who are most of all polluted by their own observance.' He also touched upon other fasts of these heretics in Sermon 4 on the Nativity, chapter 6:
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Non vos seducant deceptoriis artibus ficta et simulate jejunia, quæ non ad purificationem, sed ad perditionem proficiunt animarum. Speciem quidem sivi pictatis et castitatis assu- munt: sed hoc dolo acruum suorum obscena circumtegunt, et de profani cordis penetralibus jacula, quibus simplices vulnerentur, emittunt. Et rursum de ejusmodi jejuniis serm. 4 de Epiphan. c. 5; Non sunt casta jejunia, quæ non de ratione veniunt continentiæ, sed de arte fallaciæ. Hactenus nocuerint incautis, hactenus illuserint imperitis. In quibus cum jejuniorum id genus vitium in fallendi finem rejicit, non in jejunia per se;
「不要讓那些虛構偽裝的齋戒以其欺詐的伎倆迷惑你們,因它們不引向靈魂的潔淨,而引向靈魂的喪亡。它們固然披上一副虔敬與貞潔的外貌;但憑這詭計,它們遮掩其行徑的穢褻,並從褻瀆之心的深處射出使單純者受傷的箭矢。」又,論這類齋戒,在《論主顯節》第四講第五章:「那些不出於節制之理、卻出於欺詐之術的齋戒,並非貞潔的齋戒。它們至多不過傷害了無防備者,至多不過欺騙了無知者。」在這些段落中,既然他把這類齋戒之惡歸於欺騙的目的,而非齋戒本身;
'Let not fabricated and feigned fasts, which lead not to the purification but to the perdition of souls, seduce you by their deceptive arts. They indeed assume a semblance of piety and chastity; but by this guile they cloak the obscenities of their deeds, and from the recesses of a profane heart they send forth darts by which the simple are wounded.' And again, concerning fasts of this kind, in Sermon 4 on the Epiphany, chapter 5: 'Those fasts are not chaste which come not from the reason of continence, but from the art of deceit. Thus far they have harmed the unwary, thus far they have deluded the unskilled.' In which passages, since he casts the vice of that kind of fasting upon the end of deceiving, not upon the fasts in themselves;
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tum vero casta innuit jejunia, quæ de ratione venunt continentiæn seu quæ omni prava fine secluso ex solo virtutis motivo procedunt. Hebræorum quoque jejunia polluta intelligi possunt vel eo pravo consilio quo præceptis legalibus jam abolitis obsequium præstandum existiment, vel saltem inani gloria, quæ Pharisæos jejunantes intumuisse, uti apud Matthæum traditur c. VI, V; 16. S. pontifex notavit serm. 4 de Jejunio mensis septimi c. 1, ac præcipue serm. 7, c. 2. 4. Hoc autem inanis gloriæ vitium in sermine de quo nunc agimus S.
他藉此暗示:那些出於節制之理的齋戒才是貞潔的,也就是說,那些排除了一切墮落目的、唯獨出於德行動機而發的齋戒。希伯來人的齋戒也可理解為被玷污的,或是因那墮落的用意——他們以為對已廢除的律法誡命仍當順服,或至少因虛榮——禁食的法利塞人因此自高自大,正如《瑪竇福音》第六章第十六節所傳;聖教宗在《七月齋戒》第四講第一章,尤其在第七講第二章中指出了這一點。第四:但這虛榮之惡,聖
he thereby intimates that those fasts are chaste which come from the reason of continence, that is, which, every depraved end being excluded, proceed from the motive of virtue alone. The fasts of the Hebrews also can be understood as polluted, either by that depraved intention whereby they suppose obedience is to be rendered to the legal precepts already abolished, or at least by vainglory, whereby the fasting Pharisees were puffed up, as is handed down in Matthew, chapter 6, verse 16—which the holy pontiff noted in Sermon 4 on the Fast of the seventh month, chapter 1, and especially in Sermon 7, chapter 2. 4. But that this vice of vainglory the holy
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Leonem præsertim spectasse exinde colligi potest quod capite tertio Christianos hortetur ut a jactantia et superbia in jejuniis maxime caveant, ne jejnium per se bonum hoc vitio corrumpatur. Cavendum est, inquit, 493 ne bona, quæ facere sine bonetate non possumus, elatione perdamus. Nam omni se merito laude dispoliat, qui de studiis industriæ suæ in se magis quam in Domino gloriatur. Et cap. 4: Contineamus nos ab inflatione jactantiæ, ad Dei gloriam cancta referentes. Quamquam in hoc potissimum vitium, de Christianorum jejuniis loquens, declamasse videtur, quoa, uti animadvertit, serm. 4 de Quadrag. c.
良教宗尤其著眼於此,由此可推知——即他在第三章勸勉基督徒最要防備在齋戒中的誇耀與驕傲,免得那本身為善的齋戒被此惡所敗壞。他說:「我們必須提防,免得因自高而喪失那沒有善德便無法行的善事。因為凡在自身而非在主內,以自己勤勞的作為而自誇的人,就把自己的一切功勞之稱讚剝奪淨盡。」又第四章:「讓我們約束自己,遠離誇耀的膨脹,把一切事物歸於天主的榮耀。」雖然他論基督徒的齋戒時,似乎最著力抨擊此惡,因為,正如他在《四旬期》第四講第……章所指出的,
Leo especially had in view, can hence be gathered—that in the third chapter he exhorts Christians to beware most of all of boasting and pride in fasting, lest the fast, good in itself, be corrupted by this vice. 'We must beware,' he says, 'lest by elation we lose the good things which we cannot do without goodness. For every man despoils himself of all his merit's praise who glories in the pursuits of his own industry more in himself than in the Lord.' And chapter 4: 'Let us restrain ourselves from the inflation of boasting, referring all things to the glory of God.' Although he seems to have declaimed against this vice most of all when speaking of the fasts of Christians, since, as he observes in Sermon 4 on Lent, chapter
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3, apud ipsos, qui infidelitate non ferinentur, goc maxime corrupto fine deabolus insidiatru, ut quos, ait non potuerit dejicere per diffidentiam, conetur superare per gloriam. Vicinum est enim rectis acionibus superbiæ malum, et de proximo semper virtutibus insidiatur elatio; quia difficile est ut laudabviliter viventem laus humana non capiat, nisi, ut scriptum est, qui gloriatur Domino glorietur. Cum vero S.
第三章,在那些並不受不信所束縛的人中間,魔鬼最是以這墮落的目的埋伏,以致(如他所言)那些它不能藉猜疑而擊倒的人,它便力圖藉榮耀而勝過。「因為驕傲之惡緊鄰於正直的行為,自高總是就近埋伏於諸德行之側;因為凡活得可稱讚的人,很難不被人的稱讚所擄,除非,如經上所記,誇口的當指著主誇口。」但既然聖
3, among those very persons who are not held by unbelief, the devil most of all lies in wait with this corrupt end, so that (as he says) those whom he could not cast down through distrust, he strives to overcome through glory. 'For the evil of pride is near to right actions, and elation ever lies in wait for the virtues at close quarters; because it is difficult that human praise should not lay hold of one living praiseworthily, unless, as it is written, he who glories glories in the Lord.' But since the holy
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Leoapud paganos, Judæos et hæreticos, qui recta fide carent, jejunia vel hoc superbiæ, vel alio vitio infecta putarit, ac pari aliquo pravo fine corrupta præsumpserit cætera virtutum moralium opera quæ ab illis fiunt, nihil mirum si illa exinde infidelitate polluta, et apud eosdem nihil integrum, nihil castum reperiri affirmavit. 5. Neque idcirco colligendum est eum peccati absolute ac generatim damnasse omnia virtutum opera quæ etra Ecclesiam ab illis eduntur; nam laude digna ac bona, ut vidimus, expresse docuit, quæ ex fidei fonte non prodeunt, si omni pravo fine semoto ex virtutis motivo producantur.
良教宗設想:在缺乏正信的外教人、猶太人與異端者中間,齋戒或被這驕傲之惡、或被某種別的惡所感染,並推定他們所行的其餘倫理德行之善功也被某種同樣墮落的目的所敗壞,那麼若他斷言這些善功由此被不信所玷污,且在這些人中間找不到任何完整、任何純潔之物,就不足為奇了。第五:也不可由此推斷他絕對而普遍地把他們在教會之外所產出的一切德行之善功都定為罪;因為正如我們已見,他明白教導:那些不從信德之泉源而發的事,若排除一切墮落目的而出於德行的動機而產出,便是值得稱讚且善的。
Leo supposed that among pagans, Jews, and heretics, who lack the right faith, the fasts were infected either with this vice of pride or with some other, and presumed that the rest of the works of the moral virtues which are done by them were corrupted by some equally depraved end, it is no wonder if he affirmed that these were thence polluted by unbelief, and that among the same nothing whole, nothing chaste is found. 5. Nor is it therefore to be gathered that he condemned as sin, absolutely and generally, all the works of the virtues which are produced by them outside the Church; for he expressly taught, as we have seen, that those things are praiseworthy and good which do not proceed from the fount of faith, if, every depraved end being removed, they be produced from the motive of virtue.
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Solum cum inter paganos aliosque infideles, deficiente recta fide, aliquis pravus finis, saltem philautiæ vel inanis gloriæ, facillime subrepat, ipsa bona opera, quæ facere sine bonitate non possumus vitiari, et eatenus nec integra, nec casta esse affirmavit, uti eodem sensu Augustinus, Prosper aliique Patres tradidere. Hinc serm. 4 de Nativit. Domini, c. 6, postquam vitiossa Manichæorum jejunia reprehendit, auditores suos ad rectam fidem tenendam hortatus est hac præsertim ratione, quia nihil sine illa sanctum, nihil castum est nihil visum: justus enim ex fide vivit; ubi verbi nihil castum indicato sensu intelligenda sunt. 6. Hinc autem postremus textus aliam observationem suppeditat.
只因為在外教人與其他不信者中間,既缺乏正信,某種墮落的目的——至少是自愛或虛榮——極易潛入,他便斷言:那些我們沒有善德便無法行的善功本身也被敗壞,並在此程度上既不完整、也不純潔——正如奧斯定、普洛斯佩爾及其他教父在同一意義上所傳授的。因此,在《論主聖誕》第四講第六章,他責備了摩尼教徒有惡的齋戒之後,勸勉聽眾持守正信,主要理由在此:因為沒有正信,就沒有什麼是神聖的、純潔的、有生命的:因為義人因信德而活——這裡「沒有什麼是純潔的」諸字當按上文所指的意義來理解。第六:此外,由末一段經文可引出另一項觀察。
Only because among pagans and other unbelievers, right faith being wanting, some depraved end—at least of self-love or of vainglory—very easily creeps in, he affirmed that the good works themselves, which we cannot do without goodness, are vitiated, and to that extent are neither whole nor chaste—just as in the same sense Augustine, Prosper, and other Fathers handed down. Hence in Sermon 4 on the Nativity of the Lord, chapter 6, after he had reproved the vicious fasts of the Manichaeans, he exhorted his hearers to hold the right faith, chiefly for this reason: because without it nothing is holy, nothing chaste, nothing living: for the just man lives by faith—where the words 'nothing chaste' are to be understood in the sense indicated. 6. Hence, moreover, the last text supplies another observation.
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Dum enim sine fide nihil sanctum, nihil vivum, tradit; infidelium opera quæ nullo pravo fine inficerentur, vera sanctitate ac merito æternæ vitæ vacua innuit. Ita etiam serm. 8, de Quadr. C. 1, S. Pontifex jejunaiuros moneus, ne ulla infidelitate polluantur, hanc rationem affert: Dicente enim Apostolo, Omne quod non est ex fide, peccatum est, inutilia erunt ac vana eorum jejunia, quos illusionibus suis mendacii pater decipit, et vera Christi caro non pascit.
因為當他傳授「沒有信德,就沒有什麼是神聖的、有生命的」時,他暗示:不信者那不受任何墮落目的所感染的善功,也缺乏真正的聖德與永生的功勞。同樣,在《四旬期》第八講第一章,聖教宗勸告即將禁食的人,免得他們被任何不信所玷污,並提出這理由:「因為,正如使徒所言,凡不出於信德的,都是罪,那些被謊言之父以其幻術所欺、且不被基督真實的血肉所養育之人的齋戒,將是無用而虛妄的。」
For while he hands down that without faith nothing is holy, nothing living, he intimates that the works of unbelievers which are infected by no depraved end are void of true sanctity and of the merit of eternal life. So also in Sermon 8 on Lent, chapter 1, the holy pontiff, admonishing those about to fast lest they be polluted by any unbelief, brings this reason: 'For, the Apostle saying, Everything that is not of faith is sin, the fasts of those will be useless and vain whom the father of lies deceives with his illusions, and whom the true flesh of Christ does not feed.'
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Quibus verbis nomen peccatum ab Apostolo adhibitum, de operibus generatim inutilibus, et vanis, id est merito ac præmio æterno carentibus, interpretari videtur, ut scilicet ea quoque misericordiæ opera ab infidelibus edita, complectatur, quæ nullo corrupto fine propter494 ipsam naturæ communiorem juvando homini impensa, sua laude non fraudanda, id est bona, pronuntiaverat serm. 7, quæque proinde hoc solo latiori sensu peccata dici queunt, quatenus sine fide viva ad æternum præmium nihil proficiunt: unde hoc eodem serm. 7, scripsit: Quod non ex fidei procedit fonte, ad præmia æterna non pervenit. 7. Duo itaque virtutum moralium opera S. pontifex in infidelibus satis distinxit.
藉著這些話,使徒所用「罪」這一名稱——論及一般無用而虛空的工作,即缺乏永恆功勞與賞報者——似被如此解釋,以致它也包含不信者所行的那些憐憫工作:這些工作並無敗壞的目的,乃是為著本性更共通的紐帶、為幫助人而付出,不當被剝奪其應得的稱讚,即是善的,正如他在第七篇講道中所宣告的;因此它們唯有在此更寬廣的意義上才可稱為罪,即:沒有活的信德,它們對永恆賞報毫無助益。故此在同一第七篇講道中他寫道:「凡不由信德的泉源而出者,不能達到永恆的賞報。」七。因此聖教宗充分地區分了不信者身上兩種道德之德的工作。
By these words the term 'sin,' as employed by the Apostle concerning works generally useless and vain—that is, lacking eternal merit and reward—appears to be interpreted in such a way that it embraces also those works of mercy performed by unbelievers which, with no end corrupted, being bestowed to help a man for the sake of the very common bond of nature, are not to be cheated of their due praise, that is, are good, as he had declared in Sermon 7; and which for that very reason can be called sins only in this broader sense, insofar as, without living faith, they avail nothing toward an eternal reward. Whence in this same Sermon 7 he wrote: 'What does not proceed from the fount of faith does not attain to eternal rewards.' 7. Thus the holy pontiff sufficiently distinguished two kinds of works of the moral virtues among unbelievers.
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Alia ex objecto quidem bona, at pravo fine corrupta et mala; alia vero nullo pravo fine infecta, non tam ex objecto quam ex fine virtutis bona, sed merito æternæ vitæ expertia et inutilia. De primi generis operibus obsolute et generatim affirmavit, nihil intergrum, nihil castum, etc., apud infideles reperiri, quia generatim omnia infidelium bona opera aliquo vitioso fine corrumpuntur. Opera vero sucundi generis conditionate et quasi per exceptionem in illis admisit, si ex motivo virtutis edantur; quod casum possibilem et valide rarum insinuat. 8.Id vero a damnatis propositionibus tam alienum est, quam ab iisdem alienus est S.
有些工作在對象上固然是善的,卻因敗壞的目的而受污損成為惡;另一些則不被任何敗壞的目的所感染,其善與其說出於對象,不如說出於德行的目的,然而卻缺乏永生的功勞而無益。論到第一類工作,他絕對而普遍地斷言:在不信者當中找不到任何完整、任何貞潔之事等等,因為不信者的一切善工一般都被某種邪惡的目的所敗壞。至於第二類工作,他則有條件地、彷彿藉例外而承認其存在於他們當中,倘若這些工作出於德行的動機——他暗示這是一種可能且確實罕見的情形。八。然而這與那些被定罪的命題如此相去甚遠,正如聖奧古斯丁本人與它們相去甚遠一樣,
Some are good indeed in their object, yet corrupted and evil in their bad end; others, however, are infected by no bad end, and are good not so much from their object as from the end of virtue, yet devoid of the merit of eternal life and unprofitable. Concerning works of the first kind he affirmed absolutely and in general that nothing whole, nothing chaste, etc., is found among unbelievers, because in general all the good works of unbelievers are corrupted by some vicious end. But works of the second kind he admitted among them conditionally and as it were by exception, if they be performed from a motive of virtue—which he intimates to be a possible case and truly rare. 8. But this is as foreign to the condemned propositions as St. Augustine himself is foreign to them,
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Augustinus, qui de operibus virtutum apud infideles non dissimiliter tradidit. In libro de Spiritu et Litt., cap. 26, scriptum reliquit: In numero etiam hominum impiorum, nec Deum verum veraciter colentium quædam facta vel legimus, vel novimus, vel audivimus, quæ secundum justitiæ regulam non solum non vituperare possumus, verum etiam merito justeque laudamus. Id convenit cum illis Leonis laude sua fraudanda non sunt. Mox autem subdit: Quamquam si discutias quo fine fiant, vix invenientur, quæ justitiæ debitam laudem defensionemque mereantur. Quibus dum insinuat ea justitiæ opera sine aliquo pravo fine vix inventum iri, pleraque sane perinde depravata in iisdem certo credidit:
奧古斯丁論到不信者身上德行的工作時,教導與此並無不同。他在《論神與字句》一書第二十六章留下記載:「甚至在那些不敬虔、不真誠敬拜真神之人當中,我們也讀到、知道或聽聞某些行為,按公義的準則,我們不但不能責備,反而理當公正地稱讚。」這與利奧那句話「不當被剝奪其稱讚」相符。但他隨即補充:「然而,你若細察這些工作是為何目的而行,就幾乎找不到有哪些配得公義所應得的稱讚與辯護。」他藉此暗示:那些公義的工作幾乎找不到沒有某種敗壞目的者,並且確信這等人身上多半的此類工作同樣是敗壞的:
Augustine, who taught not dissimilarly concerning the works of the virtues among unbelievers. In his book On the Spirit and the Letter, chapter 26, he left in writing: 'Even among the number of impious men, who do not truly worship the true God, we read or know or hear of certain deeds which, according to the rule of justice, we not only cannot blame, but even deservedly and justly praise.' This agrees with those words of Leo, 'they are not to be cheated of their praise.' But shortly after he adds: 'And yet, if you examine with what end they are done, scarcely will any be found that merit the praise and defense due to justice.' By which, while he intimates that those works of justice will scarcely be found without some bad end, he certainly believed that very many of them among such men are likewise depraved:
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unde aliis in licis virtutum opera, quæ ab infidelibus patrantur, idem Augustinus, æque ac S. Leo, generatim damnavit ex solo pravo fine, quo ea infecta, raris casibus exceptis, generatim præsumit. 1.Quesnellus in hæc verba Leonis serm. 83 de Natali SS. Apostolorum Petri et Pauli c. 1: In die martyrii corum istam notationem subjecit: « Quo die, quove mense agonem suum compleverit apostoli Petrus et Paulus, et quonam similiter martyrii corum memoria solemni festivitate olim coleretur in Ecclesia, sunt qui ex hodiernis Ecclesiæ fastis et consuetudine decerni noliut. Nullus enim, inquint, testis est admodum antiquus, qui illum diem in kal. Julii 495 assignet.
