CHAP. I.—Today, dearest brethren, we solemnly keep the day of him, namely, who, governing all things with the Father, created every day; the Word, I say, who in the beginning said: 'Let there be light, and there was light' (Gen. 1:3). His flesh today was made bright upon the mountain, as the Gospel text relates. Upon the mountain, before two prophets and three disciples, the Lord was transfigured; namely, that he might grant us hope of his Divinity, he willed to show them his face whiter than snow. But if anyone wishes to know who these prophets were, let him run to the most sublime utterances of the evangelists.
But if to anyone Luke seems to differ from the two former evangelists, because he reports that this brightness of the Lord was shown not after six days but after eight (Luke 9:28), let him run to the trope of the grammarians. For there is among them a trope which is called syllepsis, where for one many, and for many one is comprehended, and the whole is taken for the part, and the part for the whole; and let him know that Luke nonetheless wrote figuratively of the day when the promise was made, and comprehended in his Gospel that day too when it was fulfilled. That is to say, when the Lord had promised this, it was evening; and when he was transfigured, it was nevertheless appearing morning.
But Matthew and Mark, passing over the days of the promise and of the transfiguration, chose to hand down to perpetual remembrance only the six whole intervening days. CHAP. II.—Nevertheless, if anyone should ask why he willed to be transfigured before two prophets and three disciples, let him recall the very brilliant first discourse of the Lord; he himself says to the Jews: 'In your law it is written that the testimony of two men is true' (John 8:17). And that he might show himself to be the one who said to Moses, 'I am who I am, and thus you shall say to the children of Israel: He who is has sent me to you' (Exod. 3:14):
and who had sent that same Moses to Pharaoh for the deliverance of the children of Israel, and had given him the law on Mount Sinai, and had carried the prophet Elijah in a fiery chariot into the aerial heaven, he brought these witnesses, by divine power, along with the disciples, to contemplate the transfiguration of his brightness; recalling, namely, one of them from the threshold of death, the other from the translation of paradise. For no one could know the sepulcher of Moses, save he who commanded and brought him to himself; and no one had known whither Elijah was translated, save he who had called him to himself. For this is the Only-begotten of the Father, who for the redemption of the human race willed to be made the firstborn of a mother.
For in this today's transfiguration he willed to unite the concord of both pages [of Scripture]. For that he might show himself to be Lord of the law and of the prophet, he willed to bring these to the testimony of the evangelists. In this transfiguration indeed it pleased him, the dispenser of the Father, to show the dispenser of the Son, namely Peter to Moses, and he willed to demonstrate the chaste old man to the chaste new, Elijah to John. Two suns the disciples beheld on the mountain today: one which was contemplated by them all in the firmament, and another which, shining more splendidly than it, was seen by the prophets and disciples—the face of Jesus. But this Sun, which glowed on the mountain, illumined by its power the one which is in the firmament.
For this is the Sun of justice, burning and shining; for by burning it kindles the faithful in itself, by shining it illumines all. For concerning this Sun John says: 'He was the true light, which enlightens every man coming into this world' (John 1:9). CHAP. III.—But that his brightness might be instilled in us more surely than sure, after his countenance was transfigured into another form, and he was overshadowed by a bright cloud with the apostles, he was truly glorified by the Father: 'This,' he said, 'is my beloved Son, hear him' (Luke 9:35). But the disciples, not bearing so great a voice, fell upon their faces; and when Moses and Elijah withdrew, there remained alone the divine offspring, who, raising them up, said, 'Do not fear,' which is to say:
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Timeantilli, quinoncredunt, timeantquosphantasmatailludunt. Vos, quiPatrisFilioobeditis, ejusquearcanissecretisinterestis, quamobremtimidiestis? Attamensanctidiscipuli 458 respicientes, neminemviderunt, nisisolumJesum; utliquidodemonstrareturquiavoxquæmissafuerat, nonMoysi, nonEliæ, sedunigentioFiliosolummodocongruerat. Dehacquippevisionequidamfacundissimuspoetaadmiraturatquecollaudatmeritumhorumtriumapostolorumdicens (Sedutius, l. III, v. 284 seqq.): Omeritumsublimetrium, quibusillavidereContigitinmundoquænonsuntcreditamundo! Quid? quodetEliam, etclarumvirtuteMoysemIgnotosoculisvideruntluminecordis.
Let those fear who do not believe, let those fear whom phantasms delude. You, who obey the Son of the Father, and are present at his hidden secrets, for what reason are you afraid? Yet the holy disciples, looking up, saw no one but Jesus alone; so that it might be clearly demonstrated that the voice which had been sent was fitting not to Moses, not to Elijah, but to the Only-begotten Son alone. Concerning this vision indeed a certain most eloquent poet marvels and praises together the merit of these three apostles, saying (Sedulius, Book III, v. 284 ff.): 'O sublime merit of the three, to whom it fell to see in the world those things not believed by the world! What? that they saw both Elijah and Moses illustrious in virtue, unknown to the eyes, by the light of the heart.'
'That our faith may be the greater, that he is throughout the world the Beginning and the End, this one, namely, the Alpha and: whom such prophets shone round about in the midst. The one still living, the other standing in the light of life: and with a starry sound, saying, This is my Son, the Father's voice showed Christ begotten by his word.' Hence indeed to Moses beseeching and saying, 'Show me thy glory,' the Lord says: 'You shall not be able to see my face: for man shall not see me and live. Behold,' he says, 'there is a place with me, and you shall stand upon the rock; and when my glory shall pass, I will place you in a cleft of the rock, and I will protect you with my right hand, until I pass by, and I will take away my hand, and you shall see my back parts, but my face you shall not be able to see' (Exod. 33:18, 20 ff.).
What then, most beloved, is this? What indeed is this? Has no one ever seen the Lord? Has one of these lied, who said: 'No one has ever seen God, except the Only-begotten, who is in the bosom of the Father, he himself has declared him' (John 1:18)? Is the almighty Father, incomprehensible and immense and invisible, believed to be corporeal, or are bodily members ascribed to him, so that he is reported to have back parts? Great is this, deep is this; and for such little ones it is not easy to search out a thing so deep. But it is to be opened only by him who, when he wills, opens the mouth of brute animals to speak. O Holy Spirit, unlock for us this supreme utterance of the Father.
Attend more diligently, attend more cautiously, most beloved, and together with me prepare your minds. CHAP. IV.—'When I shall have passed by,' says the Lord, 'you shall see my back parts, my face you shall not be able to see' (Exod. 33:23). For the face of the Lord is his incomprehensible Deity; but his back parts are to be believed to be the assumed humanity of the Son. Assuredly by the face, which is the first part of the body, is intimated the Divinity before all ages; but the back parts are the humanity of Christ, which came to us in the last times through the inviolate Mary. On this day indeed, what he promised to his servant Moses, the Father faithfully fulfilled through the Son. Concerning this solemnity of this day David says:
'You have put on confession and beauty, clothed with light as with a garment' (Ps. 104:1). Christ put on confession and beauty when he was glorified with the glory of the paternal voice; he was clothed with light as with a garment when with the splendor of the sun he showed to the disciples his glittering countenance. Concerning this solemnity too the prophet Habakkuk marveled, when it was chanted by him: 'Lord, I have heard your report and I was afraid, I have considered your works and was terrified' (Hab. 3:1). Did he marvel and grow terrified at the fabric of the world? No. But at what did he marvel and grow terrified? Hear what follows: 'In the midst,' he says, 'of two living creatures you will be known.'
O most beloved, what is it to be known in the midst of two living creatures? Unless it be either in the midst of the two Testaments, or in the midst of Moses and Elijah conversing with him today on the mountain. For this is the cornerstone, in which each wall deserved to be joined together, namely the Old Testament and the New. The Old was signified by Moses and Elijah, by whom the law and the prophets are designated. The New by Peter and James and John, by whom the holy and venerable Gospel is designated. Or by Moses and Elijah that former Jewish people, by Peter, James, and John the Gentile people is designated. But this is the people walking in darkness, which saw a great light;
to which light may the Only-begotten of the Father lead us to contemplate in that fatherland, in which the just shall shine like the sun, and God himself shall be all in all, who with God the Father and the Holy Spirit lives and reigns and is glorified as God through all things. 1. To these words of Leo, sermon 3, chap. 2: 'The solidity of that faith which was praised in the prince of the apostles is perpetual,' Quesnel appended this annotation: 'He explains the words of Christ the Lord, that what was praised in Peter is that rock upon which he promises to build his Church, and against which the gates of hell shall not prevail, because it is perpetual; and as he says in chap.
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3, firmitatempetræ, quænullisimpulsionibusquateretur, accepit, itauteamnequehærelicaumquamperrumperepravitas, necpaganapotueritsuperareperfidia. Ineumdemsensumeademverbaexponitserm. 3 (nunc 4), c. 2 et 3, serm. 60 (nunc 62), seudePass. 11, c. 2. " Hactenusille. Neautemhæcinterpretatio, quæpetrænomenfideiinPetrolaudatæaccommodat, iisfaverecredaturquitestimoniumChristi, SuperhancPetramædificatoEcclesiammeam, nondePetro, seddefideexponentes, adprærogativasPetrietsuccessorumejusconstituendasnihilumpertinerecontendunt, Leonismensexactiusexplicandaest. 2 CumS.
3, it received the firmness of the rock, which could be shaken by no impacts, so that neither could heretical depravity ever break through it, nor pagan perfidy overcome it.' In the same sense he expounds the same words in sermon 3 (now 4), chap. 2 and 3, and in sermon 60 (now 62), or On the Passion 11, chap. 2. Thus far he. But lest this interpretation, which accommodates the name of the rock to the faith praised in Peter, be believed to favor those who—expounding the testimony of Christ, 'Upon this Rock I will build my Church,' not of Peter but of the faith—contend that it in no way pertains to establishing the prerogatives of Peter and his successors, Leo's mind must be more exactly explained. 2. When the holy
pontiff explained the rock, upon which Christ promised to build his Church, of the faith or of the solidity of that faith which Christ himself praised in Peter, we shall most clearly show that Leo understood not faith in general, nor the private faith of Peter, but that faith which he preached, whose deposit he left in the Roman see, and transmitted to his successors with an equal privilege of solidity: hence indeed it will be plain how accurately Quesnel wrote in the postil appended to sermon 65, chap. 2, in general terms: 'The rock, upon which the Church is built and against which hell does not prevail, is solid faith.' 3.
That indeed the faith preached by Peter is to be understood according to Leo's mind, the same pontiff openly declares in the aforementioned sermon 62, chap. 5. For he affirms that Peter, by God's revelation, went before all the apostles in the profession of faith, so that, being prepared for the government of the whole Church, he might first learn what he would teach, and for the solidity of the faith WHICH HE WAS ABOUT TO PREACH, might hear: 'You are Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it.' Behold, he attributes the solidity and the name of the rock, upon which the Church was to be built and against which the gates of hell shall not prevail, to that faith which Peter was about to preach, and by preaching which he was about to build the Church.