故此在別處,同一位奧古斯丁與聖利奧一樣,普遍地定不信者所行德行的工作為罪,其唯一根據乃是那敗壞的目的——他推定這些工作除罕見情形外,一般都被此目的所感染。一。凱內爾(Quesnel)在利奧論聖使徒彼得與保羅誕辰之第八十三篇講道第一章「在他們殉道之日」這些話上,附了這條注釋:「使徒彼得與保羅在何日或何月完成其爭戰,以及他們殉道的紀念昔日在教會中曾於何日以隆重節慶舉行,有些人不願依當今教會的曆書與慣例來斷定。因為他們說,並無足夠古老的見證者將那日定於七月的朔日。」
whence in other places the same Augustine, equally with St. Leo, condemned in general the works of the virtues which are performed by unbelievers, on the sole ground of the bad end by which he presumes them, in general, to be infected, save in rare cases. 1. Quesnel, upon these words of Leo in Sermon 83 on the Nativity of the Holy Apostles Peter and Paul, chapter 1: 'On the day of their martyrdom,' appended this note: 'On what day or in what month the Apostles Peter and Paul completed their contest, and likewise on what day the memory of their martyrdom was once observed in the Church with solemn festivity, there are some who are unwilling to determine from the present-day calendars and custom of the Church. For, they say, there is no witness sufficiently ancient who assigns that day to the Kalends of July.'
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Vetustissimum autem auctorem habemus, Leonique ipsi æqualem, qui solemnitatem depositionis aposolorum octavo die ante kalendas Martias celebratam fuisse commemorat. Is est Polemeus Silvius, cujus laterculum sacra profanaque festa plura continetem, penes se integrum fuisse testatur Joannes Bollandus in præfatone generali in Vitas SS. cap. 4, § 3; cujus laterculi specimen codem loco editum docet os depositionem apostolorum, non 27 Junii, ut nunc fit, sed 22 Februarii celebratam fuisse in Ecclesia Romana. Ita enim habet; VIII (kal. Mart.) DEPOSITIO SS. PETRI ET PAULI. Romæ scripsit, si codici fides, Silvius ille;
但我們有一位極古的作者,與利奧本人同時代,他記載使徒安葬(depositio)的隆重節慶乃於三月朔日前第八日舉行。此人即波勒米烏斯·西爾維烏斯(Polemius Silvius),約翰·博蘭德(John Bolland)在其《聖徒傳》總序第四章第三節中作證說,他曾完整持有西爾維烏斯的曆書,其中含有許多聖俗節日;他在同處刊印的該曆書樣本表明:使徒的安葬在羅馬教會中並非如今日於六月二十七日,而是於二月二十二日舉行。因為它是這樣寫的:三月朔日前第八日 聖彼得與聖保羅之安葬。這位西爾維烏斯是在羅馬寫作的——倘若那抄本可信;
But we have a most ancient author, contemporary with Leo himself, who records that the solemnity of the burial (depositio) of the apostles was celebrated on the eighth day before the Kalends of March. This is Polemius Silvius, whose calendar (laterculum), containing many sacred and profane feasts, John Bolland testifies to have possessed intact, in his general preface to the Lives of the Saints, chapter 4, § 3; a specimen of which calendar, published in the same place, teaches that the burial of the apostles was celebrated in the Roman Church not on June 27, as is now done, but on February 22. For thus it has it: VIII (Kal. March) THE BURIAL OF SS. PETER AND PAUL. That Silvius wrote at Rome—if the manuscript is to be trusted;
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sed et Leonis nostri ætate, imperantibus Theodosio juniore et Valentiniano, Posthumiano et Zenone vv. Cc. coss., id est, anno Christi 448, suumque anno sequenti parfecit laterculum, Asterio consule, hoc est anno 449. Verum difficile est ut propter unicum incertæ fidei codicem contra omnia eamus seu Kalendaria, seu martyrologia, seu alia hujusmodi Ecclesiæ veteris monumenta, quæ hactenus lucem viderunt; qualia sunt Sacramentarium S. Gregorii Magni, Ordo Romanus, ipsum S. Hieronymi Lectionarum omnium antiquissimum; in his enim omnibus SS. Petri et Pauli depositio seu natale tertia die ante kalendas Julias assignatur.
而且也是在我們的利奧的時代,即皇帝小狄奧多西與瓦倫提尼安在位、傑出人物波斯圖米安與芝諾任執政官之時——即基督紀元四四八年——他並於次年在執政官阿斯特里烏斯任內、即四四九年完成其曆書。但實在難以想像:僅因一份可信度不確定的抄本,我們就要違背迄今問世的一切曆書、殉道錄、或古教會其他此類文獻;諸如聖大額我略的聖事禮書、羅馬禮典、以及一切經課集中最古老的聖熱羅尼莫的經課集;因為在這一切文獻中,聖彼得與聖保羅的安葬或誕辰都定於七月朔日前第三日。
but also in the time of our own Leo, under the emperors Theodosius the Younger and Valentinian, when Posthumianus and Zeno, most distinguished men, were consuls—that is, in the year of Christ 448—and he completed his calendar in the following year, under the consul Asterius, that is, in the year 449. But it is difficult that, on account of a single manuscript of uncertain reliability, we should go against all the calendars, martyrologies, or other such monuments of the ancient Church that have hitherto come to light; such as the Sacramentary of St. Gregory the Great, the Roman Ordo, and the most ancient of all Lectionaries, that of St. Jerome; for in all these the burial or nativity of SS. Peter and Paul is assigned to the third day before the Kalends of July.
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Immo et in vetustissima membrana seu martyrologio, quod schedis Heriberti Rosweydi Bollandus ipse obtulerat Ægidio Bucherio, quodque iste sua comment. in Victorii Canonem inseruit, disertis verbis octavo kalendas Julii assignatur dies martyrii Apostolorum in hunc modum: III kal. Julii, Petri in Catacumbas, et Pauli Ostiense. Certe cum isti laterculi invicem de antiquitate certent, longe major ei fides debetur, cui suffragantur et antiqua omnia Ecclesiæ monumenta et auctorum omnium consensus, quam alteri, qui solus novellam suggerit opinionem, et in quem fa cile est mendum irrepsisse. " Hactenus ille, et satis bene.
不僅如此,甚至在一份極古的羊皮卷或殉道錄中——博蘭德本人曾從赫里伯特·羅斯魏德的文稿中將它交給埃吉迪烏斯·布赫里烏斯,後者又將其收入他對維克托里烏斯《教規》的評注——使徒殉道之日也以明確的文字被定於七月朔日前第八(應作:第三)日,如此寫道:「七月朔日前第三日,彼得在墓窟,保羅在奧斯提亞路。」誠然,既然這些曆書彼此在古老性上相爭,那份受古教會一切文獻與眾作者一致意見支持的曆書,遠比另一份更值得信賴;後者獨自提出一個新奇的意見,且錯誤極易混入其中。」他論到此為止,說得夠好。
Nay, even in a most ancient parchment or martyrology, which Bolland himself had offered to Aegidius Bucherius from the papers of Heribert Rosweyde, and which the latter inserted into his commentary on the Canon of Victorius, the day of the martyrdom of the Apostles is assigned in express words to the eighth (rather: third) before the Kalends of July in this manner: 'On the third before the Kalends of July, Peter in the Catacombs, and Paul on the Ostian Way.' Certainly, since these calendars compete with one another as to antiquity, far greater trust is due to the one which is supported both by all the ancient monuments of the Church and by the consensus of all authors, than to the other, which alone suggests a novel opinion, and into which it is easy for an error to have crept.' Thus far he, and well enough.
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Solum displicet, quod memoratos Polemii Silvii Bucherii laterculos invicem de antiquitate certare scripserit: nam laterculus Bucherii sæculo fere integro Silvii laterculo anterior est. 2. Ut autem Bucheriani laterculi ætas atque præstantia planius percipiatur,diesque martyrii SS. apostolorum Petri Pauli certior fiat, de ejus auctore nonnulla exactius animadvertere juverit, quæ hactenus ab aliis observata non vidimus. Duo autem (quod sciammus) codices hunc laterculum continent: alter vetustior, at mutilus, apud Bollandistas exstat.
唯一令人不滿的是,他寫道上述波勒米烏斯·西爾維烏斯與布赫里烏斯的曆書彼此在古老性上相爭:因為布赫里烏斯的曆書比西爾維烏斯的曆書幾乎早了整整一個世紀。二。但為使布赫里烏斯曆書的年代與卓越更清楚被人領會,並使聖使徒彼得與保羅殉道之日更確定,值得就其作者更精確地指出若干事,乃是我們迄今未見他人所觀察到的。就我們所知,有兩份抄本含此曆書:一份較古,但殘缺,存於博蘭德學派處。
Only it displeases that he wrote that the aforesaid calendars of Polemius Silvius and of Bucherius compete with one another in antiquity: for the calendar of Bucherius is earlier than Silvius's calendar by almost a whole century. 2. But that the age and excellence of the Bucherian calendar may be more plainly perceived, and the day of the martyrdom of the holy Apostles Peter and Paul made more certain, it will be worthwhile to note somewhat more precisely a few things about its author, which we have not seen observed by others hitherto. Now two manuscripts (so far as we know) contain this calendar: one older, but mutilated, exists among the Bollandists.
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Ex hoc Bucherius memoratum laterculum et quatuor alia monumenta edidit, nimirum Catalogum præfectorum Urbis, Catalogum Romanorum 496 pontificum, Fastorum consularium fragmentum, et Kalendarium Romano-profanum, cui quatuor menses desunt. Alter vero recentior, sed integer inventus est in bibliotheca Cæsarea, quo Cuspinianus usus fuerat in Commentariis ad Cassiodorii Chronicon,et exinde ante Bucherium Catalogum præfectorum Ur bis vulgaverat. Ex hoc autem Lambecius, tom. IV Bibliothecæ Cæsareæ integrum Kakendarium, et noster cardinalis Norisius in opere de Epochis SyroMacedonum integros fastos publicavit. Novissime autem Joannes Georgius Ecard, tom.
布赫里烏斯根據此抄本刊印了上述曆書及另外四種文獻,即:城邦長官名錄、羅馬教宗名錄、執政官編年(Fasti)殘篇、以及一份缺四個月的羅馬世俗曆。至於另一份較晚、卻完整發現者,存於皇家圖書館,庫斯皮尼安在其對卡西奧多魯斯《編年史》的評注中曾使用過它,並據此在布赫里烏斯之前刊印了城邦長官名錄。此外,蘭貝丘斯在《皇家圖書館》第四卷中刊印了整部曆書,我們的諾里西烏斯樞機在其《論敘利亞—馬其頓紀元》一書中刊印了完整的編年。而最近,約翰·格奧爾格·埃卡德在第一卷中,
From this Bucherius published the aforementioned calendar and four other monuments, namely a Catalogue of the Prefects of the City, a Catalogue of the Roman pontiffs, a fragment of the consular Fasti, and a Roman-profane Calendar, which lacks four months. But the other, more recent, yet found intact, was in the Imperial Library, which Cuspinianus had used in his Commentaries on the Chronicle of Cassiodorus, and from it, before Bucherius, had published the Catalogue of the Prefects of the City. From this, moreover, Lambecius published the entire Calendar in vol. IV of the Imperial Library, and our Cardinal Norisius published the entire Fasti in his work On the Epochs of the Syro-Macedonians. And most recently John George Eckhart, in vol.
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I Corporis Historiæ medii ævi ex eodem codice præter Kalendarium quatuor relinqua monumenta eodem ordine, quo proferuntur in manuscripto, et cum iisdem etiam liberariorum erroribus accuratissime recusit. Ex horum autem quinque decumentorum observatione liquet omnia, imperante Constantio, fuisse conscripta. Nam in Kalendario Romano profano nullus notatur natalis dies imperatorum qui sint posteriores Constantio; hic autem appellatur titulo, non divi, ut cæteri jam vita functi, sed domini, quod viventis indicium est. Fasti consulares et Catalogus præfectorum Urbis desinunt an. 354.
在其《中世紀史彙編》第一卷中,據同一抄本,除曆書外,還極為精確地按抄本呈現的相同次序重印了其餘四種文獻,甚至連抄寫者的相同錯誤也一併保留。從對這五種文獻的觀察可清楚看出,它們全是在康士坦提烏斯(Constantius)在位時撰寫的。因為在羅馬世俗曆中,沒有記載任何晚於康士坦提烏斯的皇帝的誕辰;並且他被冠以的稱號不是「已神化者」(divi)——如其他已故者那樣——而是「主上」(domini),這是仍在世者的標記。執政官編年與城邦長官名錄止於三五四年。
I of the Corpus of Medieval History, from the same manuscript, besides the Calendar, reproduced most accurately the four remaining monuments in the same order in which they are presented in the manuscript, and even with the same errors of the copyists. From the observation of these five documents it is clear that all were composed under the reign of Constantius. For in the Roman-profane Calendar no birthday is noted of any emperors later than Constantius; and he is styled with the title not of 'the deified' (divi), like the others already deceased, but of 'lord' (domini), which is an indication of one living. The consular Fasti and the Catalogue of the Prefects of the City end in the year 354.
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Laterculus, qui Buche rianus vocari solet, et inscribitur Depositio marty rum et episcoporum,dum notat diem obitus et locum scpulturæ Romanorum pontificum, terminat in Julio, qui obiit an. 352. Tandem Catologus summorum pontificum ita concluditur in Liberio Julii successore, ut notetur quidem ordinationis, non autem mortis ejus dies, quemadmodum in antecessoribus fuerat designatus, quod eum adhuc superstitem indicat. Ex his autem observationibus unus et idem omnium ejusmodi monumentorum auctor, e Liberio atque Constantio coævus agnoscitur. Ex Kalendario vero profano auctoris nomen eruitur, nimirum Furius Dionysius Philocalus.
那份習稱布赫里烏斯本的曆書,題為《殉道者與主教之安葬》,它一面記錄羅馬教宗的卒日與葬地,一面止於死於三五二年的猶利烏斯。最後,最高教宗名錄以猶利烏斯的繼任者利貝里烏斯(Liberius)作結,其記載方式是:確實註明了他受祝聖之日,卻未如對其前任那樣註明其卒日——這表明他當時尚在世。由這些觀察可知,一切此類文獻同屬一位作者,是利貝里烏斯與康士坦提烏斯的同代人。而由世俗曆可查出作者之名,即富里烏斯·狄奧尼修斯·菲羅卡魯斯(Furius Dionysius Philocalus)。
The calendar, which is wont to be called Bucherian, and is entitled 'The Burial of the Martyrs and Bishops,' while it notes the day of death and the place of burial of the Roman pontiffs, ends with Julius, who died in the year 352. Finally, the Catalogue of the supreme pontiffs is concluded with Liberius, the successor of Julius, in such a way that indeed the day of his ordination is noted, but not the day of his death, as had been designated in the case of his predecessors—which indicates that he was still surviving. From these observations, one and the same author of all such monuments is recognized, a contemporary of Liberius and Constantius. And from the profane Calendar the author's name is drawn out, namely Furius Dionysius Philocalus.
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Cum porro omnia at sacra et profana quæ in his monumentis natantur Romana sint, et peculiaribus ac minutissimis etiam Romanæ urbis et Ecclesiæ notitiis referta, hunc Philocalum Romæ has notitias didicisse et scripsisse exploratum videtur, quod ad fidem his dicumentis conciliandam plurimum confert. 3. Præterea in rem præsentem dissimulandum non est laterculi Bucheriani integrum textum esse his verbis expressum III kal. Jul. Petri in Catacumbas, et Pauli Ostiense Tusco et Basso conss. Ex hac autem Catacumbarum et consulatus notatione diem alicujus translationis potius quam mortis hoc laterculo designatum quidam suspicati sunt.
再者,既然這些文獻中所記的一切聖俗之事都是羅馬的,並且充滿了甚至羅馬城與羅馬教會的特殊而極細微的資料,那麼這位菲羅卡魯斯是在羅馬習得並撰寫這些資料,看來是確定無疑的——這對於使這些文獻取信於人大有助益。三。此外,就當前的事而言,不可掩飾的是:布赫里烏斯曆書的全文以這些話表達:「七月朔日前第三日,彼得在墓窟,保羅在奧斯提亞路,時值圖斯庫斯與巴蘇斯任執政官。」由此對墓窟與執政官任期的記載,有些人猜想此曆書所標記的乃是某次遷葬之日,而非卒日。
Since, moreover, all things both sacred and profane that are noted in these monuments are Roman, and are filled with peculiar and most minute details even of the city and Church of Rome, it appears certain that this Philocalus learned and wrote these details at Rome—which contributes very much toward winning credit for these documents. 3. Moreover, for the matter at hand, it is not to be dissembled that the entire text of the Bucherian calendar is expressed in these words: 'On the third before the Kalends of July, Peter in the Catacombs, and Paul on the Ostian Way, when Tuscus and Bassus were consuls.' From this notation of the Catacombs and of the consulship, some have suspected that the day of some translation rather than of death was designated by this calendar.
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At hanc difficulcatem in se Philocalus solvit ex duobus aliis opusculis, in quibus dies martyrii SS. apostolorum Petri et Pauli signatur III kal. Julias, nimirum in Catalogo Romanorum pontificum his verbis, Passus est (S. Petrus) cum Paulo d. III kal. Jul., pag. 26 editionis Eccardi: et in Fastis consularibus pag. 10: 497 Nerone Cæsare, Vetere. Hoc cons. passi sunt Petrus et Paulus III kal. Jul. Verba passus et passi sunt diem profecto mortis expresse indicant.
但菲羅卡魯斯本人藉另外兩篇小作品化解了此難處:在這兩篇中,聖使徒彼得與保羅殉道之日被標為七月朔日前第三日,即在羅馬教宗名錄中以這些話:「他(聖彼得)與保羅一同在七月朔日前第三日受難」,見埃卡德版第二十六頁;並在執政官編年第十頁:「當尼祿·凱撒與維魯斯之時。在此執政官任期內,彼得與保羅於七月朔日前第三日受難。」「受難」(passus)與「他們受難」(passi sunt)這些字無疑明確地指出卒日。
But Philocalus himself resolves this difficulty by means of two other little works, in which the day of the martyrdom of the holy Apostles Peter and Paul is marked as the third before the Kalends of July, namely in the Catalogue of the Roman pontiffs in these words, 'He (St. Peter) suffered together with Paul on the third day before the Kalends of July,' on page 26 of Eckhart's edition; and in the consular Fasti on page 10: 'Under Nero Caesar and Verus. In this consulship Peter and Paul suffered on the third before the Kalends of July.' The words 'suffered' (passus) and 'they suffered' (passi sunt) assuredly indicate expressly the day of death.
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Itaque si uno laterculo, uti vocari solet, Bucheriano separatim ab aliis opusculis considerato ex consultatus præsertim additione dubitari poterat, non ibidem ex auctoris mente translationis dies designetur potius quam mortis, certe ex collatione ejusdem laterculi cum aliis duobus ejusdem auctoris opusculis dubium esse nequit quin in eo auctor æque ac in istis indicare voluerit martyrii diem, cum quo forte etiam translatio aut aliud factum nobis ignotum et consulatu Tusci ac Bassi denotatum concurrerit. Hæc de auctore et sensu laterculi Bucheriani. 4.
因此,倘若單就那份習稱布赫里烏斯本的曆書而言,若將它與其他小作品分開考量,尤其因所附的執政官任期,人們或可懷疑:其中按作者之意所標記的是否為遷葬之日而非卒日;那麼,將同一曆書與同一作者的另兩篇小作品相比較,就無可置疑:作者在其中與在那兩篇中一樣,都欲指出殉道之日,而或許還有一次遷葬、或某件我們不知、由圖斯庫斯與巴蘇斯執政年份所標示的事,恰與此日相合。關於布赫里烏斯曆書的作者與含義,論到此為止。四。
Therefore, if from the Bucherian calendar alone, as it is wont to be called, considered separately from the other little works, one could doubt—especially from the added consulship—whether in it, according to the author's mind, a day of translation rather than of death be designated; certainly, from the comparison of the same calendar with the two other little works of the same author, there can be no doubt that in it the author, equally as in those, wished to indicate the day of martyrdom, with which perhaps also a translation or some other event unknown to us, denoted by the consulship of Tuscus and Bassus, coincided. So much concerning the author and the meaning of the Bucherian calendar. 4.
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Porro Silvium auctorem alterius Kalendarii pro fani Gallum scriptorem fuisse, non ex eo solum cognoscitur quod suum opusculum dicavit Eucherio episcopo, qui Lugdunensi Ecclesiæ præfuit, ut videre est apud Bollandum tom. I Januarii, in prætatione c. 4, § 3, verum etiam colligitur ex Vita S. Hilarii Arelatensis, in qua Silvius inter alios scriptores ejusdem Hilarii concionantis additores recensetur: et hinc etiam auctor Chronici Prosperi Tironis nomine editi, qui Gallus item est auctor, ad ann. 439 memorat eumdem scriptorem Silvium ab aliis prætermissum, eo quod sibi in Gallia notus fuerat. Hujus au tem Silvii Kalendarium non sacrum, sed profanum est?
再者,那位另一份世俗曆的作者西爾維烏斯是高盧作家,這不僅可從他將其小作品題獻給主持里昂教會的主教尤凱里烏斯得知——如博蘭德《一月卷》第一冊序言第四章第三節所見——也可從《阿爾勒的聖希拉里傳》中推知,其中西爾維烏斯被列入為同一位希拉里講道時作補述的其他作者之列;並且由此,那以普洛斯佩·提羅之名刊印的《編年史》的作者——他同樣是高盧作者——在四三九年記載了這位被他人略過的作家西爾維烏斯,因為他在高盧為此作者所知。但這位西爾維烏斯的曆書並非聖曆,而是世俗曆。
Furthermore, that Silvius, the author of the other, profane Calendar, was a Gallic writer, is known not only from the fact that he dedicated his little work to Bishop Eucherius, who presided over the Church of Lyons—as may be seen in Bolland, vol. I of January, in the preface, ch. 4, § 3—but is also gathered from the Life of St. Hilary of Arles, in which Silvius is reckoned among other writers who added to (the works of) the same Hilary as he preached; and hence too the author of the Chronicle published under the name of Prosper Tiro, who is likewise a Gallic author, at the year 439 records the same writer Silvius, passed over by others, because he was known to himself in Gaul. But the Calendar of this Silvius is not sacred, but profane.
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cumque alios laterculos habuisse, ex quibus excerperet, et suo stylo alia fusius exposuisse, alia mutasse vel addidisse, Bollandus in præfationet. I ostendit. Inter profana autem paucissima sacra festa obiter ibidem notantur, ut videre est apud Bollandistas tom. VI Junii part. II, ubi Kalendarium integrum Silvii editum fuit. Inter hæc autem festa notabile est festum S. Vincentii martyris XI kal. Februarii, quod tum apud Romanos non celebrabatur, et similiter festum Machabæorum kal. Augusti, quod ætate eodem Leoni coæva Romæ cœptum non fuisse ostendimus in admonitione præmissa serm. 18 Appendicis. Romæ vero hoc kalendarium scriptum, ut Quesnellus indicat, nuspiam apparet ex codice.
而他另有可供摘錄的曆書,並以自己的風格較詳盡地陳述某些事、更改或增添其他事,這些博蘭德在其第一卷序言中已表明。但在世俗事務之中,那裡只順帶記載了極少數聖節,如博蘭德學派《六月卷》第六冊第二部分所見,那裡刊印了西爾維烏斯的整部曆書。然而在這些節日中,值得注意的是二月朔日前第十一日聖殉道者文森之節,此節當時在羅馬人中並不慶祝;同樣還有八月朔日的馬加伯節,我們在附錄第十八篇講道的前置說明中已表明,此節在與利奧同時代之時尚未在羅馬開始舉行。至於此曆書如凱內爾所示是在羅馬寫成的,這一點從抄本中根本無跡可尋。
And that he had other calendars from which to excerpt, and set forth some things more fully in his own style, changed or added others, Bolland shows in his preface to vol. I. But among the profane matters, very few sacred feasts are noted in passing there, as may be seen in the Bollandists, vol. VI of June, part II, where the entire Calendar of Silvius was published. Among these feasts, however, notable is the feast of St. Vincent the martyr on the eleventh before the Kalends of February, which was not then celebrated among the Romans; and likewise the feast of the Maccabees on the Kalends of August, which we have shown, in the admonition prefixed to Sermon 18 of the Appendix, was not yet begun at Rome in the age contemporary with Leo. But that this calendar was written at Rome, as Quesnel indicates, nowhere appears from the manuscript.
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Immo ex notatione ipsa depositionis SS. apostolorum VIII kal. Martias, cui tria monumenta Furii Philocalicum cæteris omnibus ecclesiasticis documentis refragantur, illud Kalendarium Romæ scribi non potuisse liquet; idque multo manifestius evincit antiquissimum sacramentarium Romanum Leonis nomine editum et recudendum a nobis tom. II, quod Leonis et ipsius Silvii ætatem redolens (uti eodem volumine ostendetur) diem martyrii corumdem apostolorum mense Junio, et octavam mense Julio, tunc celebratum exhibet. Quin ex ipso Leone idepsum colligere licet. Is enim serm. 85 habito in octava ipsorum cap. 1 indicat in die festivitatis eorumdem liberatam fuisse Romam a 498 Vandalis.
不僅如此,僅從使徒安葬被記於三月朔日前第八日這一記載——富里烏斯·菲羅卡魯斯的三種文獻連同其他一切教會文獻都與之相牴觸——就可清楚看出:那份曆書不可能是在羅馬寫成的;而以利奧之名刊印、將由我們在第二卷重印的那部極古的羅馬聖事禮書,把此點證明得更為明顯:它散發著利奧與西爾維烏斯本人時代的氣息(如將在同一卷中所示),顯示同一批使徒殉道之日當時是在六月慶祝,其八日慶(octava)則在七月。不僅如此,由利奧本人也可推得同一結論。因為他在其八日慶所講的第八十五篇講道第一章中指出:在他們的節慶之日,羅馬曾從汪達爾人手中得蒙拯救。
Nay, from the very notation of the burial of the holy Apostles on the eighth before the Kalends of March—against which the three monuments of Furius Philocalus, together with all other ecclesiastical documents, stand opposed—it is clear that that Calendar could not have been written at Rome; and this is proved much more manifestly by the most ancient Roman Sacramentary published under the name of Leo and to be reprinted by us in vol. II, which—savoring of the age of Leo and of Silvius himself (as will be shown in the same volume)—exhibits the day of the martyrdom of the same apostles as then celebrated in the month of June, and the octave in the month of July. Nay, from Leo himself the very same may be gathered. For he, in Sermon 85 delivered on their octave, chapter 1, indicates that on the day of their festivity Rome was delivered from the Vandals.
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Hæc autem liberatio cum inciderit in diem 29 Junii, ut in admonitione ad eumdem sermonem constituimus, eidem quoque diei eam festivitatem, ac proinde diem martyrii, fuisse ascriptum intelligimus. Probabilius igitur est Silvium scribentem in Galliis, Romanorumque festorum minus peritum, qui in allegato Prosperi Tironis Chronico turbatæ admodum mentis dicitur, per errorem die VIII kal. Martias notasse depositionem SS. Petri et Pauli pro Natali S. Petri de Cathedra, quod huic die in Philicali laterculo ascribitur. Forte cum festum Cathedræ S. Petri XVIII Kal. Februarias apud Gallos celebratum videret, eodem die Romanos eam festivitatem tunc celebrasse existimavit, ac propter ea festum VIII kal.
但既然此次拯救落在六月二十九日——如我們在對同一篇講道的說明中所確立的——我們便明白:那節慶、以及因此那殉道之日,是被歸於同一日的。因此更可能的是:西爾維烏斯在高盧寫作、對羅馬節日不甚熟練——在上引普洛斯佩·提羅《編年史》中他被說成心思頗為錯亂——因錯誤而把聖彼得與聖保羅的安葬記於三月朔日前第八日,取代了菲羅卡魯斯曆書歸於此日的聖彼得寶座誕辰。或許,因他見高盧人於二月朔日前第十八日慶祝聖彼得寶座節,便以為羅馬人當時也在同一日慶祝該節慶,因而把三月朔日前第八日之節,
But since this deliverance fell on the 29th day of June, as we have established in the admonition to that same sermon, we understand that to the same day that festivity, and consequently the day of martyrdom, was ascribed. It is therefore more probable that Silvius, writing in Gaul and less skilled in the Roman feasts—who, in the aforementioned Chronicle of Prosper Tiro, is said to be of a rather disturbed mind—by error noted on the eighth before the Kalends of March the burial of SS. Peter and Paul in place of the Nativity of St. Peter of the Chair, which is ascribed to this day in the Philocalian calendar. Perhaps, since he saw the feast of the Chair of St. Peter celebrated among the Gauls on the eighteenth before the Kalends of February, he supposed that the Romans then celebrated that festivity on the same day, and on that account (placed) the feast on the eighth before the Kalends
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Martias in aliquibus documentis Bucheriano similibus notatam, non cathedræ, sed depositionis diem opinatus est. Ita sublata prorsus videtur hac in re Silvii auctoritas, quæ una universis criticis negotium facescebat. 1. Celeberrimus est Leonis textus de duobus amo ribus Dei et mundi, his verbis expressus serm. 5 de Jejunio septimi mensis c. 3: Duo namque amores sunt ex quibus omnes prodeunt voluntates, ita diversæ qualitatibus, sicut dividuntur auctoribus. Rationalis enim animus, qui sine dilectione esse non potest, aut Dei est amator, aut mundi. His verbis Quesnellus hanc postillam affixit: Quidquid ex amore Dei non est, ex amore est mundi, et ideo peccatum.
(記於)一些與布赫里烏斯本相似的文獻中,他便以為不是寶座之日,而是安葬之日。如此,在此事上西爾維烏斯的權威似乎被完全排除,而唯獨它從前使所有評論家犯難。一。極為著名的是利奧論及對神與對世界二種愛的文本,其言表達於《論第七月禁食》第五篇講道第三章:「因為有兩種愛,一切意向皆由之而生,其性質之殊異一如其所被劃分之源頭。因為理性的靈魂——它不能沒有愛——若非愛神者,即是愛世界者。」凱內爾在這些話上附了這條旁註:「凡不出於愛神者,即出於愛世界,因而是罪。」
of March, noted in some documents similar to the Bucherian, he supposed to be the day not of the Chair but of the burial. Thus in this matter the authority of Silvius seems to be wholly removed, which alone was causing trouble to all the critics. 1. Most celebrated is Leo's text concerning the two loves, of God and of the world, expressed in these words in Sermon 5 on the Fast of the Seventh Month, chapter 3: 'For there are two loves from which all volitions proceed, so diverse in qualities as they are divided by their authors. For the rational soul, which cannot be without love, is either a lover of God or of the world.' To these words Quesnel affixed this gloss: 'Whatever is not from the love of God is from the love of the world, and therefore sin.'
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Cum vero hæc sententia ad propositiones Baii Quesnellique damnatas referri possit (unde hic maxime S. pontificis textus a Baianis et Quesnellianis ingeritur), quid in proscriptis thesibus damnatum sit, et quantum a damnato sensu absint Leonis verba, accuratius explicandum est. 2. Inter Baianas prop. 38 est hujusmodi Omnis amor creaturæ aut vitiosa est cupiditas qua mundus diligitur, quæ a Joanne prohibetur, aut laudabilis illa charitas qua per Spiritum sanctum in corde diffusa Deus amatur. Et prop. 40: In omnibus suis actibus peccator servit dominanti cupiditati. Inter Quesnellianas prop. 44: Non sunt nisi duo amores, unde volitiones et actiones omnes nostræ nascuntur:
但既然此語可被歸連於巴伊烏斯(Baius)與凱內爾被定罪的命題(故此聖教宗這段文本尤被巴伊派與凱內爾派所援引),就必須更精確地說明:在那些被查禁的論題中何者被定罪,以及利奧的話與那被定罪的含義相去多遠。二。在巴伊烏斯的命題中,第三十八條屬此類:「凡對受造物的愛,若非愛世界的邪惡貪慾——即約翰所禁止者——即是那可稱讚的愛德,即藉聖神傾注於心中而愛神。」又第四十條:「在其一切行為中,罪人都事奉那轄制他的貪慾。」在凱內爾派的命題中,第四十四條:「只有兩種愛,我們一切的意向與行動皆由之而生:
But since this sentence can be referred to the condemned propositions of Baius and Quesnel (whence this text of the holy pontiff is especially urged by the Baianists and Quesnellians), it must be more accurately explained what has been condemned in the proscribed theses, and how far Leo's words are from the condemned meaning. 2. Among the propositions of Baius, the 38th is of this kind: 'Every love of the creature is either the vicious cupidity by which the world is loved, which is forbidden by John, or that laudable charity by which, poured forth in the heart through the Holy Spirit, God is loved.' And proposition 40: 'In all his acts the sinner serves the dominating cupidity.' Among the Quesnellian propositions, 44: 'There are but two loves, from which all our volitions and actions arise:
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amor Dei, qui omnia agit propter Deum, quemque Deus remuneratur; et amor quo nos ipsos ac mundum diligimus, qui quod ad Deum referendum est non refert, et propter hoc ipsum fit malus. Et prop. 45; Amore Dei in corde peccatoris non amplius regnante, necesse est ut in eo carnalis regnet cupiditas, omnesque actiones ejus corrumpat. De amore regnante in corde hominum hic sermo est, et ita omnes actus ex regnante amore provenire traduntur, ut ipsi actus virtutum in peccatoribus, in quibus non Dei, sed mundi amor regnat, hoc amore infecti peccata esse debeant: unde est alia Baii propositio 35: Omne quod agit peccator vel servus peccali peccatum est. 3.
即愛神,此愛為神而行一切,且為神所賞報;以及那我們藉以愛己與愛世界的愛,此愛不將那本當歸於神者歸於神,正因此故而成為惡。」又第四十五條:「當愛神不再統治罪人的心,肉體的貪慾就必在其中作王,並敗壞他一切的行動。」此處所論乃是統治人心的愛,如此,一切行為皆被說成出於那統治的愛,以致罪人身上——其中不是愛神而是愛世界作王——德行的行為本身既被此愛所感染,就必為罪:故此巴伊烏斯有另一命題,第三十五條:「凡罪人或罪的奴僕所行的一切都是罪。」三。
the love of God, which does all things for God, and which God rewards; and the love by which we love ourselves and the world, which does not refer to God what ought to be referred to Him, and for this very reason becomes evil.' And proposition 45: 'When the love of God no longer reigns in the heart of the sinner, it is necessary that carnal cupidity reign in it, and corrupt all his actions.' The discourse here is concerning love reigning in the hearts of men, and thus all acts are said to proceed from the reigning love, so that the very acts of the virtues in sinners—in whom not the love of God but of the world reigns—being infected by this love, must be sins: whence there is another proposition of Baius, the 35th: 'Everything that a sinner or a slave of sin does is sin.' 3.
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Hæc quam falsa et absurda sint nemo non videt. Sicut enim justi, in quibus regnat amor Dei, edere queunt, et identidem etiam edunt nonnullos actus leviter malos, non quidem ex amore mundi in ipsis dominante, qui cum charitate Dei habituali et in justis regnante componi nequit, sed ex aliquo leviori et irrepente amore mundi, ex gr., inanis gloriæ, gulæ, etc., quo nec cupiditas in iisdem dominatur, nec habitualis Dei amore expellitur, ita a peccatoribus, in quibus regnat mundi amor, produci possunt quidam actus boni ex amore aliquo virtutis ex.
這些是何等虛假而荒謬,人人都看得見。因為正如義人——在他們裡面愛神作王——能行、且時而確實行某些略帶惡的行為:這並非出於在他們裡面轄制的愛世界(此愛不能與在義人裡面作王的習慣性愛神相並存),而是出於某種較輕、潛入的愛世界,例如虛榮、貪食等,這種愛既不在他們裡面轄制,也不驅逐習慣性的愛神;照樣,罪人——在他們裡面愛世界作王——也能出於某種愛德行之愛而生出某些善行,例如,
How false and absurd these are, everyone sees. For just as the just, in whom the love of God reigns, can perform, and now and then do perform, certain slightly evil acts—not indeed from the love of the world dominating in them (which cannot be combined with the habitual charity of God reigning in the just), but from some slighter and creeping love of the world, for example, of vainglory, of gluttony, etc., by which neither does cupidity dominate in them nor is the habitual love of God expelled—so by sinners, in whom the love of the world reigns, certain good acts can be produced from some love of virtue, for example,
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gr., fidei, spei, misericordiæ, orationis, etc., qui licet non sitille amor Dei quo regnans mundi amor expellatur, tamen non est amor mundi, nec ad amorem mundi referri potest. Hac de causa Tridentina synodus sess. 6, can. 7, Lutheranorum dogma dicentium omnia opera quæ justificationem præcedunt esse peccata, anathemate perculit: Si quis dixerit opera omnia quæ ante justificationem fiunt vere esse peccata... anathema sit. Damnatum ergo est dicere omnia opera quæ non prodeunt a charitate Dei regnante in corde hominum pertinere ad amorem et concupiscentiam mundi, ac proinde esse peccata; quod tamen postilla Quesnelli superius descripta indicat. 4.
信德、望德、憐憫、禱告等之愛所生的善行;這愛雖非那藉以驅逐作王之愛世界的愛神,然而卻不是愛世界,也不能被歸於愛世界。為此緣故,特倫多大公會議第六會期第七條教規以絕罰擊打路德派的教條——他們主張凡在成義之先所行的一切工作都是罪:「若有人說,凡成義之先所行的一切工作真是罪……當受絕罰。」因此,說凡不出於在人心中作王之愛神的一切工作都屬於對世界的愛與貪慾、因而都是罪,乃是被定罪的;而上述凱內爾的旁註卻正暗示此點。四。
of faith, of hope, of mercy, of prayer, etc., which, although it is not that love of God by which the reigning love of the world is expelled, nevertheless is not love of the world, nor can it be referred to love of the world. For this cause the Synod of Trent, session 6, canon 7, struck with anathema the dogma of the Lutherans, who say that all works which precede justification are sins: 'If anyone shall say that all works done before justification are truly sins... let him be anathema.' It is therefore condemned to say that all works which do not proceed from the charity of God reigning in the heart of men pertain to the love and concupiscence of the world, and consequently are sins; which nevertheless the gloss of Quesnel described above indicates. 4.