But lest hereby the name of rock be taken away from Peter, the Author testifies that, on account of this solidity of the faith to be preached, Peter himself too was constituted a rock, in sermon 4, chap. 2. For thus he introduces Christ speaking: 'You too are a rock, because you are made solid by my power'; and therefore he calls not so much the faith of Peter as Peter himself the rock of the catholic faith, in epistle 119, to Maximus of Antioch, chap. 2. 4. But since the same Peter chiefly left the deposit of this faith in the Roman Church and see, and transmitted it to his successors the Roman pontiffs, Leo openly discloses that the same solidity of faith which was in Peter perseveres and shall persevere in this Church, and in the successors of Peter by a peculiar privilege, until the end of the world, in these words of sermon
3, chap. 2: 'For the solidity of that faith which was praised in the prince of the apostles is perpetual: and just as what Peter believed in Christ abides, so what Christ instituted in Peter abides.' Christ instituted, namely, that his faith, upon which the Church was to be built, should be so solid that against it the gates of hell should never prevail, which requires a perpetual solidity of faith. But he who thus affirmed this solidity of faith to be perpetual, assuredly acknowledged that it did not cease in Peter, but passed over into his successors: whence in sermon 5, chap. 4, he says: 'For that solidity, which he (Peter), himself made a rock, received from the Rock Christ, transfuses itself also into his heirs.'
Into those heirs, namely, it has been transfused, in whom he indicates in several places that Peter lives, and still governs and teaches the Church. Wherefore in sermon 3, chap. 3, attributing to blessed Peter the ever-persevering solidity of the rock, he says: 'The disposition of truth therefore remains, and blessed Peter, persevering in the received strength of the rock, has not abandoned the helm of the Church which he undertook.' We could bring forward concordant testimonies of other Fathers, which we have collected in another treatise to be published someday, if it please God. But it was our purpose here to disclose the opinion of Leo alone. And how much this opinion contributes to establishing the prerogatives of the Roman see, no one fails to see. 1. On the described testimony Quesnel noted these things.
'So excellent an opinion, although already illustrated by the observations of many, the plan of our undertaking does not permit us to pass over untouched. After St. Leo asserted at the beginning of the chapter that the edifice rises upon the firmness of the faith asserted through Peter, and that, in view of this confession, the power signified by these words was handed over to him: "To you I will give the keys of the kingdom of heaven," etc. (Matt. 16:19); he subjoins that it was given not to Peter alone, but that the right of this power passed also into the apostles: yet that it was intimated singularly to Peter, so that in one all the rulers of the Church might learn what was entrusted to them, and the whole form of Peter might be set forth as a model.
For just as the prince of the apostles had uttered the confession of faith on behalf of all, and all had answered in him and through him; so also on behalf of all he received the power of the keys, and all received it in him and through him. Hence again Leo asserts that, just as there is a power common to all, so also there is a privilege common to all, the honor of the primacy excepted; and that that privilege of Peter remains wherever throughout the lands, through the bishops the successors of the apostles, judgment is passed according to the equity of Peter; and accordingly that the privilege of Peter does not remain wherever judgment is not passed according to his equity.
禿頭查理(Charles the Bald),法蘭克人的君王,在一封以蘭斯的辛克瑪(Hincmar)文風所擬的書信中說:由這句判語確立了,凡不按照伯多祿的公正而作出裁判之處,伯多祿的特權便不存留。因為既說「凡處」,那麼正如沒有任何地方,同樣,也沒有任何按伯多祿公正作出裁判的教會治理者被排除在外,或有任何違背他公正而宣判的人被稱許。並且既然「凡處」而無任何例外,凡不按照他的公正作出裁判之處,伯多祿的特權便不存留,那麼我們豈可順服一項命令,或接受一項裁判,若它不是按照伯多祿的公正而宣布的、並因此喪失了他的特權呢?(禿頭查理致教宗亞德里安書信,收於末次版本的辛克瑪書信集中。)
By which sentence, says Charles the Bald, king of the Franks, in a letter drawn up in the style of Hincmar of Rheims, it is established that the privilege of Peter does not remain where judgment is not passed according to his equity. For since it is said 'wherever,' just as no place, so no ruler of the Church passing judgment according to the equity of Peter is excepted, or one pronouncing against his equity is commended. And because 'wherever,' without any exception, the privilege of Peter does not remain where judgment is not passed according to his equity, shall we obey a command, or receive a judgment, which shall not have been pronounced according to the equity of Peter, and shall through this have been destitute of his privilege? (Epistle of Charles the Bald, to Pope Hadrian, among the Hincmarian letters of the last edition).
對良的同樣這些話,同一辛克瑪、以及其他高盧的主教們,在公元878年的特魯瓦(Troyes)主教會議中也有暗指,他們在當前的會議中,藉教宗若望八世的表決,確認了對羅馬教會之敵蘭伯特(Lambert)的定罪——據他們說,蘭伯特是憑蒙福伯多祿與宗座的特權而被絕罰的——他們似乎把宗座的那特權與公正,解釋為關乎按照天主聖神所奠立、並為全世界的敬畏所祝聖的神聖教規而宣布的裁判;並且再次說,是按照聖經的軌道與神聖教規的法令。參閱伯多祿·德·馬爾卡(Peter de Marca)在《論司祭權與帝權的和諧》第4卷第6與第8章中更充分地探討這些事。」以上是格內爾所言,在其末尾處聖
To the same words of Leo the same Hincmar, and also other Gallican bishops, allude in the synod of Troyes of the year 878, who, confirming by the vote of Pope John VIII, in the present synod, the condemnation of Lambert, enemy of the Roman Church, excommunicated (as they say) by the privilege of blessed Peter and of the apostolic see, seem to interpret that privilege and equity of the apostolic see as concerning judgment pronounced according to the sacred canons founded by the Spirit of God and consecrated by the reverence of the whole world; and again, according to the path of the Scriptures, and the decrees of the sacred canons. See Peter de Marca pursuing these things more fully in book 4 of On the Concord of the Priesthood and the Empire, chapters 6 and 8.» Thus Quesnel, where toward the end St.
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LeonisverbainsuaporusquaminS. pontificismentemsensiminflectens, easolaipsorumRomanorumpontificumjudiciaprivilegioetæquitatePetrigaudere, ecrataesseinsinuat, quæadcanonumnormamferuntur. Hucautemtamprolixamannotationemeoforteconsilioperduxit, utLeoipse, hoctestimonioperindeexplicato, faverevidereturiisquæstatueremeditabaturincausaHilariiArelatensis, dissert. 5, inquahuncLeonijudiciumexercenti, utipsecomminiscitur, contraregulascanonium, jurerestitissecontendit, eoquianonlatebat, inquitibidempart. III, c. 1.
Bending Leo's words gradually more to his own purpose than to the mind of the holy pontiff, he insinuates that only those judgments of the Roman pontiffs themselves enjoy the privilege and the equity of Peter, and are ratified, which are pronounced according to the norm of the canons. He drew out so lengthy an annotation, perhaps, with this design: that Leo himself, once this testimony had been so explained, might seem to favor those things which he was meditating to establish in the case of Hilary of Arles (Dissertation 5), wherein he contends that Hilary rightly resisted Leo when Leo exercised judgment against the rules of the canons, as he himself invents, and this because it was not hidden, he says there (Part III, ch. 1),
the prerogative of the chief prelates over the lower bishops is inert and idle, since nothing is claimed by them except according to the norm of the canons. This is not the place to discuss Leo's judgment in the case of Hilary of Arles, which was undertaken and held at Rome both from natural equity and from the rules of the canons, as will be fully demonstrated in the Observations on that same Quesnellian dissertation. Here only, lest the testimony of the holy pontiff be dragged into a sense foreign to him — one that favors disobedience and impugns the prerogatives of the Roman See — the genuine meaning of Leo's proposition must be explained from Leo himself. 2. When therefore the holy
pontiff declares that the privilege of Peter abides wherever judgment is pronounced from his equity, he is speaking of judgments concerning persons and especially concerning crimes, as is clear from what he immediately subjoins in the same sermon about excessive severity or excessive laxity, and also from Sermon 5, ch. 5, where he says: 'While the right of binding and loosing remains with us, through the governance of the most blessed Peter both the condemned is led to penance and the reconciled is brought to pardon.' Now this is the privilege of Peter: that whatsoever he shall have loosed or bound on earth may be loosed or bound in heaven.
But in those judgments which are pronounced by the princes of the Church concerning offenders, Leo teaches that this privilege of Peter abides if the judgment is pronounced from the equity of Peter himself — namely, if it be as upright and just as the judgments of Peter were upright and just. For 'equity' in this place is taken for real justice, so that the one who is bound, that is, condemned, is truly a sinner, and the one who is absolved is truly a penitent. For those who are of this kind, when they are bound or loosed on earth, are bound or loosed also in heaven.
But if through some error or through anyone's fraud there be bound or condemned one who, though judged guilty in the external forum, is yet truly innocent; and if, on the other hand, there be absolved one who is believed penitent but in truth approaches feignedly and is not converted before God — who would believe that to be bound or loosed in heaven which is thus loosed or bound on earth? Nothing further can be drawn from the whole context of Leo. The whole passage regards the judgments of the Church held on earth in relation to the divine judgment in heaven. 3. There is here nothing about the canons or about a method of canons; those who think Peter's equity must necessarily be derived from these ought to indicate which canons Peter followed in order to pronounce judgments from equity.
The canons indeed had regard to natural equity when they prescribed certain rules for judgments. But the equity of Peter which is here indicated must be referred to natural justice or equity — which is what the substance of the canons regards — and not to the discipline or method of the canons, without which Peter most equitably bound or loosed. 4. So long as the judgments of the Roman pontiffs preserve this natural justice and equity, it makes no difference whether they are pronounced according to a fixed method and discipline of the canons, or otherwise by that supreme authority whereby, not in the substance of natural equity but in the method and discipline of the canons, they can sometimes dispense or alter, and this from equity itself:
for they will always enjoy the privilege of Peter, and whatsoever they shall have loosed or bound by the authority of Peter will be loosed or bound in heaven. Just as, on the contrary, if any judgments were pronounced by them even according to the rules and method of the canons, which yet lacked real equity and justice — a thing that can happen especially through an error of fact and the deceit of witnesses or documents — then the method and discipline of the canons, though observed, would profit nothing.
For although they ought to be held ratified and observed by the Church so long as the error is not detected and the judgment is not retracted (as many theologians and canonists teach, drawing from the very institutions of the Fathers and the rules of the canons), yet God in heaven would not bind or loose one who on earth was bound or absolved through error and deceit. This is the genuine and open interpretation of Leo's principle, from which the use or abuse of that same principle will easily be discerned; so that there is no need to discourse further about the testimony of Charles the Bald, which — being something to be weighed from its whole context and from peculiar circumstances — would require a longer disputation by no means necessary to the present matter.
We have reserved for this place Quesnel's longer annotation concerning usury, appended to Sermon 17 against a newfangled error. 'So evidently,' he says, 'is the novel dogma about the free faculty of lending at interest to the rich here overturned (a dogma into which, grievous to say, some among Catholics are swept away), that it is worth the trouble to consider Leo's doctrine more attentively. It is clear, then, that he assails not only that usury which is exacted from the poor, but absolutely all usury — as do those who condemn all usury and have nothing peculiar to say about the poor. Secondly, he condemns him who seizes upon the necessities of laboring men in order to multiply his own wealth by immoderate increases: which scarcely happens with a small sum received from the poor;
but rather from copious gains, which are reaped while someone seizes upon the necessities of laborers — that is, of businessmen — and receives back money lent that has been augmented with immoderate profits. Thirdly, he refutes the reasoning of those who contend that they are conferring a benefit when they give their money at interest to businessmen; for such a benefit he calls deceitful services, deceitful profit, unjust and shameless avarice, which claims to confer a benefit while it deceives — a lust for unjust gain, etc. Fourthly, he declares in general that the interest of money is the death of the soul;
that the iniquity of usury must be utterly fled, and that he is a stranger from the holy mountain of God who seizes deceitful gain from the interest of his money. Fifthly, he says that the moneylender is either wretched by losing what he gave, or more wretched by receiving what he did not give. Here he shows that the iniquity of usury is properly reckoned to consist in this: that one receives what he did not give, against the general sentence of God which, as St. Ambrose writes in the book On Tobias, excludes every increase of the principal. For usury, as Jerome defines it, is to receive more than one gives. Sixthly, gather from these words how feeble are the petty reasonings which moneylenders hold out to excuse their avarice:
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Quilibetsequatureventus, mala 467 semperestratiofenerantis, cuipecuniametminuisseetauxissepeccatumest. UndeexmenteLeonis, sivehocfenusincommodumejuscederevidiatur, quimutuoaccipit, siveindamnum, sivecumpericulodamnoquedantis, sivecumlucro, semperestmalaratiofenerantis. Videetejusdemepistolam 3, al. 1 (nuncep. 4), c. 3 et 4, ubinullapauperummentionefacta,generalisententiadamnatomnesquiusurariamexercentpecuniametfenorevoluntditescere; doletquehocineoscaderequiChristianiappellaricupiunt." ItaQuesnellus.