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Quod si quis nonnullas ex damnatis 500 the sibus ita emollire studeat ut non de regnante Dei amore in illis sermo sit, sed de amore Dei latius sumpto, quo opera referantur in Deum, damnatum pariter est dicere omnes actus virtutis, quantumvis bonos, si hoc amore non referantur in Deum, esse peccata, ut innuit postrema pars Quesnellianæ thesis 44. Nam ut præscindamus a celebri inter theologos quæstione de relatione operum in Deum, certum per omnes catholicos est virtutum moralium opera, nedum a peccatoribus, sed ab infidelibus etiam peracta ex motivo vortutis, per se, seu saltem ex officio, utaiunt, esse bona, tametsi non referantur in Deum:
但倘若有人試圖如此軟化某些被定罪的論題,使所論不是那作王的愛神,而是較寬廣意義上的愛神——即工作藉此被歸於神——那麼,說凡德行的行為無論多善,若不藉此愛被歸於神,就都是罪,也同樣是被定罪的,正如凱內爾第四十四條論題的末段所暗示。因為,姑且不論神學家中間關於工作歸於神那著名的問題,在一切公教徒中間是確定的:道德之德的工作,不僅罪人所行、甚至不信者出於德行動機所行者,就其本身、或至少按其本分(如他們所說 ex officio)而言,都是善的,儘管它們並未被歸於神:
But if anyone should endeavor so to soften some of the condemned theses that the discourse be not of the reigning love of God, but of the love of God taken more broadly, whereby works are referred to God, it is equally condemned to say that all acts of virtue, however good, if they be not referred to God by this love, are sins—as the last part of Quesnel's thesis 44 insinuates. For, to say nothing of the celebrated question among theologians concerning the referring of works to God, it is certain among all Catholics that the works of the moral virtues, performed not only by sinners but even by unbelievers from a motive of virtue, are of themselves, or at least by their nature (ex officio), as they say, good, even though they be not referred to God:
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nam per eos pariter, qui relationis debitum severius propugnat, hæc omissio bonum opus in se non vitiat, sed aliunde omittentem contaminat. 5. Certe S. Leo ab utroque pravo sensu remotissimus est Etenim serm. 48, de Quadrag. 10, c. 3. in peccatoribus Christianis, in quibus mundi amor dominatur, et fidem rectam et alia virtutum moralium opera inveniri posse fatetur; et solum ea ex defectu charitatis saltem habitualis fructu æterno vacua testatur.
因為即使是那些較嚴格地主張此歸於神之義務的人,也認為這一疏漏本身並不玷污善工,而是就另一方面玷污那疏漏之人。五。聖利奧誠然與這兩種惡義都相去極遠。因為在《論四旬期第十》第四十八篇講道第三章中,他承認:在愛世界轄制的基督徒罪人身上,既能找到正確的信德,也能找到道德之德的其他工作;他只作證說,這些工作因缺乏至少習慣性的愛德,而缺乏永恆的果實。
for even by those who more severely maintain the obligation of the reference (to God), this omission does not vitiate the good work in itself, but contaminates the one omitting on another account. 5. Certainly St. Leo is most remote from either bad meaning. For in Sermon 48, on Lent 10, chapter 3, he confesses that both a right faith and other works of the moral virtues can be found in Christian sinners, in whom the love of the world dominates; and he testifies only that these are void of eternal fruit through the defect of at least habitual charity.
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Quamvis enim, inquit, magnum sit habere fidem rectam sanamque doctrinam, et multa laude digna sit circumeisio gulæ, lenitas mansuctudimis, puritas castitatis, nudæ tamen sunt omnes sine charitate virtutes, nec potest dici in qualibet morum excellentia fructuosum, quod non dilectionis partus ediderit. Præterea serm. 44. de Quadrag. 7, c.
他說:「因為,擁有正確的信德與健全的教義固然是大事,貪食的割損、溫良的柔和、貞潔的純淨也極堪稱讚,然而一切德行沒有愛德就都是赤裸的,在任何德性的卓越中,凡非愛的子嗣所生出者,就不能稱為有果實的。」此外,《論四旬期第七》第四十四篇講道第……
'For although,' he says, 'it be a great thing to have a right faith and sound doctrine, and much praise-worthy the circumcision of gluttony, the gentleness of meekness, the purity of chastity, yet naked are all virtues without charity, nor can that be called fruitful in any excellence of morals, which the offspring of love has not brought forth.' Moreover, Sermon 44, on Lent 7, chapter
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3, loquens de operibus misericordiæ quæ non ex fidei procedunt fonte, ac proinde ab ipsis infidelibus aduntur, qui Deum ignorantes nihil in ipsum referebant ea laude sua fraudanda non esse, ab proinde bona asseruit, si ex motivo miserationis nullo intermixto pravo fine producantr, et solum ea peccota fere ese docuit eo quod non ex motico virtutis, sed ex philautiæ, inanis gloriæ, autalio corrupto fine ea plerumque ab infidelibus edita præsumpsit; de quo vide observationem in serm. 79. En igitur quantum a damnatarum propositionum sensibus absit Leonis mens atque doctrina;
第三章,論到那些不出於信德泉源、因而由不信者本身所行的憐憫工作——他們既不認識神,便毫不歸於神——他斷言這些工作不當被剝奪其稱讚,因而是善的,倘若它們出於憐憫的動機、無任何敗壞的目的摻雜其中而生出;並且他教導說,這些工作幾乎算是罪,其唯一緣由乃是他推定:這些工作大多由不信者所行,並非出於德行的動機,而是出於自愛(philautia)、虛榮、或某種其他敗壞的目的;關於此,參見對第七十九篇講道的觀察。看哪,利奧的思想與教導與那些被定罪命題的含義相去何等之遠;
3, speaking of the works of mercy which do not proceed from the fount of faith, and consequently are performed by unbelievers themselves—who, being ignorant of God, referred nothing to Him—he asserted that these are not to be cheated of their praise, and accordingly are good, if they be produced from a motive of compassion with no bad end intermixed; and he taught that these are almost sins only for the reason that he presumed them for the most part performed by unbelievers not from a motive of virtue, but from self-love (philautia), vainglory, or some other corrupted end; concerning which see the observation on Sermon 79. Behold, then, how far the mind and doctrine of Leo are from the meanings of the condemned propositions;
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quem sit sibimetipsi contrarium nolis com minisci, testimonium præsentis sermonis 90 proscriptis thesibus favere dici non potest. 6. Non desunt sane qio amorem Dei a S. pontifice late sumptum existimant pro quolibet amore virtutum, et amorem mundi pro quolibet vitiorum amore. Sicut enim omnis amor vitiorum apte refertur ad amorem mundi, quatenus mundus vitia amat et fovel, ita ad Dei amorem referri late potest amor omnium virtutum, quatenus Deum omnes virtutes amat ac præcipit. Immo cum omnis virtus sit justitia et veritas uti sæpius in sacra Scriptura appellatur, Deus autem justitia ac veritas sit.
並且既然人不願把他捏造成自相矛盾,本第九十篇講道的見證就不能被說成有利於那些被查禁的論題。六。誠然不乏有人認為:愛神被聖教宗寬廣地取為對任何德行的愛,而愛世界則取為對任何惡習的愛。因為正如凡對惡習的愛都恰當地被歸於愛世界——因世界愛惡習並助長之——照樣,凡對一切德行的愛也可寬廣地被歸於愛神,因神愛一切德行並命令之。不僅如此,既然凡德行都是公義與真理——如聖經中常這樣稱呼——而神就是公義與真理,
and since one would not wish to fabricate him as contrary to himself, the testimony of the present Sermon 90 cannot be said to favor the proscribed theses. 6. There are indeed not lacking those who think that the love of God is taken by the holy pontiff broadly for any love of virtues, and the love of the world for any love of vices. For just as every love of vices is aptly referred to the love of the world, insofar as the world loves and fosters vices, so the love of all virtues can be broadly referred to the love of God, insofar as God loves and commands all virtues. Nay, since every virtue is justice and truth—as it is often called in Sacred Scripture—and God is justice and truth,
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Deum lato sensu amare dici potest, qui virtutes ex proprio ipsarum motivo, nulla prava cupiditate intermixta, diligit. In hanc sententiam S. pontificem aliquando Dei amorem sumpsisse pro amore cujusvis virtutis colligi potest ex illis serm. 95. c. 6: Nihil aliud est diligere Deum quam amare justitiam. Ita ergo qui quamlibet virtutem amat, cum amet justitiam, ex hoc principio Leonis Deum pariter diligit. Qui vero aliquem actum virtutis exercet ex motivo virtutis, ipsam virtutem amet necesse est.
那麼,凡出於德行本身固有的動機、無任何邪惡貪慾摻雜而愛德行的人,就可在寬廣的意義上被說成愛神。聖教宗有時把愛神取為對任何德行的愛,這可從第九十五篇講道第六章那些話推知:「愛神無非就是愛公義。」因此,凡愛任何德行的人,既愛公義,按利奧此原則,就同樣愛神。而凡出於德行的動機而行某項德行之舉的人,就必然愛德行本身。
he can be said to love God in a broad sense who loves the virtues from their own proper motive, with no perverse cupidity intermixed. That the holy pontiff sometimes took the love of God for the love of any virtue whatsoever can be gathered from those words of Sermon 95, chapter 6: 'To love God is nothing else than to love justice.' Thus, therefore, whoever loves any virtue, since he loves justice, by this principle of Leo likewise loves God. But whoever exercises some act of virtue from a motive of virtue must necessarily love the virtue itself.
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In hac vero hypothesi de duplici Dei et mundi amore, ad quorum alterum omnes actus voluntatis referendi sint, satius procul dubio est actus virtutum moralium, qui ex puro virtutis motivo eduntur, ad Dei amorem late sumptum referre, quam ad amorem mundi. Ad Dei enim amoremm quatenus revocari queant saltem late ex indicata ratione explicari et intelligi potest; quatenus vero referantur ad amorem mundi, qui positus in maligno, vitiorum, ut innuimus, non autem virtutum amator est atque suasor, et ita sane referantur ut qui virtutes amat ac exercet ex motivo virtutis, eas ex mundi amore diligere et exercere dicendus sit, nemo sanæ mentis intelliget. 7.
但在此關於對神與對世界二種愛(一切意志的行為皆當歸於其一)的假設中,無疑更為妥當的是:把那些出於純粹德行動機所行的道德之德的行為,歸於寬廣意義上的愛神,而非愛世界。因為,就其至少可寬廣地被歸回愛神而言,這可由上述理由得到解釋與理解;但就其應被歸於愛世界而言——愛世界既「臥在惡者中」,如我們所暗示,乃是惡習而非德行的愛好者與勸誘者,如此歸法必使「凡出於德行動機而愛並操練德行的人」被說成是出於愛世界而愛並操練之——則沒有任何心智健全的人能理解。七。
But in this hypothesis concerning the twofold love of God and of the world, to one or other of which all acts of the will are to be referred, it is without doubt more satisfactory to refer the acts of the moral virtues, which are performed from a pure motive of virtue, to the love of God taken broadly, than to the love of the world. For, insofar as they can be recalled to the love of God at least broadly, this can be explained and understood from the indicated reason; but insofar as they should be referred to the love of the world—which, being 'set in wickedness,' is, as we have intimated, a lover and persuader of vices, not of virtues, and so indeed be referred that whoever loves and exercises the virtues from a motive of virtue must be said to love and exercise them from love of the world—no man of sound mind will understand. 7.
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Sed aliud est hanc hypothesim a damnatis the sibus abesse, aliud vero Leonis verba, quæ nunc expendimus, hoc sensu accipienda esse. Quæ porro sententia iisdem verbis proprie subsit, facile perspicies si duas observationes præmittas. Prima, S. pontificem scribere duos amores esse ex quibus omnes prodeunt voluntates, non vero ex quibus omnes pro deunt voluntatis actus; ac propterea de ipsis voluntatibus, non autem de singulis voluntatis actibus loquitur. Hinc autem dum eas voluntates pronuntiat ita qualitatibus diversas, sicut dividuntur auctoribus, seu amoribus, indicat voluntates diversas, id est bonas vel malas, prout diverso amore inter se discrepant ac dividuntur.
但「此假設與被定罪的論題相去甚遠」是一回事,「利奧我們現今所衡量的話當按此義來理解」則是另一回事。那麼,這些話本身恰當地含有何義,你若先立下兩點觀察便易於察覺。第一,聖教宗寫的是:有兩種愛,一切意向(voluntates)皆由之而生——並非說一切意志的行為皆由之而生;因此他所論的是意向本身,而非意志的個別行為。故此,當他宣稱那些意向的性質之殊異一如其被其源頭、即被諸愛所劃分時,他所指的是:意向乃是殊異的,即善或惡的,隨其因不同的愛而彼此相異、相分。
But it is one thing that this hypothesis is far from the condemned theses, and quite another that Leo's words, which we are now weighing, are to be accepted in this sense. What meaning, then, properly underlies these very words, you will easily perceive if you first set down two observations. First, that the holy pontiff writes that there are two loves from which all volitions (voluntates) proceed—not from which all acts of the will proceed; and therefore he is speaking of the volitions themselves, not of individual acts of the will. Hence, when he pronounces those volitions to be so diverse in qualities as they are divided by their authors, or loves, he indicates that the volitions are diverse—that is, good or evil—according as they differ and are divided among themselves by diverse love.
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Secunda, duos amores 502 hic accipi non de quolibet Dei amore vel mundi, sed de amore regnante in voluntate hominis, ex eo liquet quod de solo ejusmodi amore verficari queat hominem constitui vel Dei amatorem, seu justum, vel mundi, seu peccatorem: unde etiam initio capitas se quentis Auctor dixit: Hic (Dei) affectus, quo amor terrenus excluditur; quæ de amore Dei dominante vera sunt. Id confirmant multo luculentius illa quæ mox subjecit: Et ideo æternis bonis inseparabiliter inhærendum (quæ amorem ultimi finis prædominantem significant), temporalibus autem transcunter utendum, non fruendum, nec inhærendum tamquam ultimo fini. 8. His præmissis en apertus et genuinus Auctoris sensus.
第二,此處二種愛所取的並非任何一種愛神或愛世界,而是在人意志中作王的那愛,這由以下可清楚看出:唯有從這樣一種愛,才能證實一個人被定為愛神者、即義人,或愛世界者、即罪人。故此在下一章開頭,作者也說:「此(愛神的)情感,藉此屏除塵世之愛」——這些話對於那轄制之愛神而言是真確的。這一點由他隨即補充的話得到更清晰的印證:「因此我們當不可分離地緊附於永恆的善」(此表明對終極目的的一種主導之愛),「而暫時之物則當在經過時使用,不當享受,也不當像緊附終極目的那樣緊附之。」八。既已立下這些前提,看哪,這就是作者顯明而真正的意思。
Second, that the two loves are here taken not of any love of God or of the world whatsoever, but of the love reigning in the will of man, is clear from this: that only from such a love can it be verified that a man is constituted either a lover of God, that is, just, or of the world, that is, a sinner. Whence at the beginning of the following chapter too the Author said: 'This affection (of God), by which earthly love is excluded'—which things are true of the dominating love of God. This is confirmed much more luminously by those things which he shortly subjoined: 'And therefore we must cleave inseparably to eternal goods' (which signify a predominating love of the ultimate end), 'but temporal things must be used in passing, not enjoyed, nor clung to as to an ultimate end.' 8. These things being premised, behold the open and genuine sense of the Author.
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Duo amores sunt, ex quibus omnes prodeunt voluntates, ita diversæ bonitatis, vel malitiæ qualitatibus, sicut dividuntur auctoribus. Quæ nimirum afficiuntur Dei amore, adeo ut Deum præ omnibus diligant, et homo exinde Dei amator sit, seu in charitate Dei, sunt voluntates bonæ; malæ vero illæ sunt, in quibus mundi amor ita dominatur, ut homo, Dei charitate exclusa, mundi amator constituatur. Cumque rationalis animus sine dilectione in partem alte ram prævalente esse non possit, idcireo aut Dei amator est, aut mundi; et omnes voluntates proinde bonæ vel malæ, ita diversæ sunt qualitatibus, sicut dividuntur auctoribus.
有兩種愛,一切意向皆由之而生,其善或惡的性質之殊異一如其被其源頭所劃分。那些為愛神所感動、以致愛神超乎萬有、使人因此成為愛神者、即處於愛神之愛德中者,乃是善的意向;而那些愛世界如此轄制、以致人在愛神被屏除之下被定為愛世界者,則是惡的意向。既然理性的靈魂不能沒有偏向某一方的優勢之愛,因此它若非愛神者、即是愛世界者;故一切意向,無論善惡,其性質之殊異一如其被其源頭所劃分。
There are two loves, from which all volitions proceed, so diverse in qualities of goodness or malice, as they are divided by their authors. Those, namely, which are affected by the love of God, so that they love God above all things, and man is thence a lover of God, that is, in the charity of God, are good volitions; but those are evil in which the love of the world so dominates that man, the charity of God being excluded, is constituted a lover of the world. And since the rational soul cannot be without love prevailing on one side or the other, it is therefore either a lover of God or of the world; and all volitions consequently, good or evil, are so diverse in qualities as they are divided by their authors.
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Hic obvius verborum sensus est de omnibus voluntatibus ex amore prædominante bonis vel malis. Quis ergo non videat quam perperam ejus verba trahantur ad omnes et singulos voluntatis actus, ac si Leo docuerit actus omnes et singulos ex alterutro illo amore prodire, ita ut quicumque actus non sunt ex amore Dei, sint ex amore mundi, et edeo peccate, ut Quesnelli postilla insinuat; et hac ratione peccata, accusanda sint ea ipsa virtutum opera, quæ S. pontifex in peccatoribus vel etiam in infidelibus non mala, sed bona esse professus est ? 9. Hoc.eodem sermone, cap. 3, S. Leo scribit:
這就是這些話顯而易見的意思,論及按主導之愛而言善或惡的一切意向。那麼,誰看不出他的話被曲解到意志的每一個別行為上是何等錯誤——彷彿利奧教導說一切個別行為皆由那二愛之一而生,以致凡不出於愛神的行為都出於愛世界、因而都是罪,正如凱內爾的旁註所暗示;並照此推理,連聖教宗宣認在罪人、甚至在不信者身上不是惡而是善的那些德行工作,也要被指控為罪?九。在同一篇講道第三章中,聖利奧寫道:
This is the obvious sense of the words, concerning all volitions good or evil according to the predominating love. Who then does not see how wrongly his words are dragged to all and singular acts of the will, as if Leo had taught that all and singular acts proceed from one or other of those loves, so that whatever acts are not from the love of God are from the love of the world, and therefore sins, as Quesnel's gloss insinuates; and by this reasoning that those very works of the virtues should be accused as sins, which the holy pontiff professed to be, in sinners or even in unbelievers, not evil but good? 9. In this same sermon, chapter 3, St. Leo writes:
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Quod de specie, de copia, de variatate (creaturarum) blanditur, non facile declinatur, nisi in illa visibilium pulchritudine Creator potius quam creatura diligatur. Quesnellus in hæc verba ad marginem notavit: Solus Dei amor a creaturæ amore retrahit. Viden, ex collatione minus rectum interpretem ? Non facile declinatur, inquit Leo: qui enim in creaturarum amore sistunt, et in earum pulchritudine, copia, varietate non Deum potius quam creaturas diligunt, non facile declinant a 503 perversis ipsarum illecebris, et facillime peccant.
「凡藉(受造物的)美麗、豐盛、繁多而誘惑人者,不易避開,除非在那可見之物的美中所愛的是造物主而非受造物。」凱內爾在這些話上於邊緣註道:「唯獨愛神才使人從愛受造物中退回。」你可從比較中看出這位不甚正確的釋者?利奧說:「不易避開」:因為凡停駐於愛受造物、並在其美麗、豐盛、繁多中不愛神過於受造物的人,就不易從其乖謬的誘惑中退開,且極易犯罪。
'What allures by the beauty, the abundance, the variety (of creatures) is not easily declined, unless in that beauty of visible things the Creator rather than the creature be loved.' Quesnel noted in the margin upon these words: 'The love of God alone draws one back from the love of the creature.' Do you see, from the comparison, the less correct interpreter? 'It is not easily declined,' says Leo: for those who halt in the love of creatures, and in their beauty, abundance, and variety do not love God rather than the creatures, do not easily decline from their perverse allurements, and most easily sin.
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Hæc tota Leonis sententia est, Num vero hic Dei amor, sine quod ab ejusmodi blanditiis et illicito creaturarum amore non facile declinatur, solus ab hoc interdicto affectu retrahat, non Leo, sed Quesnellus affirmat; cum tamen certum sit homines a peccatis retrahi (licet non ita facile) etiam timore, illo præsertim gehennæ timore atque pœnarum, dolorem de peccatis ingerente, quem Dei dono et Spiritus sancti impulsu conceptum, non solum cohibere manum ab opere illicito, sed ipsam etiam voluntatem peccandi excludere, satis aperte colligitur ex Tridentina504 synodo sess. 14, cap. 4.