'Whatever the outcome may be, the account of the moneylender is always evil, for whom both to have diminished the money and to have increased it is a sin.' Hence, according to Leo's mind, whether this interest seem to turn to the advantage of the one who receives the loan, or to his loss, or with peril and loss to the giver, or with profit — the account of the moneylender is always evil. See also his Epistle 3, alias 1 (now Epistle 4), chs. 3 and 4, where, with no mention made of the poor, he condemns by a general sentence all who ply usurious money and wish to grow rich by interest; and he grieves that this falls upon those who desire to be called Christians.' So far Quesnel.
But many things disputed on this matter against the same error will be found in several works most recently published, and especially in the celebrated work of the supreme reigning pontiff Benedict XIV, On the Diocesan Synod, book VII, ch. 47; who moreover condemned the same error by apostolic authority in the Encyclical issued on the 1st of November in the year 1745, and inserted in tome I of the same pontiff's Bullarium. 1. To those words of Leo in Sermon 20, ch. 1: 'Rightly did the apostolic ordinances arrange that the usefulness of the ancient fasts should remain, and although the custom of the Church had learned to exercise itself with more prolonged chastisements, it should nevertheless embrace the sanctification of continence coming from the law,' etc., Quesnel appends this annotation:
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«ViderintquarationedoctrinamsuamcumsanctorumPatrumdocumentisconciliarepossintposteriorisævitheologi, quiexlegisgratiæperfectionebrevioresjejuniorumhodiernorumcastigationesprolixioribuspræferunt. ItaargumentaturAlexanderAlensispart. IV, quæst. 28, dejejunio, membro 7, porajejuniiesthoranona, quamusqueadvesperam.... DebuitEcclesiateneremedium, uttemporejejuniireficeremurtemporemedio. MagistrisuipremitvestigiaS. Thomas 2-2, quæst. 147, art. 7, ad 1: Adprimumergo, inquit, dicendumquodstatusveteriTestamenticomparaturnocti, statusveronoviTestamenti, diei; secundumilludadRomm.XIII: Noxpræcessit, diesautemappropinquavit.
'Let the theologians of a later age see by what reasoning they can reconcile their doctrine with the documents of the holy Fathers — those who, from the perfection of the law of grace, prefer the shorter chastisements of today's fasts to the longer ones. Thus argues Alexander of Hales, Part IV, question 28, on fasting, member 7: The hour of fasting is the ninth hour, which... up to evening.... The Church ought to keep a mean, so that in the time of fasting we might be refreshed at the middle time. St. Thomas treads in the footsteps of his master, 2-2, question 147, article 7, ad 1: To the first, then, he says, it must be said that the state of the Old Testament is compared to night, but the state of the New Testament to day; according to that saying to the Romans 13: The night is far spent, but the day is at hand.
And therefore in the Old Testament they fasted until night, but not so in the New Testament.' Our Leo philosophizes otherwise in the present sermon: 'The moral commands and precepts,' he says, 'remain as they were promulgated, since they insinuate nothing other than what they say, and among Christian devotion they grow by increase, they do not fall away by cessation.' And below: 'Although many things have been added by the newness of grace, yet nothing has been diminished from the antiquity of justice.' Consequently, he shows by this excellent reasoning that to exercise longer chastisements is the custom of the Church: 'For to those to whom it was granted to be able to do what is greater, it was unbecoming not to celebrate what is less.' In the same sense he writes in Sermon 14, On the Passion, ch. 5:
'In the moral precepts,' he says, 'no decrees of the former Testament are reprobated, but by the evangelical teaching many have been augmented, that they might be more perfect and more luminous, giving salvation rather than promising the Savior.' See Sermon 6, On the Fast of the Tenth Month, ch. 1. But that we may set alongside two peers of an older theology two chiefs, contemporaries of scholastic theology, let us hear Salvian singing in harmony with Leo, book II To the Catholic Church, where he has this before the middle: 'But perhaps someone asks,' he says, 'what is the reason that God now demands more from Christians through the Gospel than from the Jews formerly through the Law? The reason of this matter is open. For we now pay greater things to our Lord because we owe greater things;
for the Jews had a certain shadow of things, we the truth,' etc.; and a few lines before: 'There was then more indulgence and more license; then the eating of flesh was proclaimed, now abstinence; then in a whole lifetime very few days of fasts, now one might call all of life a single fast,' etc. 2. But this censure — which Quesnel, under no necessity of explaining or vindicating Leo, so lengthily set forth against the most excellent theologians, and especially against the very prince of theologians, St. Thomas — how it is not only inopportune but even extravagant, we show in a few words. They are reproved as though, from the perfection of the law of grace, they had preferred the shorter chastisements of today's fasts to the longer ones.
From the context itself it is clear that they, considering the discipline of their own time — in which the fast was broken at the ninth hour rather than in the evening — sought a certain fitting reason for this hour, one that might agree with the law of grace in a mystical sense: for thus other ancient Fathers too adduced mystical reasons for the rites to be instituted. But that they compared the shorter chastisements of the fast with the longer ones, and preferred the former to the latter as though more perfect, on account of the perfection of the new law — this you will nowhere find. For who of sound mind would think it? And if they preferred the ninth hour to the evening one, they are not therefore to be said to have set a shorter chastisement before a longer one:
for about the same chastisement could be had, if someone, abstaining for a span of twenty-four hours, took a single meal at the ninth hour or in the evening: for the abstinence that is shorter for one breaking the fast at the ninth hour is in a manner compensated by the following longer abstinence; and besides, since those theologians speak chiefly of the fast of Lent, which was then broken at the ninth hour, they could reckon the same abstinence and chastisement through twenty-four continuous hours both in the one who fasts from the ninth hour of one day, after the midday meal, to the ninth hour of the next day, and in the one who fasts from evening to evening; so that they would have made least account of the variation between a ninth-hour or an evening meal within the same twenty-four hours of abstinence.
'This formula of prayer is in the first place catholic — nay rather, it is the sum and fullness of the Christian religion, whose peculiar mark it is to worship God through Christ, as Tertullian witnesses in the Apologeticum, ch. 21, and in Optatus, book III: You call him a pagan who has prayed to God the Father through His Son before the altar? And — what is equivalent to all witnesses — the Church employs it partly in her offices, partly in the public prayer of the sacrifice. For she thus concludes all her collects, Through Christ, etc., namely the mediator of God and men. And that at the altar prayer may always be directed to the Father, it was of old sanctioned by the Council of Carthage which is called the Third, canon 23.'
Of old, however, while the Arian heresy raged, this formula of speech employed by Leo was not heard with altogether favorable ears: because the Arians concealed the impious sense of their heresy under these words, being wont to sing this doxology at the close of their hymns in this manner: 'Glory to the Father through the Son in the Holy Spirit'; of which thing Philostorgius is witness in book III of his History. And for that reason Eusebius of Pamphili — as Socrates relates in book II of his History, ch. 21 — came under suspicion of the Arian dogma among certain persons, because he rather often repeats in his writings these words, 'Through Christ.' Which words are also everywhere familiar to ecclesiastical writers, and first of all to the apostle Paul:
'Who nevertheless,' says Socrates, 'was never reckoned a teacher of perverse dogma.' All this from Quesnel. 'Similarly,' says Quesnel in an annotation, 'in Sermon 4 On the Epiphany, the Son of God is said to be mingled with the nature of the flesh. Such modes of speaking the scholastic theologians shunned more scrupulously than did those parents of an older theology, whose chief, Augustine, in Epistle 3 to Volusianus, proposes this definition of the Lord's incarnation, as full as it is brief: A mixture of God and man. Yet only if, as he immediately subjoins, the hearer withdraw from the custom of bodies, whereby two liquids are wont to be so commingled that neither preserves its own integrity.'
Whence a little after he too fears lest the name of mixture or blending be unworthily applied to the union of God and man, nay of soul and body. Yet they spoke more securely while the Eutychians were not yet contending, who — not withdrawing from the custom of bodies, as Augustine had warned — dreamed that the natures had coalesced into one after the union. After the rise of which heresy, Leo spoke more cautiously and weighed his words more carefully, lest — as he admonished Theodoret — he should seem, against the Nestorians or against the Eutychians, to have favored one or the other of them, but might avoid and condemn both enemies of Christ with an equal balance (Epistle 93, alias 63).
Moreover, when the one nature has been mingled with the other, it is to be noted not only that which our author everywhere declares — that neither was confounded by the commingling — but also that this was done in this manner: that when the Word of God, as Augustine says, was mingled with the soul having a body, it at once took to itself both the soul and the body (St. Augustine, Epistle 3). But in what manner the Word was mingled with the soul, who could explain, when Augustine dares not explain it? This one thing he says: that the Wisdom of God, which is His Word, everywhere present and hidden, nowhere enclosed, nowhere divided, nowhere swollen, but without mass wholly everywhere, in a manner far other than that by which it is present to the rest of creatures, took up the man, and made both itself and him one Jesus Christ, etc.
For she herself, as he says in another place of the same Epistle, joined to herself the rational soul and, through it, also the human body, and the whole man entirely, to be changed for the better — she herself in no way changed for the worse — deigning to assume from him the name of humanity, bountifully bestowing on him her Divinity. Finally, this union is nothing other than the intimate penetration of the soul and, through it, of the whole nature, into which God Himself wholly pours Himself wholly, in a manner that cannot befit a creature, since no creature truly penetrates another.
'But God,' says Augustine, 'who is capacious, not capable of being contained; penetrating, not penetrable; filling, not fillable; who is everywhere at once wholly, and everywhere diffused — through the infusion of His power was mercifully mingled with human nature; the human nature was not mingled with the divine nature' (Augustine, in Leporius's Confession). Thus far he. But we have gathered more on this subject in Dissertation 2, ch. 3, in the Works of St. Zeno, p. 91, which whoever wishes will be able to compare.
Here we insert a particular little dissertation on this subject by Giovanni Ciampini, addressed to Erasmo Gattola, which Quesnel added to his second edition. Long since has your love toward the liberal arts and toward those devoted to them become known, together with your will to deserve well of them — a love which you have always displayed and cease not to display, inviting some to studies, enticing others, instructing others by your most courteous and learned replies, sparing at last neither labors nor expenses whereby you might be of service to the literary republic to the best of your power. I too had known what was commonly reported of you in this praise, not only by the associates of your most noble order, but also by others.
Yet a more certain and most ample testimony of this matter I received with great delight of soul, when not long ago, in the month of May, I betook myself alive to visit that most celebrated arch-monastery. Doubtless I gazed in admiration upon the sanctity of the place, the beauty of God's house in the temple, and, so to speak, the illustrious colony of all the virtues, which gave to heaven so many excellent bishops for the cities, so many most worthy cardinals for the Vatican, so many most holy pontiffs of the Church, so many myriads of saints. I marveled at the structure and magnificence of the monastery, plainly worthy both of its royal founders and of its monastic inhabitants.
Most gladly I saw the most opulent gifts of Caesars, kings, and princes, in which one could recognize both their Christian piety and the glory of Benedict your father. Nay, most pleasant to me likewise was the singular liberality of the monks, who dismissed me at my departure with all the most generous offices of religious hospitality. But — that I may frankly confess what most bears upon the present matter — I took exceeding pleasure in beholding so many chests of most ancient codices in the library over whose custody you yourself preside; and doubtless greater pleasure when I heard you reading most readily the codices themselves, written out in so many and such diverse characters, with the utmost ease.
Indeed, from this singular erudition I judge it came about that, so often questioned by me in doubtful matters, you answered with that facility which we can only expect from a man long versed day and night in these studies. Nor yet are you so devoted to codices written by hand that you neglect those published in print. Nay rather, in acquiring these too you have expended no small sum of money, so far as religious discipline permits — codices which, diligently bought at Rome, you transferred into your noble museum, therein placing your rest, therein your delights, after the manner of the wise. Hence it came about that I believed no more acceptable monument of a grateful soul could be offered to you by me than some little literary work;
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ethocpræsertimquodatequodammodoprofectum, jurequodamvideturtibireddendum. Cumjamnonnullasmeaslucubrationescumepigraphe. DesacrisÆdificiisaConstantinoMagnoconstructus, typiscommisissem, ejusqueoccasionetototerrarumorbeceleberrimamVacticanambasilicamdescripsissem, illudinterpluranotandumvenitquodpriscifidelesflexisgenibusvenerabundipergradusadeamdemascendereconsueverunt. QuaderecumR. P.
and this especially, which, having in a manner proceeded from you, seems by a certain right to be owed back to you. When I had already committed to type some of my lucubrations with the inscription 'On the Sacred Buildings Constructed by Constantine the Great,' and on that occasion had described the Vatican basilica, most celebrated throughout the whole world, this among many things came to be noted: that the ancient faithful, venerating on bended knees, were wont to ascend to it by steps. On which matter, when I chanced to hold a conversation with the Reverend Father
Giuseppe Maria Tommasi, priest of the Congregation of Clerics Regular, our common friend and an outstanding investigator of the ancient sacred rites of our age, chanced to hold a conversation, he told me that in Sermon 7 of St. Leo the Great, On the Nativity of the Lord, he had noticed the word ARÆ ('of the altar'), which he supposed to have been there placed by an error. Wherefore he left the solution of that doubt to my care and my investigation. Most gladly did I resolve to comply with my friend's urgings; therefore in the first place I turned to searching out the printed codices. If I recite all of these to you, I by no means think I shall be tiresome, since you love letters. The most ancient printing of St. Leo's sermons, then, is that made at Cologne in the year 1551;
in folio, which appeared in the same city and format in the year 1569; then the sermons of the same St. Leo were brought to light at Venice in the year 1553, which in the same format and in the same city came forth again in the year 1573. Then in the year 1566 the same sermons were edited at Louvain in quarto; and afterward reprinted at Antwerp in the year 1583, likewise in quarto. But in the year 1633 all the Works of St. Leo were brought to light from the presses of Lyons, which, together with St. Maximus and five other Fathers, were likewise reprinted there in the year 1652. Finally, at Paris in the year 1675, by that most erudite man Pasquier Quesnel, priest of the Congregation of the Oratory, illustrated with appendices, dissertations, and observations, they came forth from the press.
All these editions, which came into my hands, I read with careful attention, and found that all of them contained in themselves the word ARÆ. Wherefore I forthwith set my mind to investigating the manuscript codices; therefore I went to the Vatican Library, in which — since it abounds in manuscript codices, and chiefly on account of the intimacy which at that time existed with Emmanuel a Schelestrat of blessed memory, the chief custodian of the same library — I hoped I should find something therein; but hope deceived me, since I found nothing. Not terrified in mind by this — nay, made the bolder — I turned to visiting other libraries, both in the City and outside it, and to turning them over by the help of friends.
I went to the renowned Barberini, Ottoboni, and also the Angelica libraries, and although in them I had found manuscript codices in which were the sermons of St. Leo, nevertheless, on account of their being venerable for their antiquity, they were of least help, and in them I observed nothing but the word ARÆ. Afterward I wrote letters to the most reverend Father Eustachio a Sancto Ubaldo of the Order of St. Augustine, consultor of the districts and most deserving of the literary republic, that he might investigate in the Ambrosian Library whether any manuscript codex was there which contained the sermons of St. Leo, and that he might notice the aforesaid word ARÆ in them. My friend replied that he had diligently searched the codices, and had read in them the word ARÆ.
不久我也寫信給您,並收到回覆說,您在編號一二六的抄本中找到了前述的講道,而其中所表達的是 ARCÆ 一詞;因此您猜想這是抄寫者的錯誤,他把 E 字母改為 C,遂把 ARÆ 寫成 ARCÆ;並說那一份抄本含有九十篇以上的聖利奧講道,該抄本的開頭是:「聖利奧教宗的講道於此開始。首篇,論十月的齋戒。至愛的諸位,倘若我們忠實而智慧地理解我們受造的本源,」等等;其結尾是:「所以,凡有人棄絕背信的幽暗、願順從他的訓誨、命令與努力者,必安然進入天國與樂園之門,阿們」;
Soon I also gave you letters, and received the reply that you had found the aforesaid sermon in the codex marked number 126, and that in it the word ARCÆ was expressed; wherefore you supposed it a copyist's error, who instead of ARÆ had written ARCÆ, changing the letter E into C; and that that one codex contained above ninety sermons of St. Leo, the beginning of which codex is: 'Here begin the sermons of St. Leo the Pope. First, on the fast of the tenth month. If, dearly beloved, we understand faithfully and wisely the origin of our creation,' etc., and it ends: 'If therefore anyone, having spurned the darkness of perfidy, shall have willed to obey his precepts and commands and endeavors, he shall enter secure the gates of heaven and of paradise, Amen';
and that that codex was written out in Lombardic letters already six hundred and more years ago, since it was written by order of Desiderius, abbot of Monte Cassino, who afterward became Roman pontiff under the name Victor III, as is read in ch. 63, book III of the Cassinese Chronicle, and as the characters of this codex show, which are similar to those of other codices written out by command of the same abbot Desiderius. When these notices had been communicated to me, you wished abundantly to testify your kindness toward me, when you sent the beginnings and endings of another sixteen sermons found under the name of the same St. Leo in other manuscript codices. But I knew that nine of those you had indicated had already been printed under the name of another saint;
but of the rest I do not know the authors. Of these I found two in the Quesnellian edition, but they are by no means complete, since they are parts of sermons; namely one, which begins 'Honorabilem,' etc., is part of Sermon 1 on the anniversary day of the Assumption; the other is Sermon 48, on Lent. Of those sent, therefore, five remain, which, comparison having been made, I found by no means to agree with the clear and open style of St. Leo. I thought also in this to use the judgment of friends, who came over to that same opinion of mine.
I judged that I ought by no means to acquiesce in these investigations, but thought it fair to approach the Vatican Library again and to apply new diligence; I therefore asked the erudite man Lorenzo Zaccagni, the second custodian of the same library, that he would grant me the opportunity of searching the indexes: he most kindly indulged my petition. Nor was the new search useless. We found, then, one codex marked number 1276, written two hundred years ago, on the reverse of whose page 39 is read the word ARCE without a diphthong; but in another codex marked number 1267, page 78, second column, on the reverse, written out about six centuries ago, in plain letters I read the sought-for word ARÆ, which resolves the question of the doubt.
Of this diligence applied by me I judged I ought to make you certain, that you may know it has crept into this word, and may notice how it ought to be read. For one little letter, omitted through the copyist's carelessness, changes the whole sense, as will most clearly appear from what is to be said below. 'Ara' (altar), then, is that place in which sacred offerings are made to God; but 'area' (landing) is that level space which is interposed at the top of stairs — and sometimes also in the middle and in other parts, when the stairs have many steps — for this purpose: that those ascending by them may be able to pause there a little, on account of the difficulty and labor of the ascent. This word ARÆ is read in Sermon 7 of St. Leo the Pope, On the Nativity of the Lord, ch. 4. The particular portion of the sermon runs thus:
From such practices there also arises this impiety, that the sun, as it rises at the beginning of the daylight, is adored by certain rather foolish people from more elevated places; which some, even Christians, think they do so religiously that, before they reach the basilica of the blessed Apostle Peter, which is dedicated to the one living and true God, having climbed the steps by which one ascends to the platform of the upper court, they turn their bodies back toward the rising sun and, with bowed necks, bend themselves in honor of the shining orb. That this is done partly through the fault of ignorance, partly through the spirit of paganism, we greatly waste away in grief and sorrow.
For even if some perhaps venerate the Creator of the beautiful light rather than the light itself, which is a creature, one must nevertheless abstain from this very appearance of such an observance; for when he who has abandoned the worship of the gods finds it among us, will he not retain it with himself as a portion of his old opinion, as though plausible, since he sees it to be common to Christians and to the impious alike? Let this damnable perversity therefore be cast out from the custom of the faithful, and let not the honor owed to the one God be mingled with the rites of those who serve created things. Here I seem to behold you rightly astonished at me, that so foul an error was not in the least noticed by the learned men who have several times published the works of Saint Leo.
Do not therefore disdain to interpose a brief pause in your studies, and to read with a friendly mind those things which, for the sake of erudition, I have written after the inquiries recorded above. In the first place, then, I turn to the stairway of the Vatican basilica, which I have found to have been very great; its thirty-five marble steps afforded the ascent to the upper area of the basilica, and these were distributed into five sets. For architects observe an odd number in the arrangement of steps; for nature, when we ascend, always inclines us to move the left foot first, and on that same step we usually come to rest. Hence, if the steps be even in number, the right foot rests on the last step, while the left remains suspended, as if it wished to end the ascent.
Wherefore the one ascending suffers a certain discomfort, since, though by nature the left foot desires to find rest, it by no means enjoys it. The design of this stairway, as it was in antiquity, I set forth in plate 12 of my work concerning the Sacred Buildings constructed by Constantine the Great, where the five sets of steps are distinctly seen with landings interspersed among them; hence each set consisted of seven steps. The purpose of the landings which are placed between the flights is that the one ascending, wearied in the climb, may find rest for a little while by strolling or by standing still. But at the summit of the stairway there is one landing greater than all the others, since there the one ascending ought to find greater rest before he enters the building.
In these stairs of Saint Peter's the greatest landing was the one which Saint Leo calls 'the platform of the upper area,' to distinguish it from the other lower ones. Through the steps of this stairway the ancient faithful, for the sake of prayer or of a vow, ascended indiscriminately, namely on bended knees, as is gathered from Gregory IV and Hadrian I in the Lives of the Librarian. Having therefore shown what the word 'area' (court) is, and what it signifies in the sense of Saint Leo, the matter demands that I submit to examination that same pontiff's rebuke to the faithful.