這就是利奧整句話的意思。但這愛神——沒有它,人就不易從此類誘惑與對受造物不法之愛中退開——是否唯獨它使人從此被禁的情感中退回,這不是利奧、而是凱內爾所斷言的;然而確定的是:人也藉懼怕而從罪中被退回(雖非那麼容易),尤其藉那對地獄(Gehenna)與刑罰的懼怕,此懼怕生出對罪的痛悔——它由神的恩賜與聖神的推動而被領受——不但約束手不行不法之事,甚至屏除犯罪的意志本身,此點從特倫多大公會議第十四會期第四章可清楚推知。
This is the whole sentence of Leo. But whether this love of God, without which one is not easily declined from such allurements and from the illicit love of creatures, alone draws one back from this forbidden affection—not Leo, but Quesnel affirms; since nevertheless it is certain that men are drawn back from sins (though not so easily) also by fear, especially by that fear of hell (Gehenna) and of punishments, which, engendering sorrow for sins, conceived by the gift of God and the impulse of the Holy Spirit, not only restrains the hand from the illicit deed but even excludes the very will of sinning—as is gathered clearly enough from the Synod of Trent, session 14, chapter 4.
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Hic sane timor gehennæ, in quam non tam opere quam affectu pravo incurritur, ad excludendum et opus et omnem affectum peccandi (uti ad effugiendam gehennam necesse est) per se impellere ac movere debet. Quod monendum fuit, ne forte subrepat inter cæteras Quesnelliana propositio 61, damnata in constitutione Unigenitus: Timor non nisi manum cohibet, cor autem tamdiu peccato addicilur, quamdiu ab amore justitiæ non. ducitur. Sed hac de re nostrum non est hoc loco disserere; solam enim Leonis sententiam a Ques nelli interpretatione alienam ostendere propositum fuit. CAP.
這對地獄的懼怕——人陷入其中與其說是藉行為,不如說是藉邪惡的情感——本身就當推動並激動人去屏除犯罪的行為與一切情感(正如逃避地獄所必需的)。這一點必須加以警告,免得凱內爾第六十一條命題——在《獨生子》憲章中被定罪者——混入其他命題之中:「懼怕只約束手,而心則長久沉溺於罪,直到它被對公義之愛所引導為止。」但在此處論述此事並非我們的本分;因為我們的目的只是要表明利奧的意思與凱內爾的解釋相牴觸。第……章
This fear of hell indeed, into which one falls not so much by deed as by evil affection, ought of itself to impel and move one to exclude both the deed and every affection of sinning (as is necessary for escaping hell). This had to be warned of, lest perchance there creep in among the rest the Quesnellian proposition 61, condemned in the constitution Unigenitus: 'Fear restrains only the hand, but the heart is addicted to sin so long as it is not led by the love of justice.' But it is not for us to discourse on this matter in this place; for our purpose was only to show that Leo's meaning is foreign to Quesnel's interpretation. CHAPTER
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I.— Relatione sancti fratris et coepiscopi nosiri SEPТIMI, quæ a subditis babetur, agnovimus quosdam prebyleros, et diaconos, ac diversi ordinis clericos, quos Pelagiana sive Coelestiana haeresis habuit implicatos, ita in vestra provincia ad communionem catholicam pervenisse, ut nulla ab eis damnatio proprii exigeretur erroris; et pastora1ibus excubiis nimium dormitantibus, lupos ovium pellibus tectos in ovile Dominicum (Matth. VII, 15), non depositis bestialibus animis introisse:et quod per auctoritatem canonum decretorumque nostrorum b90 ne insontibus quidem conceditur, usurpasse:
一。——藉我們聖潔的弟兄與同為主教的塞普提穆斯(Septimus)的報告——此報告得自其屬下——我們得知:某些司鐸、執事、以及各級聖職人員,即被伯拉糾派或凱萊斯提派異端所纏累者,如此進入了你們省份的公教共融,以致並未向他們索取任何對自身謬誤的定罪;並且,當牧養的守望過度沉睡之際,披著羊皮的狼(瑪竇福音七15)並未卸下其獸性的心,就進入了主的羊圈;並且他們僭取了那按我們教規與敕令的權威、連無辜者也不獲准之事:
I.— By the report of our holy brother and fellow-bishop Septimus, which is had from his subjects, we have learned that certain presbyters and deacons, and clerics of diverse order, whom the Pelagian or Coelestian heresy held entangled, have so come over to the Catholic communion in your province that no condemnation of their own error was exacted from them; and that, while the pastoral watches slumbered too much, wolves clothed in sheep's skins (Matt. VII, 15) entered into the Lord's sheepfold without having laid aside their bestial minds; and that they have usurped what by the authority of our canons and decrees is not granted even to the innocent:
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ut relictis Ecclesiis, in quibus clericatum aut acceperant, eut receperant, instabilitatem suam per diversa circumferant, amantes semper errare, et numquam in fundamento apostolico permanere. Quoniam qui nullo discussi examine, nullo sunt præjudicio suae professionis obstricti, hunc maxime expetunt fructurn, ut sub velamento communionis plures domos adeant, et per falsi nominis scientiam multorum corda corrumpant. Quod utique efficere non possent, si Ecclesiarum praesules necessanam diligentiam in talium receptione (1) servassent, ne cuiquam eorum evagari in diversa licuisset. CAP. II.
即:他們離棄了自己曾領受或承接聖職之教會,帶著其動搖不定周遊各處,總是喜愛謬誤,而從不肯堅立於使徒的根基之上。因為那些未經任何審查、不受自身職守任何先行裁定約束的人,主要尋求此果:即在共融的遮蓋之下進入許多家庭,並藉那假冒為知識者敗壞許多人的心。這事他們絕不能成就,倘若各教會的高級教牧在接納此類人時保持了必要的審慎,使他們中間無人得以流浪到各處。第二章。
namely, that, having left the churches in which they had either received or taken up the clerical office, they carry their instability about through diverse places, ever loving to err, and never to abide on the apostolic foundation. For those who, examined by no scrutiny, are bound by no prejudgment of their profession, chiefly seek this fruit: that under the veil of communion they may approach many houses, and through the knowledge falsely so called corrupt the hearts of many. This they could by no means accomplish, if the prelates of the churches had observed the necessary diligence in the reception of such persons, so that it might not be permitted to any of them to wander abroad into diverse places. CHAPTER II.
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Ne ergo hoc ulterius (In) audeatur, neve per quorumdam negligentiam introducta pernicies ad eversionem multarum tendat animarum; hac nostri auctoritate præcepti, industriae tuae fraternitatis indicimus, ut congregata apud vos synodo provincialium sacerdotum,omnes sive presbyteri, sive diaconi, sive cujusque ordinis clerici, qui de Palagianorum Cœlestianorumque consortio in commumonem catholicam ea imprudentia sunt recepti, ut non prius ad damnationem sui coarctarentur erroris, nunc saltem, posteaquam hypocrisis eorum ex quadam parte detegitur, ad veram correctionem, 591 quae et ipsis prodesse,et nullis possit nocere, cogantur.
——因此,免得此事日後更被人膽敢為之,也免得那藉某些人的疏忽而引入的毀壞趨向許多靈魂的傾覆,我們藉此訓令的權威,責成你弟兄的勤勉:在你面前召集本省司鐸的教務會議,使一切人——無論司鐸、執事、或任何品級的聖職人員——凡從伯拉糾派與凱萊斯提派的同夥中如此輕率地被接納進公教共融、以致未先被迫定罪其謬誤者,如今至少在其偽善已部分被揭發之後,被強制歸向真正的改正,此改正既能使他們自己得益,又不能害及任何人。
— Lest, therefore, this be dared any further, and lest the destruction introduced through the negligence of certain persons tend to the overthrow of many souls, by this authority of our precept we enjoin upon the diligence of your fraternity that, a synod of the provincial priests being gathered before you, all—whether presbyters, or deacons, or clerics of any order—who from the company of the Pelagians and Coelestians have been received into the Catholic communion with such imprudence that they were not first constrained to the condemnation of their error, may now at least, after their hypocrisy is in some part detected, be compelled to a true correction, which can both profit themselves and harm none.
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Damnent apertis professionibus suis superbi erroris auctores, et quidquid in doctrina eorum universalis Ecclesia exhorruit, detestantur; omniaque decreta synodalia, quae ad excisionem hujus hæreseos apostolicae sedis confirmavit auctoritas, amplecti se et in omnibus approbare, plenis et apertis,ac propria manu subscriptis protestationibus eloquantur. Nihil in verbis eorum obscurum, nihil inveniatur ambiguum. Quoniam novimus hanc istorum esse versutiam, ut in quacumque particula dogmatis exsecrandi, quam a damnandorum soliditate discreverint, nihil sibi sensum suorum aestiment esse non salvum. CAP. III.
讓他們以公開的宣認譴責那驕傲謬誤的倡導者,並憎惡普世教會在其教義中所厭棄的一切;又讓他們以親手簽署、完整而公開的聲明,宣告他們擁抱並在一切事上贊同宗座權柄為剷除此異端所確認的一切公會議法令。願他們言語中找不到絲毫晦澀、絲毫含糊。因為我們深知這些人的詭詐:他們把可咒詛教義中的某一小部分與那該當譴責的整體分別出來,好使他們自己的見解沒有一絲一毫不得保全。
Let them condemn by open profession the authors of their proud error, and let them detest whatever the universal Church has abhorred in their teaching; and let them declare, in full and open protestations subscribed by their own hand, that they embrace and in all things approve all the synodal decrees which the authority of the Apostolic See has confirmed for the cutting off of this heresy. Let nothing in their words be found obscure, nothing ambiguous. For we know this to be their cunning: that in any little particle of the accursed dogma, which they distinguish from the mass of things to be condemned, they may reckon nothing of their own opinions to be left unsaved.
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Cumque omnes definitiones suas ad subrependi facilitatem, improbare se simulent atque deponere, hoc sibi tota arte fallendi, nisi intelligantur, excipiunt, ut gratia Dei secundum merita dari accipientium sentiatur. Quæ utique nisi gratis detur, non est gratia, sPd merces retributioque meritorum, dicente beato Apostolo: 392 Gratiæ salvi (acti estis per fidem, et hoc non exvobis, sed Dei donum est, non ex operibus, ne forte quis exlollafur. Ipsius enim sumus figmentutn, creati in Christo lesa. in operibus bonis, quæ præparavit Deus ut in illis ambulemus (Ephes. II, 8-10).
當他們為了便於潛入而假裝要否定並拋棄自己一切的界定時,卻以整套的欺騙伎倆為自己保留這一點——除非被人識破:就是使人以為神的恩典是按領受者的功德而賜下。然而這樣的恩典若不是白白賜下,就不是恩典,乃是功德的工價與報償;正如蒙福的使徒所說:「你們得救是本乎恩,也因著信;這並不是出於自己,乃是神所賜的;也不是出於行為,免得有人自誇。因為我們原是他的工作,在基督耶穌裡造成的,為要叫我們行善,就是神所預備叫我們行的」(弗二8-10)。
And while they pretend, for the ease of insinuating themselves, to disapprove and lay aside all their own definitions, they reserve to themselves this one thing by their whole art of deception, unless they be understood: namely, that the grace of God should be thought to be given according to the merits of the recipients. But such grace, unless it be given freely, is not grace, but the wages and recompense of merits; for the blessed Apostle says: By grace you have been saved through faith, and this not of yourselves, but it is the gift of God, not of works, lest anyone should boast. For we are his workmanship, created in Christ Jesus in good works, which God has prepared that we should walk in them (Eph. 2:8-10).
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Omnis itaque bonorum operum donatio,divina præparatio est:quia non prius quisquam justificatur virtute, quam gratia, quæ unicuique principium justitiæ et bonorum fons atque origo meritorum est. Sed ab istis ideo per naturalem industriam dicitur præveniri, ut quæ ante gratiam proprio clara sit studio, nullo videatur peccati originalis vulnere sauciata; falsumque sit quod Veritas ait: Quoniam Filius hominis venit quæ rere et salvare quod perierat (Luc. IX, 10). CAP. IV. [Al. V. — Cavendum ergo dilectioni tuae est, magnaque diligentia providendum, ne per hujusmodi homines exstincta dudum scandala 8uscitentur, et de exciso olim dogmate aliquod in provin.
因此,一切善行的賜予都是神的預備;因為沒有人在被恩典稱義之前先憑德行稱義,這恩典乃是各人公義的開端、善功的泉源與根本。但這些人卻說恩典是被人天然的努力所先行占據的,好使那在恩典之前憑自己熱心而顯赫的,看似未受原罪的任何損傷;並使真理所說的成為虛謊:「因為人子來,為要尋找拯救失喪的人」(路十九10)。所以,親愛的,務必謹防,並要極其殷勤地提防,免得藉著這等人,早已熄滅的絆腳石被重新挑起,並使那早已被剷除的教義在你省中生出……
Every bestowal of good works, therefore, is a divine preparation; for no one is justified by virtue before he is justified by grace, which is for each the beginning of righteousness and the fount and origin of good merits. But by these men it is said to be anticipated by natural industry, so that that which is renowned by its own zeal before grace may seem to be wounded by no injury of original sin; and so that what Truth says may be false: For the Son of man came to seek and to save that which was lost (Luke 19:10). It must therefore be guarded against, beloved, and provided with great diligence, lest through men of this sort scandals long extinguished be aroused, and from a dogma once cut off some seed of the same evil in your province...
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cia tua ejusdem mali germen oriatur, quod non solum in radicibus suis crescat, sed etiam sanctae Ecclesiæ sobolem veneno sui oris inficiat. 592 Qui correctos se videri volunt, ab omni suspicione se purgent; et obediendo nobis, probent se esse nostros, Quorum si quisquam salubribus praeceptis satisracere detrectarit, sive ille clericus, sive sit laicus, ab Ecclesiae societate pellatur, ne (1) perditor anime sure, saluti insidietur alienæ. CAP. V (Al. VI].
……同樣的惡在你省中生出,這惡不但在自己的根上滋長,還要用它口中的毒液感染聖教會的兒女。凡願意被人視為已改正的,讓他們洗淨自己脫離一切嫌疑;並藉著順從我們,證明自己是屬我們的。他們中間若有人拒絕遵行這些有益的訓誡,無論是聖職人員還是平信徒,都要被逐出教會的團契,免得他這毀滅自己靈魂的人,又埋伏危害別人的救恩。
...the same evil should spring up in your province, which would not only grow up in its own roots, but would also infect the offspring of the holy Church with the venom of its mouth. Those who wish to be seen as corrected, let them purge themselves from all suspicion; and by obeying us, let them prove that they are ours. If any of them should refuse to satisfy the wholesome precepts, whether he be a cleric or a layman, let him be expelled from the fellowship of the Church, lest, as a destroyer of his own soul, he lie in wait against the salvation of another.
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Illam quoque partem eeclesiasticæ disciplinæ, qua olim a sanctis Patribus et a nobis sæpe decretum est, ut noc in presbyteratus gradu, nec in diaconatus ordine,nec in subsequenti officio clericorum ab Ecclesia ad Ecclesiam cuiquam transire sit liberum, ut in integrum revoces, ad. monemus: ut unusquisque non ambitione illectus, nun cupiditate seductus, non persuasione bominum depravatus, ubi ordinatus est, perseveret: ita ut si quia sua quærens, non quae Jesu Christi, ad plebem et Ecclesiam suam redire neglexerit, et ab honoris privilegio, et a communionis vinculo habeatur extraneus.
我們也勸勉你,要恢復教會紀律中那一部分的全然效力,就是聖教父們與我們自己屢次所頒定的:無論是在長老之品級、執事之職分,或任何下屬的聖職事奉中,都不許任何人由這教會遷往那教會;好使各人不受野心引誘、不被貪婪迷惑、不因人的勸誘而墮落,總要在受聖職之處持守到底。這樣,若有人尋求自己的事,不尋求耶穌基督的事,疏忽返回自己的會眾與教會,就當被視為與其品級的特權和共融的聯結都無份的外人。
We also admonish you to restore to its full force that part of ecclesiastical discipline concerning which it was long ago decreed by the holy Fathers, and often by ourselves: that it should be lawful for no one, whether in the grade of the presbyterate, or in the order of the diaconate, or in any subordinate clerical office, to pass from one Church to another; so that each one, not enticed by ambition, not seduced by covetousness, not corrupted by the persuasion of men, may persevere where he was ordained. Thus, if anyone, seeking his own things and not the things of Jesus Christ, shall neglect to return to his own people and Church, let him be held a stranger both to the privilege of his rank and to the bond of communion.
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Non autem dubitet dilectio tua, nos, si (quod non arbitramur) neglecta fuerint, quae pro custodia canonum et pro fidei integritate decernimus,vehementius commovendos: quia INFERIORUM ordinum culpae ad nullos magis referendae sunt, quam ad dcsides negligentesque rectores,qui multam sæpe nutriunt pestilentiam,dum austeno-rem dissimulant adhibere medicinam. CAp. I. — Lectis fraternitatis tuae litteris, vigorem fidei tuæ, quem olim noveramus,agnovimus, congratulantes tibi, quod ad custodiam gregum Christi pastoralem curam vigilanter exsequeris; ne lupi, qui sub specie oviurn subintraruntb(Matth.VII, 15). bestiali sævitia simplices quosque dilacerent;
但願你的仁愛不要懷疑:倘若(我們並不以為會如此)我們為守護教規、為信仰純全所頒的命令被忽視,我們必更激烈地被觸動;因為下級品階的過犯,最該歸咎的莫過於怠惰疏忽的牧者,他們往往在掩飾不肯施用較嚴厲的良藥時,滋養了許多瘟疫。——讀了你弟兄之情的來信,我們認出你信仰的活力,正是我們久已知曉的,並為你欣喜,因你警醒地履行牧養的職責,守護基督的羊群;免得那披著羊皮潛入的狼(太七15),以野獸般的兇殘撕裂一切純樸之人;
But let not your Charity doubt that we shall be more vehemently moved if (which we do not suppose) those things be neglected which we decree for the guarding of the canons and for the integrity of the faith; for the faults of the lower orders are to be referred to none more than to slothful and negligent rulers, who often nourish much pestilence while they dissemble to apply the sterner medicine. — Having read the letters of your Fraternity, we recognized the vigor of your faith, which we had long known, congratulating you that you diligently fulfill the pastoral care for the guarding of Christ's flocks; lest the wolves, who have crept in under the guise of sheep (Matt. 7:15), tear apart with beastly savagery all the simple ones;
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et non solum ipsi nulla correctione proficiant, sed edam ea quae sunt sana corrumpant. Quod ne viperea possit obtinorc fallacia, ad metropolitanum episcopum provinciae Venetiæ scripta direximus, quibus ad statue sui periculum cognosceret pertinere, si quisquam de Pelagianorum et Cœlestianorum consortio veniens, in communione catholica sine professione legilimæ satisfactionis habeatur. Saluberrimum enim est, et spiritualis medicinæ utilitate plenissimum, ut sive presbyteri, sive diaconi, sive alii cujuslibet ordinis clerici, qui se correctos videri volunt,errorem suum, et ipsos erroris auctores damnari a se sine ambiguitate fateantur;
免得他們不但自己毫無改正而得益,反倒敗壞那本是純正的。為叫這事不能藉毒蛇般的詭詐得逞,我們已致函威尼提亞省的都主教,好叫他認明:若有人由伯拉糾派與科勒斯提烏派的黨羽而來,未作合法補贖的宣認就被納入大公共融,這關乎他自身處境的危險。因為這是最有益的,也是最充滿屬靈良藥之效的:無論長老、執事,或任何其他品階的聖職人員,凡願被人視為已改正的,都當毫不含糊地承認:他們的謬誤以及那謬誤的倡導者都被他們所譴責;
and lest not only they themselves profit by no correction, but also corrupt those things which are sound. That this may not be able to prevail by viperous deceit, we have directed writings to the metropolitan bishop of the province of Venetia, by which he might recognize that it pertains to the peril of his own state, if anyone coming from the fellowship of the Pelagians and Coelestians be held in Catholic communion without the profession of lawful satisfaction. For it is most salutary, and most full of the benefit of spiritual medicine, that whether presbyters, or deacons, or clerics of any other order whatsoever, who wish to be seen as corrected, should confess without ambiguity that their error and the very authors of that error are condemned by them;
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ut sensibus pravis et dudum peremptis nulla sperandi supersit occasio, nec ullum membrum Ecclesiæ talium possit socictato violari, cum per omnia illis professio caeperit obviare. CAp. II.
好使那敗壞且早已死絕的觀念不再存留任何指望的機會,也免得教會的任何肢體因與這等人交往而被玷污,因為他們的宣認在一切事上已開始與這些觀念相抗。
so that for perverse and long-since-dead notions no occasion of hope may remain, nor may any member of the Church be violated by the fellowship of such men, since in all things their profession shall have begun to oppose them.
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Circa quos etiam illam canonum constitutionem 595 præcipimus custodiri, ne ab his Ecclesiis, ad quas proprie pertinent, sinantur absccdere, et pro suo arbitrio ad loca sibi non deputata transire.Quod cum recte non permittitur inculpatis, multo minus (I) debet licere suspectis.Proinde diJeclio tua, cujus devotione gaudemus, jungat 596 curam suam dispositionibus nostris,et cum supradicLo metropolitano det operam,ut circumspecte ac velociter impleantur ea quae ad totius Ecclesiae in columitntem, et laudabiliter sunt suggesta,et salubriter ordinata. 1. De quæstione Paschatis anni 444 S.
關於他們,我們也命令要遵守教規中那條規定,免得他們獲准離開自己本該歸屬的教會,任憑己意遷往未指派給他們的地方。既然這對無可指摘之人尚且不當准許,對可疑之人就更不當放行。所以,願我們所欣喜其虔誠的你的仁愛,把你的關切與我們的安排聯合起來,並與上述都主教一同盡力,使那些為全教會的安全而值得稱許地建議、有益地頒定的事,得以審慎迅速地成就。——一、關於西元四四四年逾越節(復活節)的問題。
Concerning them we also command that that constitution of the canons be observed, lest they be permitted to depart from those Churches to which they properly belong, and to pass at their own discretion to places not assigned to them. Since this is rightly not permitted even to the blameless, much less ought it to be lawful for the suspect. Therefore let your Charity, in whose devotion we rejoice, join your care to our dispositions, and together with the aforesaid metropolitan take pains that those things be fulfilled circumspectly and swiftly which have been laudably suggested and salutarily ordained for the safety of the whole Church. — 1. Concerning the question of the Pascha of the year 444.
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Leonem duas saltem scripsisse epistolas, alteram ad Cyrillum episcopum Alexandrinum, ad Paschasinum episcopum Lilybetanem alteram, ex Paschasini litteris manifestum est. Sed utræque injuria temporum intercidere. Solam Paschasini responsionem superesse existimatum fuit; ac propterea eam unam Quesnellus edidit. At ejus quoque epistolæ, quam Cyrillum, Leoni reddidisse idem Pachasinus testatur, non exiguum fragmentum ad nos transmissum credimus; quod ut statuatur, nonnulla observanda sunt. 2. Eam nimirum Cyrilli epistolam de Paschate Africani concilii Patribus traditam, quam Dionysius Exiguus suæ collectioni integram inseruerat num.
良(利奧)至少寫了兩封信,一封致亞歷山大主教區利羅(西里爾),另一封致利呂彬(利利貝烏姆)主教帕斯卡西努斯,這由帕斯卡西努斯的書信可以明白看出。然而兩封信因時代的損害都已散佚。從前人以為只有帕斯卡西努斯的回覆留存下來;因此凱奈爾只刊行了那一封。但我們相信:帕斯卡西努斯所證實的、區利羅回覆給良的那封信,也有相當可觀的殘篇傳到我們手中;為要確立此點,須留意若干事項。二、就是區利羅那封關於逾越節、交付給非洲會議諸教父的信,狄奧尼修斯·艾希古斯曾把它整篇收入自己的匯編中,編號為……
That Leo wrote at least two letters, one to Cyril, bishop of Alexandria, the other to Paschasinus, bishop of Lilybaeum, is manifest from the letters of Paschasinus. But both, through the injury of the times, have perished. It was thought that only the reply of Paschasinus survived; and therefore Quesnel edited that one alone. But we believe that no small fragment of that letter also, which Paschasinus testifies Cyril returned to Leo, has been transmitted to us; and that this may be established, certain things must be observed. 2. Namely, that letter of Cyril concerning the Pascha, delivered to the Fathers of the African council, which Dionysius Exiguus had inserted whole into his collection under number...
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135, ex Sirmondi schedis cum longiori additione ediderant primum Petavius tom. II De Doctrina temporum, in fine, ac dein Bucherius in Commentario ad Canonem paschalem Victorii, cap. 1, pag. 72. Duæ vero in ea quam Petavius et Bucherius ediderunt partes distinguendæ, nimirum ipsa Cyrilli epistola ad Africanos, quæ legitur correctior apud Dionysium; et ejus additio, quæ ad aliam ejusdem Cyrilli epistolam pertinet. Has quidem duas distinctasque Cyrilli epistolas cum imperitus quidam reperisset agentes de Paschate, de eodem Paschate utrasque agere credidit:
編號一三五。此信取自西爾蒙的稿件,附有一段較長的增補,最先由佩塔維烏斯刊於其《論時代學說》第二卷之末,其後由布凱里烏斯刊於其《維克托里烏斯逾越節推算法注釋》第一章第七十二頁。但在佩塔維烏斯與布凱里烏斯所刊的文本中,須分辨出兩部分:即區利羅致非洲諸教父的信本身(在狄奧尼修斯的版本中讀來較為正確),以及其增補部分(乃屬同一區利羅另一封信)。然而有一個無學識之人發現這兩封論逾越節的區利羅書信時,便以為兩封論的是同一個逾越節;
135, which, from the papers of Sirmond, with a longer addition, was first edited by Petavius in volume II of his De Doctrina Temporum, at the end, and then by Bucherius in his Commentary on the Paschal Canon of Victorius, chapter 1, page 72. But two parts are to be distinguished in that which Petavius and Bucherius edited: namely, Cyril's own letter to the Africans, which is read more correctly in Dionysius; and its addition, which pertains to another letter of the same Cyril. Now when a certain unskilled person had found these two distinct letters of Cyril treating of the Pascha, he believed that both treated of the same Pascha;
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et idcirco epistolæ ad Africanos, quam ex Dionysio primum descripsit, paucis verbis suo arbitrio immutatis, alteram, quæ Bedæ temporibus integra legebatur, initio prætermisso, subjecit atque inseruit; quæ cum denuntiet diem Paschatis anni 444, eidem diei accomodata fuit a librario dies designata-in priori ad Africanos epistola, nimirum IX kal. Maii. Hinc Bucherius non duas, sed unam epistolam habuit totum hoc documentum, eodemque credidit sermonem esse de solo Paschate ann.444. 3.Sed si conferatur prima hujus pars cum Cyrilli epistola ad Africanos, quæ a Dionysio conservata est, eadem reperientur verba paucis vocibus exceptis, quas librarius mutavit;
因此,他先從狄奧尼修斯抄錄了致非洲人的信,按己意改動了幾個字,又把另一封信附加插入其後——那封信在比德的時代仍讀得完整,只是開頭被略去了;由於這封信宣告了西元四四四年逾越節的日期,抄寫者便把較早那封致非洲人信中所指定的日子(即五月朔前第九日)改配成同一日。因此布凱里烏斯把這整份文件當作一封而非兩封信,並以為其中所論的僅是四四四年的逾越節。三、但若把此文件的第一部分與狄奧尼修斯所保存的區利羅致非洲人信相比較,便會發現詞句相同,只有少數幾處是抄寫者改動的;
and therefore to the letter to the Africans, which he first copied from Dionysius, with a few words altered at his own discretion, he subjoined and inserted the other, which in the times of Bede was read entire, its beginning being omitted; and since this announces the day of the Pascha of the year 444, the day designated in the earlier letter to the Africans, namely the ninth of the Kalends of May, was accommodated by the copyist to that same day. Hence Bucherius held this whole document to be not two letters but one, and believed that the discourse in it was of the Pascha of the year 444 alone. 3. But if the first part of this be compared with Cyril's letter to the Africans, which has been preserved by Dionysius, the same words will be found, with a few expressions excepted which the copyist changed;
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ut nihil dubii sit quin ea prima pars pertineat ad Pascha an.420 Ita sane cum ibidem optime dicatur inscripta Aurelio, et Valentino, sed et omni S. congregationi in Carthaginensi synodo congregatæ, et in ea Cyrillus, affirmet se mittere exemplaria concilii Nicæni (quæ innuunt concilium Cathaginense an. 419), perperam, ubi agitur de Paschate, subjicitur celebraudum IX kal.Maii.Hæc enim chronica notatio indicat Pascha an.344, quod toto tempore episcopatus Cyrilli apud Alexandrinos hoc solo anno in eam diem incidit, ac propterea hæc epistola scripta fuisse an, 443, cum quo nequaquam cohæret concilium Cathaginense, jamdiu ante an. 443 e vivis excesserat.
因此毫無疑問,這第一部分關乎四二○年的逾越節。誠然,既然此信在那裡極恰當地題獻給奧勒略與瓦倫提努斯,以及在迦太基會議中聚集的全體聖眾,而區利羅在其中確言他寄送尼西亞會議的抄本(這暗指四一九年的迦太基會議),那麼在論及逾越節之處竟附加說當於五月朔前第九日舉行,便是錯誤的。因為這一年代標記所指的是四四四年的逾越節,這在區利羅任亞歷山大主教的整段期間,唯獨這一年落在那日;因此這封信便該是四四三年寫的,然而迦太基會議與此絕不相合,因它早在四四三年之前就已辭世。
so that there is no doubt that this first part pertains to the Pascha of the year 420. Thus indeed, since it is there most fittingly inscribed to Aurelius and Valentinus, and also to the whole holy congregation gathered in the synod of Carthage, and in it Cyril affirms that he is sending copies of the Council of Nicaea (which intimate the Council of Carthage of the year 419), it is wrongly subjoined, where the Pascha is treated, that it is to be celebrated on the ninth of the Kalends of May. For this chronological note indicates the Pascha of the year 444, which in the whole period of Cyril's episcopate among the Alexandrians fell on that day in this year alone, and therefore this letter would have been written in the year 443, with which the Council of Carthage in no way agrees, having long before the year 443 departed from the living.
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Itaque recte Petavius hanc epistolam scriptam tradiderat an 419, et agere de Paschate anni 420, ac proinde loco IX kal. Maii. Legendum XIV kal. Maii. quo die Pascha celebratum fuit an.420. 4.Apud Dionysium quidem legitur XVII kal. Maii, in quem diem incidit Pascha an,423. Sed præterquam quod frequentius de Paschate anni sequentis, rarius de Paschate post aliqout annos celebrandum petebatur, ipsa Cyrilli epistola, quæ Pascha futuræ indicationis, id est anni sequentis indicit, apud Dionysium transmissa dicitur ad Bonificium una cum alia Attici epistola post consulatum Honorii XII et Theodosii VIII, id est an.
因此佩塔維烏斯正確地報稱這封信寫於四一九年,論的是四二○年的逾越節,故此當把「五月朔前第九日」改讀為「五月朔前第十四日」,那正是四二○年舉行逾越節之日。四、在狄奧尼修斯的版本中讀作「五月朔前第十七日」,而那日正是四二三年逾越節所落之日。但除了以下事實——人們較常詢問次年的逾越節,較少詢問數年後才舉行的逾越節——區利羅那封信本身既宣告的是未來所指之逾越節(即次年的逾越節),據狄奧尼修斯所載,此信連同阿提庫斯另一封信一同傳送給波尼法修斯,是在霍諾里烏斯第十二次與狄奧多西第八次執政官任期之後,即西元……
And so Petavius had rightly reported that this letter was written in the year 419, and that it treats of the Pascha of the year 420, and therefore, in place of 'the ninth of the Kalends of May,' one should read 'the fourteenth of the Kalends of May,' on which day the Pascha was celebrated in the year 420. 4. In Dionysius indeed is read 'the seventeenth of the Kalends of May,' on which day the Pascha fell in the year 423. But besides the fact that a request was more frequently made concerning the Pascha of the following year, and more rarely concerning a Pascha to be celebrated several years later, Cyril's very letter, which announces the Pascha of the future indication, that is, of the following year, is said in Dionysius to have been transmitted to Boniface together with another letter of Atticus, after the consulship of Honorius the twelfth and of Theodosius the eighth, that is, in the year...
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419.Facile autem fuit numerales notas XIV librariorum lapsu duabus junctis unitatibus deflectere in XVII. Neque textum Græcum opponas ex Ecclesiæ Africanæ codice, uti vocant, ubi similer ac apud vulgatum Dionysium hæc numerales notas legitur. Nam Græcus Africani codicis textus non est originalis Cyrilli, sed ex Latino Dionysii antiqua interpretatio Græca, quæ ex vitatio Dionysii textu derivat, et veterem esse hunc librariorum lapsum confirmat. Hinc ergo manifestum fit veram lectionem in ms.
四一九年。而抄寫者只需把兩個「一」的筆畫相連,很容易就把數字符號 XIV 誤改成 XVII。你也不必以所謂非洲教會抄本的希臘文本相駁,因為那裡的數字符號讀來與通行的狄奧尼修斯版本相同。原來非洲抄本的希臘文本並非區利羅的原文,而是從狄奧尼修斯拉丁文譯出的一種古希臘譯本,它源自狄奧尼修斯已被訛誤的文本,並證實這抄寫者的錯誤由來已久。由此便顯明,正確的讀法乃在……的抄本中,
419. Now it was easy, by a slip of the copyists, to alter the numeral marks XIV into XVII by joining the two units. Nor should you oppose the Greek text from the codex of the African Church, as they call it, where the same numeral marks are read as in the common Dionysius. For the Greek text of the African codex is not Cyril's original, but an ancient Greek interpretation from the Latin of Dionysius, which is derived from the corrupted text of Dionysius, and confirms that this slip of the copyists is old. Hence therefore it becomes manifest that the true reading in the manuscript of...
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Sirmondi fuisse corruptam ab illo antiquario, qui cum huic epistolæ alteram partem subjecit, et ex duabus epistolis unam compegit, diem Paschatis in hac postrema parte designatum, de quo pluribus agitur, ad priorem quoque partem transferendum putavit. Hac libertate in inscriptione eadem Cyrilli epistola data dicitur Carthaginensi synodo congregatæ v kal. Decembris, cum apud Dionysium nulla talis notatio in incriptione ocurrat, sed in titulo Dionysus notaverit diem VI kal. Decembris, quo ea epistola ab Africanis ad Bonifacium pontificem missa fuit. Hactenus de epistola ad Carthaginense concilium. 5.Nunc de additione, seu de alia Cyrilli epistola, quæ nostri instituti propria est.
……西爾蒙的抄本中,卻被那位好古者所訛改;他把另一部分附加於此信,又把兩封信熔鑄為一,便以為在末段所指定、且多有論述的逾越節日期,也該挪到前段去。憑此自由,在題辭中便說同一封區利羅的信是於十二月朔前第五日交付給在迦太基聚集的會議的,然而在狄奧尼修斯的版本中,題辭裡並無這樣的標記,反倒是在標題中狄奧尼修斯註明了十二月朔前第六日,那正是非洲人把此信寄給教宗波尼法修斯之日。以上是關於致迦太基會議之信的討論。五、如今討論那增補部分,或說區利羅另一封信,乃是與我們的主旨相關的。
...of Sirmond, was corrupted by that antiquary who, when he subjoined the other part to this letter and welded one out of two letters, thought that the day of the Pascha designated in this last part, of which more is treated, should also be transferred to the earlier part. By this liberty, in the inscription the same letter of Cyril is said to have been given to the synod gathered at Carthage on the fifth of the Kalends of December, whereas in Dionysius no such note occurs in the inscription, but in the title Dionysius noted the day of the sixth of the Kalends of December, on which that letter was sent by the Africans to Boniface the pontiff. Thus far concerning the letter to the Council of Carthage. 5. Now concerning the addition, or the other letter of Cyril, which is proper to our purpose.
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Hæc nimirum agit de Paschate celebrando an.444. Dicitur enim Pascha celebrandum apud Alexandrinos IX kal. Maii propter rationem embolismi anni, Latinos autem meditari celebrare illud VII kal.Aprilis luna XXII, ita ut communem annum facerent de embolismo. Hi omnes characteres conveniunt soli Pachati an.444, quales quidem etiam in Paschasini epistola dein subjicienda deprehenduntur; ac proinde hæc Cyrilli, uti et Paschasini episla, pertinet ad an.443 6.Petavius in notis ad hanc additionem tom.
這部分確實論的是四四四年當舉行的逾越節。因它說:由於本年閏月的推算,亞歷山大人當在五月朔前第九日舉行逾越節,但拉丁人卻打算在四月朔前第七日、月齡第二十二日舉行,如此便把閏年當作平年了。這一切特徵唯獨與四四四年的逾越節相符,正如下文將附上的帕斯卡西努斯信中所見的特徵一樣;因此區利羅這封信,連同帕斯卡西努斯那封,都關乎四四三年。六、佩塔維烏斯在其對此增補的注釋中,於第……卷
This indeed treats of the Pascha to be celebrated in the year 444. For it says that the Pascha is to be celebrated among the Alexandrians on the ninth of the Kalends of May on account of the reckoning of the embolism of the year, but that the Latins purpose to celebrate it on the seventh of the Kalends of April, on the twenty-second moon, so that they would make of an embolismic year a common year. All these characters agree with the Pascha of the year 444 alone, such as indeed are also found in the letter of Paschasinus to be subjoined hereafter; and therefore this letter of Cyril, as also that of Paschasinus, pertains to the year 443. 6. Petavius, in his notes on this addition, in volume...
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II de Doctrin.temp.hic innu affirmat Pascha ann.607, et inde concludit hanc non esse Cyrilli epistolam, sed auctoris qui duobus ferme sæculis posterior fuit.Sed tota ejus ratiocinatio nititur fictitio cyclo decemnovennali, quem Romanis perperam tribuit, eo quod ipsi esset ignotus cyclus annorum 84 apud Latinos hoc tempore receptus: unde nihili facienda est. Pagius vero ad an.419, n.28, cum vidisset omnes characteres congruere Paschati an.444, et omnes tum codices, tum sriptores hanc epistolam Cyrillo tribuere, recessit a Petavii sententia, sed ipsam a Cyrillo datam credidit ad quosdam monachos his argumenti: quia, inquit, non ad unum, sed ad plures scripta est;
《論時代學說》第二卷,於此宣稱這是六○七年的逾越節,並由此斷定這不是區利羅的信,而是遲了近兩個世紀的某作者所寫。然而他整套推論都建立在一個虛構的十九年週期上,而他錯誤地把這週期歸給羅馬人,理由是當時拉丁人所採用的八十四年週期他們並不知曉;因此這推論毫無價值。但帕吉在四一九年條第二十八號中,既見一切特徵都與四四四年的逾越節相符,且一切抄本與作者都把此信歸給區利羅,便捨棄了佩塔維烏斯的意見,卻以下列理由相信此信是區利羅寫給某些修士的:他說,因為此信不是寫給一人,而是寫給許多人;
II of De Doctrina Temporum here affirms it to be the Pascha of the year 607, and thence concludes that this is not a letter of Cyril, but of an author who was nearly two centuries later. But his whole reasoning rests upon a fictitious nineteen-year cycle, which he wrongly attributes to the Romans, on the ground that the cycle of 84 years, received among the Latins at this time, was unknown to them; wherefore it is to be reckoned as nothing. But Pagi, on the year 419, number 28, when he had seen that all the characters agreed with the Pascha of the year 444, and that all the codices as well as the writers attribute this letter to Cyril, withdrew from Petavius's opinion, but believed that it was given by Cyril to certain monks on these grounds: because, he says, it is written not to one but to many;
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et hos quidem Cyrillo inferiores ac subditos innuunt verba, Præcipio vonis ne faciatis,etc.; monachos vero indicare videtur Pachomii monachi exemplum, quod iisdem litteris inseritur.At cum scripta sit ad Latinos, qui Pascha celebrare volebant VII kal.Aprilis, ad inferiores et Cyrilli subditos tradita dici nequit. Sicuti vero librarii arbitrio in epistola ad Africanos scriptum fuit mandamus vobis, ubi apud Dionysiumlegitur nuntiamus; ita eodem arbitrio in hac epistola scriptum credimus præcipio votis, ubi aliud in originali ejusque versione modestius aliquid legebatur.