Certain of the ancient faithful, before they entered the Vatican basilica, after the ascent of the stairs—that is, on that greatest landing of the stairs—would station themselves on the day of the Lord's Nativity and adore the rising sun, taking their pattern from the Manichaeans, who observed a profane rite of this kind. Wherefore these very faithful, ignorant of their own rites, confused the newborn Christ with the rising sun, adoring the creature in place of the Creator. Let me set this forth more precisely. Nearly all the nations, and especially those of the East, believed the sun to be the chief of the gods. This is taught by a man of admirable reading and erudition, Gaspar Barthius, in his Adversaria Commentaries, book 41, chapter 27.
The same is shown by a man of manifold erudition and varied reading, Gaspar Johannes Vossius, in his treatise on idolatry in very many places; the same by Kircher in his Oedipus Aegyptiacus. Since therefore the heresy of the Manichaeans had its origin in Mesopotamia, an eastern region, as writes Saint Epiphanius, bishop of Constantia—or Salamis—in Cyprus, in his work Against Heresies, heresy 46 (or 66), it is no wonder that these Manichaeans adored the sun; which that great light of the Church, Saint Augustine, indicates in his book On Heresies, heresy 43, writing thus concerning these same Manichaeans: 'They make prayers to the sun by day, wheresoever it goes about; to the moon by night, if it appears, toward the northern part where the sun, when it has set, returns to the east.'
Wherefore, toward that region of the sky where they saw the sun to be viewed at that hour, there they turned themselves to adore it. In the very early morning, then, the rising sun looks upon the face of the Vatican basilica, and illumines it for many hours. Therefore, if the Manichaeans, while they stood on the Vatican stairs, wished to adore the sun, in an act of this kind they turned their backs to the Vatican basilica itself. And although a profane rite of this sort was observed by the Manichaeans on every day and at every hour, nevertheless that very day, the 25th of December, of the Lord's Nativity, was esteemed honorable among the Manichaeans on account of the rising of the sun, as is most openly gathered from the praised Saint Leo in sermon 2 On the Nativity of the Lord, chapter 6, where he says thus:
'Having therefore the confidence of so great a hope, most beloved, in the faith in which you are founded, remain steadfast, lest that same tempter, whose dominion over you Christ has already shut out, seduce you again by some snares; and lest he corrupt by the art of his deceit these very joys of the present day, mocking the simpler souls with the pestilent persuasion of certain persons, to whom this day of our solemnity seems honorable not so much on account of the Nativity of Christ as on account of the rising, as they say, of a new sun. Their hearts, wrapped in vast darkness, are estranged from every increase of the true light;'
'for they are still dragged along by the most foolish errors of paganism, and because they cannot raise the keenness of the mind above that which they behold with carnal sight, they venerate with divine honor the luminaries that minister to the world. Far be impious superstition and monstrous falsehood from Christian minds. Temporal things are beyond all measure distant from the eternal, corporeal from the incorporeal, subject things from the ruler; for although they possess a wondrous beauty, they nevertheless possess no Godhead to be adored. That power, therefore, that wisdom, that majesty is to be worshiped, which created the whole of the world out of nothing, and by all-powerful reason produced earthly and heavenly substance into whatever forms and measures it willed.'
'Let the sun, the moon, and the stars be of use to those who use them, let them be beautiful to those who behold them; but in such a way that thanks be referred from them to their Author, and that God be adored, who created them, not the creature, which serves. Praise God therefore, most beloved, in all His works and judgments. Let there be in you an undoubting belief in virgin integrity and childbearing. Honor with holy and sincere service the sacred and divine mystery of human reformation.' Concerning this practice of depraved adoration the same Saint Leo again rebukes the faithful in the above-cited sermon 7, On the same Nativity, chapter 4, which I think it will not be unfitting to repeat here. Thus therefore this holy man speaks:
'From such practices there also arises this impiety, that the sun, rising at the beginning of the daylight, is adored by certain rather foolish people from more elevated places; which some, even Christians, think they do so religiously that, before they reach the basilica of the blessed Apostle Peter, which is dedicated to the one living and true God, having climbed the steps by which one ascends to the platform of the upper court, they turn their bodies back toward the rising sun and, with bowed necks, bend themselves in honor of the shining orb. That this is done partly through the fault of ignorance...'
'For even if some perhaps venerate the Creator of the beautiful light rather than the light itself, which is a creature, one must nevertheless abstain from this very appearance of such an observance; for when he who has abandoned the worship of the gods finds it among us, will he not retain it with himself as a portion of his old opinion, as though plausible, since he sees it to be common to Christians and to the impious alike?' This truth, which is drawn out from the sermons cited, will shine forth the more if the times of the same Saint Leo are weighed, with respect to the concourse of the people to the Vatican basilica.
For the ancient Roman pontiffs, down to the times of Gregory VII—that is, down to about the end of the eleventh century—were accustomed to celebrate the divine offices that were performed on the festivity of the Lord's Nativity in three distinct places and at three distinct hours. And this is most openly gathered from the ancient Mass-books of the Roman Church, namely the Antiphonary of Saint Gregory the Pope, recently brought to light by the praised Joseph Maria Thomasius, where, on page 15, it is thus read in the ancient books: 'The seventh before the Kalends of January. The Nativity of Our Lord Jesus Christ. In the middle of the night of the Lord's Nativity. At Saint Mary, the antiphon at the introit: The Lord said to me, etc.'; and on page 16: 'Likewise at the first dawn, at Saint Anastasia.'
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Antiphonaadintroitum. Luxfulgebithodiesupernos, etc.; pag. vero 17, IndieNatalisDominiadMissamm. StatioadSanctumPetrum. Antiphonaadintroitum. Puernatusestnobis, etc. EtinComiteabAlbinoexCaroli (scilicetMagni) imperatorispræceptoemendato, pag. 1, postAntiphonariumsiclegitur: Incipiunttitulilectionumsequentistibri. I. InVigiliaDomini. II. adSanctamMariam. III. adSanctamMariam. IV. adSanctumPetrum. InCapitularibusveroEvangeliorum 478 deannicirculopag.141: InNataleDomini.AdSanctamMariamMajoram, etc. ItemadSanctamAnastasiam, etc. ItemadSanctumPetrum, etc.
'The antiphon at the introit: A light shall shine upon us this day, etc.'; and on page 17: 'On the day of the Lord's Nativity, at the Mass. The station at Saint Peter. The antiphon at the introit: Unto us a child is born, etc.' And in the Comes of Alcuin, emended by order of the emperor Charles (that is, Charlemagne), on page 1, after the Antiphonary it is thus read: 'Here begin the titles of the readings of the following book. I. On the Vigil of the Lord. II. at Saint Mary. III. at Saint Mary. IV. at Saint Peter.' And in the Capitularies of the Gospels of the yearly cycle, on page 141: 'On the Nativity of the Lord. At Saint Mary Major, etc. Likewise at Saint Anastasia, etc. Likewise at Saint Peter, etc.'
The things related thus far are more clearly understood from Peter Mallius, who flourished in the twelfth century, where he says: 'In the first Mass of that same night, at the Crib. In the morning, at Saint Anastasia. But in the Mass of the day, in ancient times—that is, down to the time of Gregory VII—the station was at Saint Peter, whence still the canons receive for the presbytery of the night 8 solidi. But now the Mass of the day is celebrated at Saint Mary Major, because the way is short and the days are brief.' Mallius has been printed, but mutilated; these things cited are found at the beginning of the manuscript. Wherefore I conclude that in the age of Saint Leo the station on the day of the Lord's Nativity was in the Vatican basilica, and that thus there was a concourse of the people there, and there Saint Leo delivered the homilies related above.
That most wise pontiff did not intend to forbid prayer with the face turned to the east; he knew exceedingly well the sayings of the ancient Fathers; but he wished to abolish the depraved rite of the Manichaeans. And let these things suffice as said concerning the word 'area' (court). Yet I by no means think it should be passed over in silence what Casalius holds, in his work On the Ancient Sacred Rites of the Christians, chapter 3, opining that this rite of turning oneself to the east was observed by the faithful in the atrium of Saint Peter's;
and that therefore, to avert every suspicion of idolatry, in the year 1300 a nave of mosaic work was constructed by Giotto the Florentine, an excellent painter, at the command of Cardinal Stefaneschi, nephew by a brother of Boniface VIII, the supreme pontiff; in which Saint Peter with the other apostles, and Christ our Lord on the seashore calling Peter to Himself, are seen. And since this painting was in the inner part of the portico, it was not placed there to abolish this rite of turning oneself to the east, but on account of a particular devotion, or some other cause; because a rite of this kind was observed outside the portico, at the summit of the stairs, before the faithful entered the portico itself.
Receive therefore, as a token of mutual love, the things I have said thus far; and I foretell to you that, just as you flourish in age and in studies, so also in that same age, being mature, you shall gather the most abundant fruits of your studies. Farewell. 1. Two things Quesnel noted in chapter 1 of this sermon. First, to these words of the holy pontiff, 'Thus has the hand of our Author fashioned us, that with his Maker even he who is restored may work,' he subjoined this remark: 'It helps to explain these words by the words of Saint Bernard in his book On Grace and Free Will, chapter 14: To this indeed grace goes before, that thenceforth free will may cooperate with it. Yet in such a way that what has been begun by grace alone is equally brought to perfection by both, so that they work intermingled, not separately;'
'together, not by turns, through each advance they work, not partly grace and partly free will; but each accomplishes the whole by an undivided work. The whole indeed both this and the whole that; but as the whole is in the latter, so the whole is from the former.' This is well enough said. 2. Further, upon those words of the Author: 'Let not human disobedience withdraw itself from the grace of God; nor let it fail from that good, without which it cannot be good; and if it experiences anything impossible or arduous to itself in the carrying out of the commandments, let it not remain in itself, but have recourse to Him who commands, who therefore gives the precept, that He may arouse desire and furnish aid'—upon these words, I say, Quesnel appended in the margin this postil of the following kind: 'The commandments of God impossible to a man remaining in himself.'
Yet the cited words of Leo do not, properly and generally, exhibit this opinion. For he does not pronounce generally concerning all commandments, or rather, as he says, concerning 'the carrying out of the commandments.' But that phrase 'let it not remain in itself' he properly dictates with this counsel alone, evidently that men may be admonished not to trust in themselves in the matters which they experience as impossible or arduous, but to have recourse to God who commands. And since to them is indicated the manner of obtaining the divine aid by which the commandments even of the most difficult things—or, as they seem, impossible things—may be fulfilled, the properly-so-called impossibility of the commandments is excluded. 3.
On this occasion it is useful to consider two other passages of the same Quesnel in sermon 90, by which he, anxious to bring in the impossibility of the precepts, will be more openly recognized as to how far he is from Leo's opinion. The holy pontiff wrote in that sermon 90, chapter 2: 'And lest we be led even to slothful idleness by despair, the things that are impossible to man through his own weakness, He (the Lord) promises to be possible through the divine power.' Nothing is sounder or truer. But Quesnel in the margin: 'The precepts without grace are impossible'; and in the synopsis of the second chapter: 'Nothing is possible without the grace of Christ, even to the regenerate.'