至於這些人是低於區利羅且隸屬於他的,這由「我命令你們不可去做」等語暗示出來;而他們是修士,則由信中所插入的修士帕科繆的例子似乎顯明。然而既然此信是寫給拉丁人的——那些願在四月朔前第七日舉行逾越節之人——就不能說它是交付給區利羅的下屬與臣屬。但正如在致非洲人信中,抄寫者按己意寫成「我們命令你們」,而狄奧尼修斯的版本中讀作「我們通告」;照樣,我們相信在這封信中也是按同樣的己意寫成「我命令你們」,而原文及其譯本中原讀的是較為謙和的字眼。
and that these were inferior and subject to Cyril is intimated by the words, 'I command you not to do,' etc.; and that they were monks the example of Pachomius the monk, which is inserted in the same letter, seems to indicate. But since it was written to the Latins, who wished to celebrate the Pascha on the seventh of the Kalends of April, it cannot be said to have been delivered to inferiors and subjects of Cyril. But just as, at the copyist's discretion, in the letter to the Africans it was written 'we command you,' where in Dionysius is read 'we announce'; so at the same discretion we believe it was written in this letter 'I command you,' where in the original and its version something more modest was read.
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Monachi autem exemplum ad propositum comprobandum allatum, nihil conficit, ut ea epistola monachis tradita statuatur;cum præsertim Latinos monachis Cyrillum de Paschate an.444 interrogasse ne suspicari quidem liceat. 7.Utrum tandem ad unum,an ad plures, scripta fuerit, dubitari potest.Tillemontius in Cyrilli Vita, art. 147, quibusdam Occidentis episcopis datam existimat. Si id collegit ex verbis quod optamus, charissimi fratres, non adverit hæc pertinere ad finem epistolæ, quæ Africanis tradita fuit.
但為證明此點而提出的那修士的例子,絲毫不能確立此信是交付給修士的;尤其既不容人猜想拉丁人竟藉修士就四四四年的逾越節請教區利羅。七、究竟此信是寫給一人還是多人,尚可存疑。蒂耶蒙在《區利羅傳》第一四七條中,認為此信是寫給西方某些主教的。他若是從「這是我們所願望的,親愛的弟兄們」這幾個字推得,那他就沒有察覺這幾個字乃屬於那封交付給非洲人之信的結尾。
But the example of the monk, brought forward to prove the point, does nothing to establish that this letter was delivered to monks; especially since it is not even permitted to suspect that the Latins consulted Cyril about the Pascha of the year 444 through monks. 7. Whether, finally, it was written to one or to many, may be doubted. Tillemont, in the Life of Cyril, article 147, thinks it was given to certain bishops of the West. If he gathered this from the words 'which we desire, dearest brethren,' he did not observe that these pertain to the end of the letter which was delivered to the Africans.
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Si vero deduxit ex illis quæ huic posteriori fragmento inseruntur, charissimi domini mei, in mente habetote, quæ Cyrilli potius quam Pachomii Verba esse videntur, fortiora quidem sunt, sed no omnino convincunt; cum fieri potuerit ut is qui hanc Epistolam anteriori ad Africanos subjecit, ita hæc loca plurali numero afferret, ut cohærerent cum antecedentibus, quemadodum alia proprio ingenio eum immutasse cognoscimus. 8.Joannes Vander Haagen, auctor operis inscripti:Observationes in veterum Patrum et pontificum prologos et epistolas paschales, Amstelodami an.1734,pag. 97, eam Cyrilli epistolam esse, et ad Leonem pontificem traditam propugnat.
但他若是從此後段殘篇中所插入的「我至親的主們,你們要謹記」這幾句推得——這幾句看來寧是區利羅而非帕科繆之言——那麼這固然較有力,卻不能完全令人信服;因為極可能是那把此信附加於前一封致非洲人之信的人,把這幾處改成複數,好使之與前文連貫,正如我們認出他憑己意改動了其他各處一樣。八、約翰·范德哈根——《古代教父與教宗序言及逾越節書信之觀察》一書的作者(阿姆斯特丹,一七三四年,第九十七頁)——主張此信乃區利羅所寫,且是交付給教宗良的。
But if he deduced it from those words which are inserted in this latter fragment, 'my dearest lords, bear in mind,' which seem rather to be the words of Cyril than of Pachomius, these are indeed stronger, but do not wholly convince; since it could have happened that he who subjoined this letter to the earlier one to the Africans so rendered these places in the plural number, that they might cohere with what preceded, just as we recognize that he altered other things by his own device. 8. John Vander Haagen, author of the work entitled 'Observations on the Prologues and Paschal Letters of the Ancient Fathers and Pontiffs,' Amsterdam, year 1734, page 97, contends that it is a letter of Cyril, and delivered to Leo the pontiff.
78:205
Id autem exinde potissimum statuit, quod ex una parte certum sit ex Paschasino S. Cyrillum Leoni interroganti de Paschate an. 444 per litteras eidem directas respondisse;ex alia vero parte textum qui in hoc fragmento legitur Beda tribuat epistolæ Cyrilli ad S.Leonem, in ipso fragmento agatur quidem de quæstione Paschatis anni 444, de qua eum Leoni respondisse Paschasinus prodidit. Idem vero auctor allegat tria Bedæ testimonia: duo quibus ea epistola Cyrillo vindicatur, nimirum ex libro de temporum Ratione, et ex epistola ad Wicherdam; tertium vero ex opusculo de Argumentis lunæ, ubi ad Leonem scripta dicitur testibus Petavio et Bucherio sed locum se non potuisse invenire fatetur.
他主要根據以下這點來確立此說:一方面,從帕斯卡西努斯可確知,當良詢問四四四年的逾越節時,聖區利羅曾以一封致他的信作答;另一方面,比德把此殘篇中所讀的文本歸給區利羅致聖良的信,而該殘篇中所論的正是四四四年逾越節的問題,帕斯卡西努斯已揭示區利羅曾就此答覆良。同一作者引用了比德的三處佐證:兩處把該信歸給區利羅,即出自《論時代之推算》一書,及致維克瑟德的信;第三處出自《論月之論證》這篇小著,據佩塔維烏斯與布凱里烏斯所證,該處說此信是寫給良的,但他承認自己找不到那段文字。
He establishes this chiefly from this: that on the one hand it is certain from Paschasinus that St. Cyril, when Leo inquired about the Pascha of the year 444, replied to him through a letter directed to him; on the other hand, that the text which is read in this fragment Bede attributes to Cyril's letter to St. Leo, and in the very fragment there is treated the question of the Pascha of the year 444, concerning which Paschasinus has revealed that Cyril replied to Leo. And the same author alleges three testimonies of Bede: two by which that letter is vindicated to Cyril, namely from the book On the Reckoning of Times, and from the letter to Wicthed; and a third from the little work On the Arguments of the Moon, where it is said to have been written to Leo, on the testimony of Petavius and Bucherius, but he confesses that he could not find the passage.
78:206
Certe in editione Coloniensi an. 1688, tom. I pag. 151, in eo tractatu de Argumentis lunæ hæc reperimus: Sic legitur in epistola quam beatus Cyrillus ad Leonem papam scripsit: Indicabo enim vobis, quid Bachumius (lege Pachomius (monachus, etc. quæ quidem in fragmento mox recitando invenientur, sicut in eo leguntur etiam illa quæ tum in opusculo de temporum ratione ejusdem editionis cap. 41, tom. II pag. 83, tum in epistola ad Wichredam eodem tomo pag. 230. ex eadem Cyrilli epistola Beda recitat.
誠然,在一六八八年科隆版第一卷第一五一頁的那篇《論月之論證》中,我們找到這句:「在蒙福的區利羅寫給教宗良的信中如此記載:因為我要向你們指明,修士帕科繆……」等語——這些話確實會在隨即引述的殘篇中找到;正如在該殘篇中也讀到比德從同一封區利羅信中所引述的那些話,這些話既見於同版《論時代之推算》一書第四十一章第二卷第八十三頁,也見於同卷第二三○頁致維克瑟德的信中。
Certainly in the Cologne edition of the year 1688, volume I, page 151, in that treatise On the Arguments of the Moon, we find this: 'So it is read in the letter which blessed Cyril wrote to Pope Leo: For I will show you what Pachomius the monk...' etc., which things indeed will be found in the fragment presently to be recited, just as in it are also read those things which Bede recites from the same letter of Cyril, both in the little work On the Reckoning of Times of the same edition, chapter 41, volume II, page 83, and in the letter to Wicthed, in the same volume, page 230.
78:207
Grave quidem est hoc testimonium Bedæ, qui cum ipsam epistolam non ad Africanos, sed ad Leonem traditam pronuntiet, hanc non subjectam perperam epistolæ ad Africanos.sed separatam et Leoni inscriptam reperisse deprehenditur,ac propterea iis vocibus carentem, quibus ea ad plures data præfertur. Nihil vero dubitamus quin Cyrillus in sincera epistola ad Leonem iis formulis honoris et observantiæ erga apostolicam sedem usussit, quæ in aliis ejus ad Romanos pontifices litteris leguntur. Has vero omnes formulas ab ea qui hoc fragmentum epistolæ ad Patres concilii Carthaginensis adjecit immutatas credere oportet.
比德這佐證確實分量甚重,因為他既宣稱此信不是交付給非洲人,而是交付給良的,便顯出他所發現的這封信並非被錯誤地附加於致非洲人的信,而是獨立成篇、題獻給良的,因此缺少了那些把它呈現為寫給多人的措辭。我們毫不懷疑,區利羅在其致良的真實書信中,曾使用那些對宗座表示尊崇與敬重的套語,正如他致羅馬諸教宗的其他書信中所讀到的一樣。而這一切套語,我們必須相信,都被那把此殘篇附加於致迦太基會議諸教父之信的人所改動了。
This testimony of Bede is indeed weighty, for since he pronounces this very letter to have been delivered not to the Africans but to Leo, he is found to have discovered this letter not wrongly subjoined to the letter to the Africans, but separate and inscribed to Leo, and therefore lacking those expressions by which it is presented as given to many. We do not at all doubt that Cyril, in his genuine letter to Leo, used those formulas of honor and reverence toward the Apostolic See which are read in his other letters to the Roman pontiffs. But all these formulas we must believe were altered by him who added this fragment to the letter to the Fathers of the Council of Carthage.
78:208
Sed hæc ipsa interpolatiio nobis perusasit ne hoc fragmentum absolute insereremus huic operi, in quo solas epistolas omnino sinceras describendas putavimus. Cum vero interpolatio inesse videatur in solis vocibus, re autem ipsa totum hoc fragmentum cohæreat cum characteribus Paschatisan.444,qui in certis Paschasini litteris deprehendur, nec non cum ipsius Cyrilli sententiis, quæ in aliis ejusdem opusculiz paschalibus continentur; illud non omnino omittendum, sed huic monito subjiciendum, et aliquot etiam notationibus illustrandum credidimus........................................................ Simul Pascha celebremus (ajkal.
但正是這一竄改使我們不便將此殘篇徑直收入本著作,因我們認為本書只當謄錄全然真實的書信。然而既然這竄改似乎只在字句上,而就其實質而言,這整篇殘篇與四四四年逾越節的特徵相符(這些特徵見於帕斯卡西努斯真確的書信中),也與區利羅本人的見解相符(這些見解含於他其他逾越節小著中);我們便認為不當全然略去,而當附於此告誡之後,並以若干注釋加以說明……「讓我們一同於五月朔前第九日舉行逾越節,因本年閏月推算之故。」
But this very interpolation has persuaded us not to insert this fragment absolutely into this work, in which we have thought that only wholly genuine letters should be transcribed. But since the interpolation seems to lie only in the words, while in the matter itself this whole fragment coheres with the characters of the Pascha of the year 444, which are found in the genuine letters of Paschasinus, and also with the very opinions of Cyril, which are contained in others of his paschal little works; we have believed that it should not be wholly omitted, but subjoined to this notice, and illustrated also with some annotations... 'Let us celebrate the Pascha together on the ninth of the Kalends of May, on account of the reckoning of the embolism of the year.'
78:209
IX, Maii propter rationem embolismi anni.Quod 602 si faciatis VII kal. Aprilis, luna XXII, utjam præparatis, communem annum facitis de embolismo, dum observatis lunam incensam in III nonas Martias juxta regulam Latinorum kal.Januarii, Dominica luna XXVII; et non observandum est in hoc anno pro causis 808 quas supra diximus. Sicut enim vitandum est Pascha, quod diximus, in hoc anno; ita cavendum est ne faciamus Paschaanni embolismi in anno communi, et communis in embolismo. Debemus enim investigare epactas lunares in mensibus totius anni,ut celebremus Pascha in luna primi men. sis, in principioanni post veris exordium.
「你們若在四月朔前第七日、月齡第二十二日這樣行,彷彿你們已經預備妥當,就是把閏年當作平年了,同時你們按拉丁人的規則,在一月朔、主日、月齡第二十七日,遵守三月初五(三月諾內前第三日)所點亮之月;而基於上述諸因,這在本年是不當遵守的。因為正如我們所說的那逾越節在本年當避免,照樣也當謹防:不要把閏年的逾越節放在平年,也不要把平年的放在閏年。因為我們應當推算全年各月的月齡差數,好使我們在頭一個月的月份、在春分之後的年初舉行逾越節。」
'If you do this on the seventh of the Kalends of April, on the twenty-second moon, as though you had prepared, you make a common year out of an embolismic one, while you observe the moon kindled on the third of the Nones of March, according to the rule of the Latins, on the Kalends of January, on the Lord's Day, the twenty-seventh moon; and it is not to be observed in this year, for the causes which we have stated above. For just as the Pascha which we have mentioned is to be avoided in this year, so it is to be guarded against that we make the Pascha of an embolismic year in a common year, and of a common year in an embolismic one. For we ought to investigate the lunar epacts in the months of the whole year, that we may celebrate the Pascha on the moon of the first month, at the beginning of the year after the entrance of spring.'
78:210
Sol enim ipse quotidie terra marique pariter clauditur in fine diei, et in diei initio aperitur. Et finit sol cursum totius anni in XII kal. Aprilis, et lunaris globi plenitudo, vel diminutio, digitorum motu,rationis maHisterio,et _calculi supputatione aliqua prævidetur; ut numeremus xn tantum lunas juxta supputationem legalem dHebraeorum in anno communi, et XIII in embolismo secundum computationem dicrum. Indicabo vero vobis, quod Pachomius insignis factis,apostolicæ gratiæ egregius fundatorque Ægypti caenobiorum, editi ad monastcrium, quod lingua Ægyptiorum vocatur Panum, litteras, quas 804 angelo dictante perceperat, ut non errorem incurrerent in solemnitatis paschalis ratione. sci.
「因為太陽自身每日在陸與海一同於一日之終隱沒,又於一日之始升起。太陽在四月朔前第十二日結束全年的行程,而月球的盈虧,藉手指的運算、理性的把握,以及某種數目的推算得以預先知曉;好使我們按希伯來人合法的推算,在平年只計十二個月,在閏年按日數的推算計十三個月。但我要向你們指明:帕科繆——他行事顯赫,在使徒恩典上卓越,是埃及眾隱修院的創立者——曾向那按埃及人語言稱為帕農的隱修院頒布他奉天使口授所領受的書信,好使他們在逾越節慶典的推算上不致陷入謬誤,
'For the sun itself is daily shut in alike by land and sea at the end of the day, and is opened at the day's beginning. And the sun ends the course of the whole year on the twelfth of the Kalends of April, and the fullness or diminution of the lunar globe is foreseen by the motion of the fingers, by the mastery of reason, and by some computation of the reckoning; so that we may count only twelve moons according to the lawful computation of the Hebrews in a common year, and thirteen in an embolismic one, according to the computation of days. But I will show you what Pachomius, distinguished in deeds, illustrious in apostolic grace, and the founder of the monasteries of Egypt, published to the monastery which in the language of the Egyptians is called Panum, the letters which, at the dictation of an angel, he had received, that they might not incur error in the reckoning of the paschal solemnity;'
78:211
rentque lunam primi mensis in anno communi et embolismo. Charissimi Domini mei in mente ha. betote, quod constitutum est Pascha primum in Ægypto ad commonitionem, ut manducarent filii Israel agnum in typo veri Agni in luna primi mensis. Posterius autem Pascha factum est ad recordationem, in quo Manua descendit, quod ostendit, quod recederet agnus umbratilis, quando descendissetverum Manna. Dominus autem noster Jesus Christus conjunxit in una die agnum Judæorum, et verum Manna, quando benedixit panem et vinum dicens: llocestcorpusmeum, et sanguis meus in luna primi mensis, in anni principia. Ideo recordemur et memores simus offerre quae obtulit Jesus pro nobis in primo mense.
好使他們在平年和閏年都遵守頭一個月的月亮。我至親的主們,你們要謹記:頭一個逾越節在埃及設立,是作為告誡,叫以色列的兒女在頭一個月的月亮之時吃羔羊,作為真羔羊的預表。而後一個逾越節則是為紀念而設,其間嗎哪降下,這表明當真嗎哪降下時,那影兒的羔羊便當退去。然而我們的主耶穌基督卻在一日之內把猶太人的羔羊與真嗎哪聯合起來,就是當他祝謝餅與酒,說:這是我的身體,這是我的血——在頭一個月的月亮、在年初之時。所以,讓我們紀念並謹記,要在頭一個月獻上耶穌為我們所獻上的。
'and that they might observe the moon of the first month in a common and in an embolismic year. My dearest lords, bear in mind that the first Pascha was appointed in Egypt as an admonition, that the children of Israel should eat the lamb as a type of the true Lamb, on the moon of the first month. But the latter Pascha was made for a remembrance, in which the Manna descended, which showed that the shadowy lamb should withdraw when the true Manna had descended. But our Lord Jesus Christ joined in one day the lamb of the Jews and the true Manna, when he blessed the bread and the wine, saying: This is my body, and my blood, on the moon of the first month, at the beginning of the year. Therefore let us remember and be mindful to offer what Jesus offered for us in the first month.'
78:212
Dixit enim Dominus Jesus: Hæc quo tiescuJnque feceritis, in mei recordationem etmemo riam facietis. Scruteminique diligentissime,quæ ordinavit synodus Nicæna, lunas XIV 605 omnium annorum per decemnovennalem cyclum, ut non fal. lamur in luna xiv cum Judaeis et hæreticis, qui dicuntur tessares kœdecatitæ. Et constitutum est in omnibus synodis, practer synodum Gangrensem et Caesariensem, ut non faceret ulla Ecclesia, vel civitas, et omnis regio contraria his qnæ statuta sunt de Pascha in Nicaeno concilio.
因為主耶穌說:你們每逢做這事,就當為記念我而做。所以你們要極其殷勤地查考尼西亞會議所定的,就是透過十九年週期所定的各年月齡第十四日,免得我們在第十四日的月亮上與猶太人和異端同受迷惑——那些人被稱為「守十四日派」(誇多得西曼派)。並且在一切會議中,除了甘格拉會議與該撒利亞會議之外,都定規:任何教會、城市或任何地區,都不可做出與尼西亞會議所頒關於逾越節之規定相悖之事。
'For the Lord Jesus said: As often as you shall do these things, you shall do them in remembrance and memory of me. Search therefore most diligently what the Synod of Nicaea ordained, the fourteenth moons of all the years through the nineteen-year cycle, that we be not deceived in the fourteenth moon with the Jews and the heretics, who are called Tessarescaedecatitae (Quartodecimans). And it was established in all the synods, except the Synod of Gangra and of Caesarea, that no Church, or city, or any region should do anything contrary to those things which were decreed concerning the Pascha in the Council of Nicaea.'
78:213
Credite mihi quod si non scripsisset synodus Nicænacyclum lunarem primi mensis, sufficeret cyclus lapidis Si1enitis in Perside ad exemplu m rationis paschalis,cujuscandor interior cum luna primi mensis crescit et decrescit. Ideo nuntiavi vobis haec omnia, eo quod dubitastis de luna primi mensis in hoc anno. Ideo praecipio vobis ne faciatis Pa?cha in mense Martii in anno embolismi, sed in ix kal. Maii in unitate Ecclesiæ catholicæ. Verum Agnum veri Israelitæ immaculatum immaculati comedamus: quia in una domo 606 præceptum est Israeli carnali agnum anniculum comedere. De quo agno inJmaculato veracissime præceptum est:
你們要信我:假如尼西亞會議沒有記下頭一個月的月亮週期,那波斯的西勒尼特石之週期本足以作為逾越節推算的範例,因這石的內在光輝隨著頭一個月的月亮盈虧。所以我把這一切都通告了你們,因為你們對本年頭一個月的月亮存疑。因此我命令你們,不要在閏年的三月舉行逾越節,而要在五月朔前第九日、在大公教會的合一中舉行。讓我們這真以色列人吃那真羔羊,讓無瑕疵的吃那無瑕疵的:因為曾吩咐屬肉體的以色列在一所房子裡吃那一歲的羔羊。關於這無瑕疵的羔羊,曾極真實地吩咐說:
'Believe me that, if the Synod of Nicaea had not written down the lunar cycle of the first month, the cycle of the stone of Silenites in Persia would have sufficed as an example of the paschal reckoning, whose inner brightness waxes and wanes with the moon of the first month. Therefore I have announced to you all these things, because you doubted concerning the moon of the first month in this year. Therefore I command you not to make the Pascha in the month of March in an embolismic year, but on the ninth of the Kalends of May, in the unity of the Catholic Church. Let us, the true Israelites, eat the true Lamb, the immaculate the immaculate: for it was commanded to carnal Israel that in one house they should eat the yearling lamb. Concerning which immaculate lamb it was most truly commanded:'
78:214
Non occides agnum in lacte matris suæ, hoc est in proximo pascha conceptionissuæ in utero matris suæ.Ideo praegnantem Mariam, ne sicut stupr.ita et adultera lapidibus interficerctur, clam voluit Joseph dimittere. Ut vero non occideretur agnus in lacte matris suae, in pascha nativitatis suæ proximo fugit Joseph in Ægyptunl, Angelo praecipiente, in mense Martio, anno revertente, in quo mense eduxit Cain Abel justum in campum, ut occidereteum in typo Christi educti ad prælorium Pilati in sexta feria: quia eodem die conceptus in utero est, et mortuus in cruce; dum in sexta feria mortuus est amnanima pro peccato in paradiso, et in eodem obiit in corpore.
你不可在羔羊母親的奶中把牠殺了,就是說,不可在牠在母腹中受孕的最近逾越節把牠殺了。因此約瑟不願瑪利亞懷孕時,像淫婦和姦婦一樣被石頭打死,就想暗暗把她休了。但為叫這羔羊不在母親的奶中被殺,約瑟便奉天使的吩咐,在三月、在那循環之年,於牠出生的最近逾越節逃往埃及;就在這月,該隱把義人亞伯領到田間,要殺害他,作為基督在第六日(星期五)被領到彼拉多公堂的預表:因為基督在同一日於母腹中受孕,也在十字架上死去;因在第六日,靈魂在樂園中為罪而死,也在同一日於肉身中死去。
'You shall not kill the lamb in its mother's milk, that is, in the nearest Pascha of its conception in its mother's womb. Therefore Joseph, lest Mary, being pregnant, should be killed with stones as a fornicatress and adulteress, wished secretly to put her away. But that the lamb might not be killed in its mother's milk, at the nearest Pascha of its nativity Joseph fled into Egypt, at the angel's command, in the month of March, in the returning year, in which month Cain led out Abel the just into the field, that he might kill him, in a type of Christ led out to the praetorium of Pilate on the sixth day (Friday): because on the same day he was conceived in the womb, and died on the cross; for on the sixth day the soul died for sin in paradise, and on the same day he died in the body.'
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Responsum est ut opinor, omnibus quibus interrogastis me. CAp. I- -Apostolutus vestri scripta diacono Panormitanæ Ecclesiae SiLANO dcferente percepi, quæ nuditati meae atque ærummis,608 quas amarissima captivitate faciente incurri, solatium in omnibus atque remedium attulerunt, coelesti rore meum animam recreantes, atque omne quod triste fuerat,abstergentes, domine venerabilis papa.Jubere dignata est corona vestra, ut quid paschalis supputationis veritas anni post hune futuri haberet,sacrosanctis auribus vestris exiguitas mea intimaret. Cui praecepto pio inohediers existere non potui omnino,nec debui.
我想,凡你們所問我的一切,我都已回答了。——我藉帕諾爾木教會的執事西拉努斯之手,領受了你使徒尊位的來函;此函在一切事上為我的赤貧與艱苦帶來慰藉與救治——這些艱苦是我因極其苦楚的被擄而遭受的——它以屬天的甘露滋潤我的靈魂,拭去一切曾令我憂傷的事,可敬的主教宗。你的尊冠俯允命令,要我這卑微者向你至聖的耳中稟明:這往後一年的逾越節推算之真相為何。對此虔敬的訓令,我實在不能、也不當有絲毫違抗。
I have answered, as I think, all the things about which you have questioned me. — I received the writings of your Apostleship by the delivery of Silanus, deacon of the Church of Panormus, which brought solace and remedy in all things to my nakedness and hardships, which I incurred through a most bitter captivity, refreshing my soul with heavenly dew, and wiping away all that had been sorrowful, venerable lord Pope. Your Crown deigned to command that my littleness should intimate to your most sacred ears what the truth of the paschal computation held for the year after this one. To which pious precept I could not be, nor ought I to be, at all disobedient.
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Diutino itaque tractatu, vel ratiocinatione id verum invenimus, quod ab Alexandrinae Ecclesiae antistite beatitudini vestrae rescriptum est, Nam cum Romana supputatio, qua cyclo concluditur,cujus ipse, de quo agitur, erit sexagesimus tertius annus, qui cyclus caepit a consulatu ANTONINI et SIAGRII,nobis dubietatem afferret,eo quod septimo kalendarum Apri!ium die dies Dominica et luna vigesima secunda incurreret, et iterum nono kalendarum Maiarum die (ut rEi vcritas habet) Dominica dies et luna decimanona obveniret: in hoc ambiguo fluctuantes, adHebræorum,hoc est legalem su pputationem nos convertimus,quæ cum a Romanis ignoratur, facile errorem incurrunt.
因此,經過長時間的研討與推理,我們發現亞歷山大教會的主教回覆給你福分的那一點乃是真確的。因為羅馬人的推算——那週期由此結束,而所論的這一年正是其第六十三年,這週期始於安東尼努斯與西阿格里烏斯執政之時——使我們陷入疑惑,因為在四月朔前第七日會遇上主日與月齡第二十二日,而又在五月朔前第九日(正如實情所示)會遇上主日與月齡第十九日:在這含糊中搖擺不定,我們便轉向希伯來人的推算,即那合法的推算;羅馬人既不曉得這推算,就容易陷入謬誤。
By long treatment, therefore, and by reasoning, we found that to be true which was written back to your Blessedness by the prelate of the Alexandrian Church. For since the Roman computation, by which the cycle is concluded—of which the very year in question will be the sixty-third, which cycle began from the consulship of Antoninus and Syagrius—brought us into doubt, because on the seventh of the Kalends of April the Lord's Day and the twenty-second moon would fall, and again on the ninth of the Kalends of May (as the truth of the matter holds) the Lord's Day and the nineteenth moon would occur: fluctuating in this ambiguity, we turned ourselves to the Hebrew, that is, the lawful computation, which, since it is ignored by the Romans, they easily incur error.
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Cœpit ergo ogdoas a consulatu 609 virorum clarissimorum Aetii iterum et Sigesvulti, quæ clauditur anno de quo quaestio videtur exorta. Talis ratio haec est: Prio. res duo sunt anni communes, tertius embolismalis, quartus et quintus communes, sextus embolismalis, septimus communis, octavus embolismalis. Pervidet ergo apostolatus vestri prudentia octavum annum ogdoadis fieri aliter non posse nisi embolismum toneanlus. Quod si voluerimus illud quod superius diximu8.id eHt,quod primum incurrit Pascha,septimo kalendarum Aprilium die celebrare, communem annum faciemus, et incipiet omnis deinceps subsequentium annorum supputatio vacillare. CAP. II.
因此,這八年週期始於至顯赫者埃提烏斯(第二次)與西吉斯武爾圖斯執政之時,而在所論問題似乎由之而起的那一年結束。其推算如下:頭兩年是平年,第三年是閏年,第四、五年是平年,第六年是閏年,第七年是平年,第八年是閏年。所以你使徒尊位的明智看得出,這八年週期的第八年,除非我們以之為閏年,否則別無他法。但我們若願把上文所說的、即最先出現的那逾越節,於四月朔前第七日舉行,就會造成一個平年,此後往後各年的整套推算便要開始動搖。
The ogdoad (eight-year period), therefore, began from the consulship of the most illustrious men Aetius (for the second time) and Sigisvultus, which is concluded in the year concerning which the question seems to have arisen. Such is the reckoning: The first two are common years, the third embolismic, the fourth and fifth common, the sixth embolismic, the seventh common, the eighth embolismic. Therefore the prudence of your Apostleship perceives that the eighth year of the ogdoad cannot be made otherwise than that we hold it embolismic. But if we should wish to celebrate that which we said above, namely the Pascha which first occurs, on the seventh of the Kalends of April, we shall make a common year, and thereafter the whole computation of the subsequent years will begin to waver.
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Et ne hoc quod exposuimus beatitudini vestrae obscuritatem aliquam afferat, suggerimus communes annos, apud Hebræos duodecim tantum lunas, hoc est dies, 354 habere; embohsmos vero lunas tredecim habere, hoc est dies 584. Necessitate ergo embolismi cogimur id tenere, quod longius est, ne a vero deviare videamur.Nequc nobis autnovum aut erraticum videatur,cum dies passionis undecimo kalendas Maii occurrat,a qua (sicut (tn) Graecis videtur) Pascha nomen accepit; licet He. brææ linguae interpretes tradant Pascha transitum dici, quod tamen idem et Joannis evangelistae dicto firmatur, quo ait, cum de passione loqueretur: Cum venisset hora ut transiret Jesus de hoc mundo ad Pa. trem (Joan,.
為免我們所闡述的給你福分帶來任何晦澀,我們謹陳明:平年在希伯來人中只有十二個月,即三百五十四日;而閏年有十三個月,即三百八十四日。因此,出於閏月的必要,我們不得不採取那較長的,免得我們顯得偏離真理。這在我們看來也不當顯為新奇或錯亂,因為受難之日落在五月朔前第十一日,而逾越節(如希臘人所見)之名正是由此而得;雖然希伯來語的譯者傳講「逾越節」意為「越過」,然而這同樣由福音書作者約翰的話得到印證,他論及受難時說:「時候到了,耶穌要離開這世界歸到父那裡去」(約……
And lest what we have expounded should bring any obscurity to your Blessedness, we suggest that common years have among the Hebrews only twelve moons, that is, 354 days; but embolismic years have thirteen moons, that is, 384 days. By the necessity of the embolism, therefore, we are compelled to hold that which is longer, lest we should seem to deviate from the truth. Nor should it seem to us either new or erratic, since the day of the Passion falls on the eleventh of the Kalends of May, from which (as it seems to the Greeks) the Pascha received its name; although the interpreters of the Hebrew tongue relate that Pascha is called 'a passing over,' which nevertheless is likewise confirmed by the saying of John the Evangelist, who says, when he was speaking of the Passion: When the hour had come that Jesus should pass over from this world to the Father (John...
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XIII, 1). Non ergo nos dies una longius 810 posita terreat, ne cum hanc vitamus incurramus errorem, sicutevenit tempore beatæ recurdationis domini mei, praedecessoris apostolatus vestri Zosimi,anno consulatus Honorii Augusti undeeimo, et Constantii secundo. Tunc enim, cum declinaretur, ne decimo kalendas Man dies Paschae teneretur, celebratum octavo die kalendas Aprilis,id est pro embolismo communis est annas tentus,et error gravissimus est ortus, in tantum ut mysterio certo, quod dono sancti Spiritus ministratur, bæc veritas probaretur. Quod propterca credidi exPonendum, quia locus ipse etiam sancto atque a me venerando fratri meo Libanio diacono notissimus esi.
約十三1)。所以,不要因一日之遠而使我們懼怕,免得我們在躲避這一日時反倒陷入謬誤,正如在我那蒙福紀念之主、你使徒尊位的前任佐西姆斯的時代所發生的——在霍諾里烏斯奧古斯都第十一次與君士坦提烏斯第二次執政之年。因為那時,為避免逾越節之日定在五月朔前第十日,便改在四月朔前第八日舉行,就是以平年代替閏年,於是生出一個極其嚴重的謬誤,甚至於這真相竟藉一件由聖靈恩賜所施行的神蹟得以證實。因此我認為這事當加以陳述,因為那地方也是我當敬重的聖潔弟兄——執事利巴尼烏斯——所極為熟知的。
13:1). Therefore let not one day, placed further off, terrify us, lest, while we avoid this, we incur error, as happened in the time of blessed memory my lord, the predecessor of your Apostleship, Zosimus, in the eleventh year of the consulship of Honorius Augustus, and the second of Constantius. For then, when it was declined lest the day of the Pascha be held on the tenth of the Kalends of May, it was celebrated on the eighth day of the Kalends of April, that is, in place of an embolismic year a common one was held, and a most grave error arose, to such a degree that this truth was proved by a certain mystery which is ministered by the gift of the Holy Spirit. Which I have therefore believed should be expounded, because the very place is also most well known to my holy brother, to be venerated by me, Libanius the deacon.
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Cujus mysterii miraculum tale est. CAp. III. — Quaedam vilissima possessio, Moltinas appellatur in montibus arduis ac silvis densissimis constituta, illicque perparva atque vili opere constructa est Ecclesia. In cujus baptisterio nocte sacrosancta paschali, baptizandi hora, cum nullus canalis, nulla sit fistula, nec aqua omnino vicina, fon sex se repletur,paucisque qui fuerint consecratis, eum deductorium nullum habeat,ut aqua vonerat, ex sese discedit.
那奧祕的神蹟是這樣的。——有一處極其卑微的產業,名叫莫爾提奈,坐落在陡峭的山中與極為茂密的林間,那裡以極小而簡陋的工程建造了一座教會。在其洗禮池中,於至聖的逾越節之夜、施洗之時,那裡既無渠道、無管道,附近也全無水源,水盆卻自行注滿;當在場的少數人受洗成聖之後,因它沒有出口,那水便如它來時一般自行退去。
The miracle of which mystery is such. — A certain very lowly possession, called Moltinae, situated in steep mountains and most dense woods, and there a Church was constructed with very small and cheap workmanship. In its baptistery, on the most sacred paschal night, at the hour of baptizing, when there is no channel, no pipe, nor any water at all nearby, the font fills of itself; and when the few who were present have been consecrated, since it has no outlet, the water, as it had come, departs of itself.
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Tunc ergo, sicut supra diximus, sub sanctæ memoriae domino quondam meo ac beat!ssimo papa Zosimo, cum apud Occidentales trrorortus fuisset,consuetis lectionibus nocte sancta decursis, cum presbyter secundum morem baptizandi horam requireret, usque ad lucem aqua non veniente, 611 non consecrati, qui baptizandi ruerant, recesserunt. Ut ergo breviter narrern, illa nocte, quae luCescebat in diem Dominicam, decimo die kalendas Maii fons sacer hora competenti repletus est. Evidenti ergo miraculo claruit Oecidentalium partium fuisse errorem. CAp. IV. — Haec prout potui, vel epistolaris brevitas passa est, jubente apostolatu vestro, rescripsi;
那時,正如我們上文所說,在我那蒙聖潔紀念、至為蒙福的主教宗佐西姆斯的時代,當西方人中間興起了一個謬誤時,於那聖夜依例誦讀了慣常的經課,當長老按慣例尋求施洗之時,那水直到天亮仍不湧出,於是那些將受洗的人未經成聖便離去了。長話短說:在那將破曉為主日之夜、五月朔前第十日,那聖潔的水盆在合宜之時被注滿了。因此,藉這明顯的神蹟便顯明:謬誤原是出於西方各地的。——這些事,我盡我所能,或如書信的簡短所容許的,奉你使徒尊位之命回覆了;
Then, therefore, as we said above, under my lord of holy memory and most blessed Pope Zosimus, when an error had arisen among the Westerns, the accustomed lessons having been gone through on the holy night, when the presbyter, according to custom, sought the hour of baptizing, the water not coming even until dawn, those who were to be baptized departed unconsecrated. That I may narrate briefly: on that night which was dawning into the Lord's Day, on the tenth day of the Kalends of May, the sacred font was filled at the fitting hour. By this evident miracle, therefore, it became clear that the error had been of the Western parts. — These things, as far as I could, or as the brevity of a letter permitted, I have written back at your Apostleship's command;
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provolutus obsecrans ut pro mea parvitate, immo pro totius orbis statu, orare dig-nemini ut tandem de tot necessitatibus liberati cognoscamus quoniam ipse est Deus noster, qui tacit mirabilia solus.Qui jam non tradat bestiis animas confitentes sibi, neque amplius patiatur tentari nos supra id quod ferre possumus,sed faciat cum tentatione proventum misericordem pro sua pietate, ut 8ustinere possimus. Orate pro me.
我俯伏懇求:願你俯允為我這卑微者祈禱——不,寧為全世界的境況祈禱——好使我們終得從這許多困厄中蒙拯救,認識到他自己就是我們的神,是獨行奇事的(詩七十二18);願他不再把那向他認信的靈魂交給野獸,也不再容我們受試探過於我們所能受的,乃要照他的慈愛,在受試探時給我們開一條憐憫的出路,叫我們能忍受得住(林前十13)。請為我祈禱。
prostrate, beseeching that you would deign to pray for my littleness—nay rather for the state of the whole world—that at length, delivered from so many necessities, we may know that he himself is our God, who alone does wondrous things; who may no longer deliver to the beasts the souls that confess to him, nor any longer suffer us to be tempted above that which we are able to bear, but may make with the temptation a merciful issue, according to his mercy, that we may be able to endure. Pray for me.
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