Do you see how wide a difference lies between the words of Leo and of Quesnel? Quesnel affirms a general impossibility without the grace of God, and imposes it upon the precepts themselves; and he affirms it in such a way that (if the proposition be not about a subject, which never happens) he presumes that impossibility to be found sometimes even in the regenerate. Leo, on the contrary, neither in the cited words nor in the whole context intimates a general impossibility; nor does he attribute the impossibility which he does assert to the divine precepts, but to the weakness of man, in such a way that it can be overcome by the divine help. But this impossibility of weakness, so to speak, signifies not an absolute and true impossibility, but a difficulty, which by common usage is wont to be called impossibility;
whence the holy pontiff, in the cited text from sermon 43, employed 'impossible' and 'arduous' as synonyms; and in sermon 94, chapter 2, saying, 'When that which I command seems to be difficult,' he called 'difficult' what elsewhere he had said to be 'impossible.' 4. On the other hand, he indicated the precepts of God to be possible in such a way that he attributed to them the power to rouse a man to ask for help, which, if it be asked, will be obtained; but if it be not asked and be lacking, the impossibility will be voluntary, which is wrongly ascribed to the precepts, nor will it furnish a fitting excuse; whence he wrote in sermon 49, chapter 4: 'For the precept is given for this reason, that the help of Him who commands may be sought. Nor let anyone excuse himself under the occasion of infirmity, since He who granted the willing gives also the being able.' Hence rightly Saint
Thomas, in question 24 of On Truth, article 74, after having taught in the response to the first objection: 'That which God has commanded is not impossible for man to keep,' added this in the response to the second: 'Rightly is a man rebuked who does not fulfill the precepts; because it is from his negligence that he does not have the grace by which he can keep the commandments.' 5. We observe moreover that Leo, in sermon 43, is speaking of all the just, to whom those words are fitting: 'Nor let it fail from that good, without which it cannot be good.' That he speaks of the regenerate and the just can also be gathered from sermon 90, from chapter 1. Furthermore, the Author openly delivers that no commandments are impossible to man, especially to the just man, in sermon 18, chapter
1, where he writes concerning the nature of man now redeemed and now reborn by holy baptism: 'It would be corrupted by carnal desire, unless it were fortified by spiritual help; and so, just as there is never lacking to it that whereby it may fall, so there is ALWAYS at hand that whereby it may stand fast, the Apostle saying: For God is faithful, who will not suffer you to be tempted above that which you are able, but will make with the temptation a way of escape, that you may be able to bear it.' To these words Quesnel, in a marginal postil: 'What is a soul, even regenerate, without the help of God?' He wrote not 'what it was,' but 'what it is'; as if some soul already regenerate, and therefore just, according to Leo's opinion, sometimes lacks the help of God; whereas he testifies: 'There is always at hand that whereby it may stand fast.'
To this man, therefore, Leo could not affirm the divine commandments to be impossible, in sermon 43, since this impossibility is eliminated by that divine help which he taught to be always at hand for him. Hence the holy pontiff openly opposes the first proposition of Jansen, by which the divine commandments are handed down as impossible even to just men, and grace as lacking to them whereby they might become possible. Since Leo delivers that there is always at hand for them that whereby they may stand fast, he certainly acknowledged that some grace is always present to them, by which they might either do what they could, or ask for what they could not—as, after Augustine (in the book On Nature and Grace, chapter 43), the Synod of Trent (Session 6, chapter 11) taught. Whence in the more difficult cases the holy pontiff frequently suggested the remedy of prayer, both in this sermon
43 and elsewhere, as we have advised. See how beautifully it harmonizes with Catholic doctrine, and how it dissents from the Jansenian. 6. Quesnel, therefore, having omitted that postil which he affixed to chapter 1 of sermon 43, would better have substituted another more congruent with Leo's opinion for those words of the cited testimony: 'Let not human obedience withdraw itself from the grace of God'; namely this: 'Let obedience not be withdrawn from the grace of God'; which proposition, since it presumes that it can be withdrawn and is sometimes in fact withdrawn, is opposed to the third Jansenian proposition, and also to the fifteenth Quesnelian, condemned in the constitution Unigenitus, which openly insinuates that human obedience never withdraws itself from interior grace.
'When God accompanies His commandment and His eternal utterance with the unction of His Spirit and the interior force of grace, He works in the heart that obedience which He asks.' 1. Upon these words of Leo in chapter 1: 'Among the degrees of progress there is none that ought not always to be better,' Quesnel annotated thus: 'The same he has in sermon 11 On Lent, chapter 1: No one, he says, is so holy that he ought not to be holier; no one so devout that he ought not to be more devout. He sins, therefore, who does not always strive toward greater righteousness. For it is a sin, says Augustine, when either there is not the charity which ought to be, or it is less than it ought to be (On the Perfection of Righteousness, chapter 6 and following).'
'Indeed, culpable is whoever does not love God with his whole soul, whom he is commanded so to love, and whoever covets what he is forbidden to covet. Yet He does not impute these things to those who faithfully say to Him: Forgive us our debts, as we also forgive our debtors. And whoever thinks he need not pray this, professes himself to be no Christian. For as long as we live here, there is still something of carnal concupiscence which is at least bridled by continence, until perfect righteousness be made like unto full health: but then full health, when full charity; then full charity, when we shall see Him as He is.' Thus he. 2.
Besides the precept of charity, which requires an increase of charity and righteousness itself, as Saint Thomas taught in the third book of the Sentences, distinction 29, question 1, article 8, question 2, Leo himself opens a more obvious and more expeditious way, who, both in the present sermon 6 On the Nativity of the Lord and in sermon 11 which Quesnel praised, so joins this obligation of increasing Christian righteousness with the temptations and concupiscences that on all sides beset even any holy person, as if the one depended upon the other.
For indeed it is certain that the precept of the love of God, when it demands that we beware even of the lighter sins, then also requires that we resist the concupiscences and temptations which incite us to sin. And in this daily resistance, which anyone even holy ought to exercise, many acts of the virtues, and especially charity, will have to be practiced; and thus there stands ever an occasion and an obligation for Christian righteousness always to be increased.
But just as the temptations and concupiscences will never be wholly taken away in this life, so there will never be a ceasing from resisting them, and consequently from growing in righteousness from day to day, until we arrive at that eternal life, in which there will be no temptations, no concupiscences to be resisted; and therefore in this life, among the degrees of progress, as Leo says, there is none that ought not always to be better. 1. To the aforementioned testimony of Saint Leo, Quesnel subjoined this annotation: 'A doctrine drawn from the principles of Augustine, nay, from the very principles of the faith.'
'For since no one can, as he ought, obey the precepts of God without charity, and among the precepts of God the precept of believing is not the least, it is manifest that it was aptly said by Leo, that without love one does not believe. One passage of Augustine will stand in place of all, that the meaning and doctrine of both may be understood. Therefore, in the book On the Gift of Perseverance, chapter 16, he says: Grace therefore precedes even faith; otherwise, if faith precedes it, without doubt the will also precedes it, since faith cannot exist without the will. But if grace precedes faith, because it precedes the will, assuredly it precedes all obedience, it precedes also charity, by which alone God is truly and sweetly obeyed.'
'And all these things grace works in him to whom it is given, and whose all these things it precedes.' Thus far Quesnel. 2. But the whole force of this Quesnelian annotation lies in this: that Saint Leo affirmed 'without love one does not believe' for the reason that, just as with the other precepts, so also with the precept of faith no one can, as he ought, obey without charity—by which alone, as Augustine says, God is truly and sweetly obeyed; and therefore he delivered Leo's doctrine as drawn from the principles of Augustine. But here one must beware lest a locution of this kind be taken in the sense which Quesnel's proposition 47, proscribed in the constitution Unigenitus, sets forth, namely:
'The obedience of the law ought to flow from a source, and this source is charity. When the love of God is its interior principle, and the glory of God its end, then that which appears exteriorly is pure; otherwise it is nothing but hypocrisy, or false righteousness'—which agree with proposition 17, condemned by Saint Pius V among the Baian propositions: 'There is no true obedience of the law which is done without charity.' And indeed, in defense of the 47th Quesnelian proposition, we read Augustine's testimony from the book On the Gift of Perseverance, chapter 16, urged in the Quesnelian Hexapla, and depravedly explained, or rather distorted. For when the holy
doctor said that by charity alone one truly obeys, they thence inferred that without charity one does not truly obey, but by deceit, whereby all obedience of this kind is not true obedience of the law, but is to be referred to hypocrisy and false righteousness. 3. If Quesnel subjoined that annotation in this so depraved and proscribed sense and intention, if he had wished those words of Leo, 'without love one does not believe,' to signify that they are to be taken in this opinion: that the faith which is found without charity in sinners is not true faith, by which the precept of faith is truly obeyed:
to which opinion, indeed, propositions 52 and 58, condemned in the aforesaid constitution, are akin, by which Quesnel asserted that faith and true religion by no means subsist without love and charity. Which monster of doctrine, as regards faith, the Synod of Trent had expressly pre-condemned long before, Session 6, canon 28: 'If anyone shall say... that the faith which remains (in the sinner) is not true faith, though it be not living; or that he who has faith without charity is not a Christian, let him be anathema.' Whence also there was proscribed by Alexander VIII proposition 12: 'When love is lacking in great sinners, faith also is lacking; and even if they seem to believe, it is not divine faith, but human.' 5.
If this proposition, 'Without love one does not believe,' be considered separately from its context, someone might suspect that the holy pontiff took the name of 'love' in a broad sense—that is, not of charity alone, but of any love whatsoever, so that even that love is involved by which whoever believes at least in some measure loves the truth and faith itself. But just as from the context, from which the genuine sense of the words is always to be gathered, it becomes plain that Saint Leo understands by the name of 'love' that charity which brings forth eternal fruit, so by the name of 'faith' he understands living faith, which together with charity contributes to seeing and meriting God.
For indeed, in the second chapter of that sermon, into which the praised words are inserted, he had already from the beginning proposed to himself to set forth by what kind of ways we ought to strive toward God's promises, namely toward eternal glory. He soon subjoins two ways from sacred Scripture, namely of mercy and of truth, and warns that these are not divided, since each virtue ought to be connected, that we may strive toward that end. Soon he passes to the end and to charity, and affirms the connection of these virtues likewise to be necessary for the same end; whence he adds: 'Then is the name true, and true the fruit (namely, eternal) of both, when the indissoluble connection of each remains.' And indeed, about to explain this connection as altogether necessary for that end, he immediately adds:
For where they are not present together, together they are lacking; because (let the reasoning be noted, which sets forth the goal of blessedness) they are to one another both aid and light: until the reward of vision fulfils the desire of belief, and that be seen and loved unchangeably, which now is neither cherished without faith nor believed without love, namely so that it may be usefully believed in order to obtain the reward of vision. This connexion and this goal are more openly suggested by the words at once added: 'For since, as the Apostle says, in Christ Jesus neither circumcision avails anything, nor uncircumcision, but faith which works through love,' let us at one and the same time and conjointly be zealous both for charity and for faith.
For this is a certain most efficacious flight upon twin wings, by which purity of mind is lifted up to merit and to see God, lest it be pressed down by the burden of carnal cares. For he who said, 'Without faith it is impossible to please God,' the same says, 'If I have all faith, so that I could remove mountains, but have not charity, I am nothing'—assuredly nothing before God, before whom without charity nothing profits, as the Apostle speaks in the same place. For thus the holy pontiff in Sermon 2 on the Fast of Pentecost, chapter 3, expounded: 'Since the Apostle says that no virtues profit him without charity.' Hence again Leo, in chapter 3 of Sermon 45, inserted that principle:
'That which does not proceed from the fount of faith does not attain to the eternal rewards'—where he shows that he is speaking of that faith by which we merit the eternal reward, which cannot exist without charity. You see therefore how properly all things are referred to the goal of eternal blessedness. 6. It will at length become evident that no other interpretation of Leo's mind than this is possible, from Sermon 4 on the Collections, chapter 1, where he sufficiently intimates that in many there is faith without charity; but that faith of this kind, disjoined from charity, avails nothing unto salvation or the eternal reward. For speaking of many Christians, he says: 'From many, whose faith the devil could not take away, he has removed charity;'
'and having seized the field of their heart with the roots of avarice, it despoiled of the fruit of works those whom it did not deprive of the fruit of the lips.' What could be plainer? Hence also in Sermon 10 on Lent, chapter 3, he openly confesses that right faith, by which the precept of faith is sufficiently obeyed, can stand without charity, but is not fruitful unto future glory if it be without charity. 'For although,' he says, 'it be a great thing to have right faith and sound doctrine, and although the circumcision of the appetite, the gentleness of meekness, the purity of chastity be worthy of much praise, yet all virtues are naked without charity, nor can that be called fruitful in any excellence of conduct which the offspring of love has not brought forth.' Hence are to be understood those words of Sermon 18, chapter
3, where, describing the various advances of Christians, he says: 'In faith is the germ, in hope the increase, in charity the maturity;' by which he acknowledges faith and hope to be virtues, but not fruitful of eternal life unless from charity they obtain maturity. Thus the doctrine of the holy pontiff, drawn from the principle of faith which the Tridentine synod established together with Scripture and tradition, is recognized as foreign to the proscribed theses. 7. Nor does it cohere any less with the principles of Augustine, who in many places has expressly taught that faith is repeatedly found without charity, as in Sermon 90, number 8: 'You can have faith without love;'
and he affirms that only to him who believes without charity is this faith empty, that is, useless unto the eternal reward, writing thus in the Enchiridion, number 117: 'But he who does not love believes in vain, even though the things he believes be true;' and in Book VIII on the Trinity, chapter 4: 'Unless He be loved through faith, the heart cannot be cleansed, so as to be fit and suitable for seeing God.' Now, in this sense, when in the book On the Gift of Perseverance, chapter 16, he wrote of that charity by which alone God is truly and sweetly obeyed, he took the word 'truly' of the perfect obedience of the law, by which a man becomes fit and suitable for seeing God, as they prove more fully from other testimonies of Augustine who treat of this same doctrine of his of set purpose.
But for us let it suffice to have explained and established Leo's opinion. 'The same' (says Quesnel in the annotation appended to the cited testimony) 'he holds above in Sermon 2 on Lent, chapter 5: The most pious emperors of the Roman world,' he says, 'preserve by ancient observance a holy custom, who, in honour of the passion and resurrection of Christ, tempering the severity of their constitutions, order those guilty of many faults to be released. And in Sermon 9, chapter 3: That the severity of punishments, which even now is relaxed in the public tribunals, etc. To what extent that remission and relaxation was to be extended—whether the accused, loosed only from their chains, remained in custody, or were also dismissed from prison—I do not find clearly defined.'
In the supplicatory booklet of the monks who were under Eutyches, inserted in Act 1 of the Council of Chalcedon, these things are found: 'There has come,' they say, 'the day of the saving passion and the sacred night and the festival of the Resurrection, in which indeed by our holy Fathers the condemnations of very many sinners are loosed; and also by the emperors the criminal bonds of the accused are relaxed; and every house and every forum is filled with just gladness.' From these words it appears that at least some of the accused were set at liberty at the Paschal feast by imperial laws. Yet there is nothing in the Code which asserts this, although there are several which suspend all proceedings against the accused—some through the whole of Lent, others through the fifteen days of the Paschal feast. Code,
Book III, title 12, On Feast Days: 'For the forty days which by the auspice of ceremonies anticipate the Paschal feast, let all cognizance of criminal cases be forbidden.' Emperors Valentinian, Valens, and Gratian, the three Augusti. 'In the fifteen Paschal days let the compulsion of the annona-service and the exaction of all public and private debts be deferred.' Valentinian, Theodosius, and Arcadius, the three Augusti. Another constitution of the same emperors contains an exception which confirms rather than weakens the opinion of our Leo: 'In these matters, however,' they say, 'let all have the liberty both of emancipating and of manumitting.' But the passage of Leo cited in the first place, from Sermon
78:113
2 Quadragesimæmultarumculparumreosimperatoriisconstitutionibusrelaxatosesseperhancpaschaliumdierumsolemnitatemclariusvideturasserere. Namrelaxarinihilaliudessequamdimittiexserm. 47, dePass. 8, c. 3, probatur, utiutBarabbamindulgentiarelaxaret, clamassepopulosscribit.» Hactenusquesnellus. SiveroisobservassettitulumJustinianeiCodicisDeepiscopaliaudientia, lib. I, tit. 4, invenissetlegemValentinianiII, n. 3, descriptameteditaman. 385, inquahæchabenteur: Exsequanturjudicesquodindulgereconsuevimus. Ubiprimusdiespaschalisexstiterit, nullumteneatcarcerinclusum, imniumvinculadisslovantur;
2 on Lent, seems more clearly to assert that those guilty of many faults were released by imperial constitutions through this solemnity of the Paschal days. For that 'to be relaxed' means nothing other than 'to be dismissed' is proved from Sermon 47, On the Passion 8, chapter 3, where he writes that the peoples cried out that Pilate might release Barabbas by his indulgence.' Thus far Quesnel. But if he had observed the title of the Justinianic Code 'On the Episcopal Audience,' Book I, title 4, he would have found the law of Valentinian II, number 3, drawn up and published in the year 385, in which these things are contained: 'Let the judges execute what we have been accustomed to grant as indulgence. When the first Paschal day shall have arrived, let the prison hold none confined; let the bonds of all be dissolved;'
and there are appended exceptions of certain accused persons and crimes. But in the Theodosian Code, Book IX, title 28, 'On the Indulgences of Crimes,' five such laws occur, two of Valentinian the Elder and three of the Younger, of which the last is the one already cited; from which it is gathered that this indulgence was at first introduced by a certain custom, or even prescribed by the letters of the emperors sent yearly to all the cities according to usage, as is clear from two testimonies of Chrysostom—and that it gave rise to certain doubts concerning some accused persons, whether they were to be released by the same indulgence; and that those laws were issued in order to resolve those doubts. But in the last law a general sanction was published, which embraces all the exceptions.
See the Commentary of Jacobus Gothofredus, especially on law 3, where he recites the indicated texts of Chrysostom. 'That very assumption of our substance into the Deity, whereby the Word was made flesh and dwelt among us—what man did it leave devoid of His mercy, save the unbeliever?' To these words of Leo, Quesnel affixed this note: 'The unbeliever devoid of the grace of Christ. But this indefinite proposition may be wrongly understood, so that it seems to favour proposition 26 condemned in the constitution Unigenitus, in which it is handed down: No graces are given except through faith.' But the holy pontiff employed the term 'mercy,' not the term 'grace.'
But lest the very name 'mercy' impose upon anyone as to the sense in which he called the unbeliever devoid of mercy, it must be explained from the context. Accordingly, he understands the unbelievers to be devoid of that mercy of which he affirms the faithful to be partakers. Moreover, to the faithful pertain those things which are immediately subjoined to the preceding testimony: 'And to whom is there not a common nature with Christ, if he has received Him who assumes it, and has been regenerated by that Spirit by which He was begotten?' where he indicates the grace of faith and baptism, as we explained in note 24 on this passage. Assuredly the holy Leo speaks of that mercy by which the Word made flesh and dwelling among us made us, united to Him through faith and baptism, sharers of the divine nature.
As therefore the faithful, who have received faith and baptism, are partakers of this mercy, so the unbelievers, who lack both faith and baptism, are rightly said to be devoid of this same mercy. I. Quesnel appended three annotations to this testimony, which we here set down. The first is on these words, 'By which the two-hundred-and-sixtieth year after the resurrection of the Lord was completed': 'Here Dionysius Petavius, in his annotations on Epiphanius, page 267, suspects that an error lies hidden, and wishes that for 260, with one number transposed, 240 be read. His reason is that the consulship of Probus and Paulinus falls about the year of Christ 277 in the Dionysian era.'
'From which number, he says, subtracting 31 years, there remain 246 years from the ascension of the Lord—as many, that is, as Epiphanius sets down according to the opinion of the other chronographers. And our Leo will have followed the opinion of these (if Petavius' correction stands), using the round number 240 for 246; which is wont to happen especially while preaching, where strict attention is not paid to the precise points of chronology. Leo will come still nearer to that epoch if for 260 he had put 250, which indeed one Oxford manuscript codex has, for it is easier, while the workmen are drowsy, for one number to creep into the place of another, and for L to be printed for X; likewise while writing it is easier for one number to be added to some sum, as X to L.' 2.
Secondly, on these words 'Probus being emperor and Paulinus consuls': 'Hence correct,' he says, 'the consular Fasti of Cassiodorus, who subjoin this consulship immediately to the consulship of Aurelian and Marcellinus. Correct also the Ecclesiastical Annals, which place this consulship, in the year of Christ 277, together with the seventh year of the emperor Aurelian. For since from all the Fasti it is established that Probus and Paulinus bore the consulship together, and our Leo calls Probus emperor, it is necessary that that consulship of Probus and Paulinus occurred after the death of Aurelian—nay, even after the demise of Tacitus, whom Probus succeeded. The Chronology of Eusebius agrees, who assigns the origin of the Manichaeans to the second year of the emperor Probus.'
'Yet the way of reconciling authors who write diversely of the beginnings of the Manichaean sect is easy. Some are to be understood of Manes himself, others of his teachers Scythianus and Buddas, of whom above; some of the very origin of that monster; some of its various eruptions into the Church, partly Eastern, partly Western; and finally others of the condemnation of its errors, which our Leo makes mention of.' 3. Thirdly, on these words, 'When already the eighth persecution against the Christians,' etc.: 'If he is speaking of the persecution of the emperor Aurelian, as seems altogether the case, this was not the eighth but the ninth, as Augustine reckons in On the City of God, Book XVIII, chapter 3, and as is clear from the enumeration of the other persecutions.'
'If the Acts of the martyr Chariton, which are read in Surius on the 24th of September, are worthy of belief in this part, Tacitus, the predecessor of Probus, had already put an end to this persecution; so that it is agreeable to interpret kindly these words of Leo, which seem to signify even the beginning of the persecution: When it was already boiling up, etc.—although three Oxford manuscript codices have raged fiercely.' All these things are Quesnel's. 4. We have discovered all the chronological notes of this passage to be taken entire from the Chronicle of Prosper. For among the three, or rather four, editions of this Chronicle, which Father Hieronymus a Prato most accurately distinguishes and establishes in Dissertation 3 on Sulpicius Severus, tome II, number
23 and following, one of the two earlier, or, if you prefer, the third, could have been of use to Leo in the matter at hand, which treats of the Manichaeans detected at Rome. The first Prosper published in the year 433; the second, which ends in the year 443, and can be confirmed from the ancient Veronese Saibante codex, which represents the whole Chronicle of Prosper ending in this year—that is, this very second of Prosper's editions. The third extends up to the year 445. That Leo drew from some one of these editions in copying out the aforesaid chronological notes, two certain indications demonstrate. For the consulship of the emperor Probus and of Paulinus is read in one Chronicle of Prosper:
for Prosper, who excerpted most things from the Chronicle of Eusebius rendered into Latin by Jerome, was the first of all to add the consulships from the passion or resurrection of Christ, and assigned the beginnings of the Manichaean heresy to the consulship of the emperor Probus and of Paulinus. The note of the eighth persecution also must be referred to the Chronicle of Prosper alone; for Eusebius indeed indicated the persecutions in their places in the Chronicle, but did not express the number which we find in Prosper. Hence, therefore, the note of the year also must be said to have been gathered by computation from the same Chronicle of Prosper. 5. But if a correct computation be believed to have been made, the year 250 rather than 260 ought to have been written.
For if from the consulship of the Gemini, to which the passion and resurrection of Christ is attributed in these same editions (for to the last edition, which came out in the year 455, must be attributed that change of opinion by which Prosper ascribed to the consulship of the Gemini the manifestation or preaching of Christ, and three years later the passion and resurrection): if, I say, from that consulship of the Gemini to the consulship of Probus and Paulinus, to which the beginning of the Manichaean heresy is affixed, you compute correctly, you will indeed find in the printed editions 247 consulships, which by a round number, as often happens, could more broadly be taken for the year 250, but not 260.
But it must be observed that in the vulgate Chronicle of Prosper some consulships were omitted through the negligence of the copyists, and others were wrongly inserted, as can be gathered from the Paschal Canon of Victorius of Aquitaine, who copied out the consulships from Prosper more accurately, and also from other arguments which Joannes Vander Haagen luminously set forth in his Observations on the Chronicle of Prosper, section 49 and following. Moreover, from the same Canon of Victorius and from other notes of Prosper's Chronicle itself, it is clear that the consulship of the Gemini, to which the passion and resurrection of Christ is assigned, was affixed by Prosper himself to that year which corresponds to the twenty-eighth year of the common era.
But if you begin to compute from this year of the common era up to the consulship of Probus and Paulinus, which concurs with the year 277 of the common era, you will find that in these consuls (the terms being reckoned in) the two-hundred-and-fiftieth year had run its course, which Leo, less accurately, calls completed. 6. It is not indeed to be dissembled that, in the Chronicle of Prosper, if the two consulships certainly to be expunged are struck out, and the four which are certainly to be added are added—as the praised Vander Haagen proved—the consulship of Probus and Paulinus from the consulship of the Gemini falls in the year 249, just as it also happens in Victorius. But since in the noting of the consulships the codices of Prosper and Victorius are evidently corrupt, it seems that not much reliance should be placed on these.
But since Prosper had already, somewhat before the consulship of Probus and Paulinus, and thereafter also, having abandoned the old anticipation of one year, begun to ascribe the consuls each to its own proper year, it is better to believe that he assigned the consulship of Probus and Paulinus also to its own proper year, so that one consulship which had been placed before is wrongly read as placed after in the codices, and therefore their consulship truly concurred with the year 250 after the resurrection of Christ. Since therefore the holy Leo took the other chronological notes from the Chronicle of Prosper, it is credible that he also noted the year 250 from the same by computation, and not 260. But only one Oxford codex, cited by Quesnel, presents that year.
But since all the rest—both of the Collections and of the Lectionaries, many and ancient codices which we have diligently searched out and collated, and among these the most ancient Vatican 385—have the year 260, and that not in Roman numerical marks CCLX, which could easily have been changed and vitiated by the copyists, but expressed in distinct words, 'the two-hundred-and-sixtieth,' which do not so easily admit of change, we have not dared to depart from the vulgate reading. For it has been made manifest by experience how far those have departed from the primitive and original reading who at their own discretion, though led by vehement conjectures, have wished to correct certain numerical notations. Nor does the excess of a decade, which is manifest in the year 260, move us.
For that the ancient Fathers of the Church were not very accurate in computing the years either from the birth or from the passion of Christ, and even exceeded by more than a decade, we have proved by several examples in Dissertation 1 prefixed to the edition of Saint Zeno, chapter 2, section 1. Thus far concerning Quesnel's first annotation. 7. As to the second, let it suffice to remark this: that Leo's words concerning the time when Manes became known as one to be condemned indicate that time when, first of all, Archelaus, bishop of Cascharae in Mesopotamia, held a public disputation with Manes, and thereupon his errors so came forth that then he became known as one to be condemned. 8. As to the third annotation, we shall now point out that the mention of the eighth persecution was taken by the holy pontiff from the Chronicle of Prosper.
But Prosper enumerated only nine persecutions: for that of Aurelian, which by Augustine and Orosius is called the ninth, and which is handed down as indeed set in motion but at once cut short by the thunderbolt and death of that same emperor, Prosper did not think should be reckoned among the persecutions with a distinct number, so that he called the Diocletianic (otherwise the tenth) the ninth. Hence when Leo called it the eighth persecution, following in the footsteps of Prosper, he understood not the persecution of Aurelian but of Valerian, which in Prosper, as well as in Augustine and Orosius, and also in Sulpicius and Jerome, is reckoned the eighth. 1. The holy pontiff in Sermon 79, on the Fast of Pentecost, the second, chapter
2, speaking of the fasts of unbelievers, not only called them vain but even asserted them to be polluted by unbelief. 'For reason under truth does one thing, deception under falsehood another. With us faith sanctifies even the one eating; with them unbelief pollutes the one fasting.' And presently he subjoins this general proposition: 'Outside the Catholic Church nothing is whole, nothing is chaste, the Apostle saying: Everything that is not of faith is sin'—by which words he seems to intimate that not so much fasts as all the acts of the other moral virtues are polluted by unbelief and are sins. To these words Quesnel affixed the note: 'Whether, and of what sort, are the good works of unbelievers.' 2. But lest anyone think that the holy Leo
favours the opinion proscribed by the Church, it must be premised that he elsewhere openly professed that works of mercy and humaneness which do not proceed from faith are worthy of praise, provided that, infected from no perverse end from elsewhere, they be elicited from the motive of the virtues themselves. For these things are read in Sermon 7 on Lent, chapter 3: 'What is happier than this humaneness? Which surely would not have to be defrauded of its praise, if for the sake of the very community of nature (behold the motive of natural virtue) it were rendered to man by man in helping him. But because,' he adds, 'that which does not proceed from the fount of faith does not attain to the eternal rewards, the condition of heavenly works is one thing, of earthly another. Worldly benevolence has its end in those whom it aids;'
'Christian piety passes over into its own Author, while we are said to be kind toward Him whom we confess to work in us.' He who affirms that such humaneness is not to be defrauded of its praise, even though it does not proceed from the fount of faith, provided that for the sake of the very community of nature it be rendered to man by man in helping him—which is the end of compassion and of natural virtue—he believed this humaneness to be good and not evil; for evil, which deserves only reproach, could not have been said to be not to be defrauded of its praise. Only he believed that these works are bounded by no heavenly reward, in which they rest, and terminate in this world.
If therefore any unbelievers produce works of mercy or of another moral virtue from the motive of virtue, although they do not do so from faith, they are not to be accused of sin according to the opinion of Leo. 3. But that he affirmed in this Sermon 79 that their fasts are polluted by unbelief, and that among them nothing whole, nothing chaste is found—this must be said to have been affirmed in another sense which does not contradict the preceding opinion, namely insofar as he believed that among unbelievers fasts and other works of the virtues generally proceed not from the motive of virtue but from some vicious end. In which matter it must be observed that the holy pontiff embraces under the name of unbelievers all who lack the Christian faith, whether they be pagans, or Jews, or even heretics.
For thus he begins the second chapter: 'But in exercising this duty of God (that is, abstinence from foods through fasting) we ought not on that account to be more sluggish, because even among the pagans themselves there are certain vain fasts.' Presently, of all these who fast, he subjoins: 'For reason under truth does one thing, deception under falsehood another. With us faith sanctifies even the one eating; with them unbelief pollutes the one fasting'—where 'unbelief' extends not only to pagans but also to Hebrews and heretics. But by a varied reason the abstinences of these (and similarly the other acts of the moral virtues) could be polluted by some depraved end.
The fasts of the pagans indeed—if any in Leo's age were in vigour in the worship of empty gods (such as was that instituted to Ceres which Licius mentions, and which is read to have been prescribed on the fourth day before the Nones of October in the ancient marble Calendar of Amiternum dug up [in Muratori, Thesaurus of Inscriptions, page 150])—insofar as they may properly be called polluted by unbelief, everyone understands. The same is true of the fasts of the Manichaeans in honour of the Sun and Moon, noted by Leo in Sermon 4 on Lent, chapter 5, and in the letter to Turribius, chapter 4, concerning which accordingly he affirms in the praised sermon: 'Who are most of all polluted by their own observance.' He also touched upon other fasts of these heretics in Sermon 4 on the Nativity, chapter 6:
'Let not fabricated and feigned fasts, which lead not to the purification but to the perdition of souls, seduce you by their deceptive arts. They indeed assume a semblance of piety and chastity; but by this guile they cloak the obscenities of their deeds, and from the recesses of a profane heart they send forth darts by which the simple are wounded.' And again, concerning fasts of this kind, in Sermon 4 on the Epiphany, chapter 5: 'Those fasts are not chaste which come not from the reason of continence, but from the art of deceit. Thus far they have harmed the unwary, thus far they have deluded the unskilled.' In which passages, since he casts the vice of that kind of fasting upon the end of deceiving, not upon the fasts in themselves;
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tumverocastainnuitjejunia, quæderationevenuntcontinentiænseuquæomnipravafineseclusoexsolovirtutismotivoprocedunt. Hebræorumquoquejejuniapollutaintelligipossuntveleopravoconsilioquopræceptislegalibusjamabolitisobsequiumpræstandumexistiment, velsalteminanigloria, quæPharisæosjejunantesintumuisse, utiapudMatthæumtraditurc. VI, V; 16. S. pontifexnotavitserm. 4 deJejuniomensisseptimic. 1, acpræcipueserm. 7, c. 2. 4. HocauteminanisgloriævitiuminserminedequonuncagimusS.
he thereby intimates that those fasts are chaste which come from the reason of continence, that is, which, every depraved end being excluded, proceed from the motive of virtue alone. The fasts of the Hebrews also can be understood as polluted, either by that depraved intention whereby they suppose obedience is to be rendered to the legal precepts already abolished, or at least by vainglory, whereby the fasting Pharisees were puffed up, as is handed down in Matthew, chapter 6, verse 16—which the holy pontiff noted in Sermon 4 on the Fast of the seventh month, chapter 1, and especially in Sermon 7, chapter 2. 4. But that this vice of vainglory the holy
Leo especially had in view, can hence be gathered—that in the third chapter he exhorts Christians to beware most of all of boasting and pride in fasting, lest the fast, good in itself, be corrupted by this vice. 'We must beware,' he says, 'lest by elation we lose the good things which we cannot do without goodness. For every man despoils himself of all his merit's praise who glories in the pursuits of his own industry more in himself than in the Lord.' And chapter 4: 'Let us restrain ourselves from the inflation of boasting, referring all things to the glory of God.' Although he seems to have declaimed against this vice most of all when speaking of the fasts of Christians, since, as he observes in Sermon 4 on Lent, chapter
3, among those very persons who are not held by unbelief, the devil most of all lies in wait with this corrupt end, so that (as he says) those whom he could not cast down through distrust, he strives to overcome through glory. 'For the evil of pride is near to right actions, and elation ever lies in wait for the virtues at close quarters; because it is difficult that human praise should not lay hold of one living praiseworthily, unless, as it is written, he who glories glories in the Lord.' But since the holy
Leo supposed that among pagans, Jews, and heretics, who lack the right faith, the fasts were infected either with this vice of pride or with some other, and presumed that the rest of the works of the moral virtues which are done by them were corrupted by some equally depraved end, it is no wonder if he affirmed that these were thence polluted by unbelief, and that among the same nothing whole, nothing chaste is found. 5. Nor is it therefore to be gathered that he condemned as sin, absolutely and generally, all the works of the virtues which are produced by them outside the Church; for he expressly taught, as we have seen, that those things are praiseworthy and good which do not proceed from the fount of faith, if, every depraved end being removed, they be produced from the motive of virtue.
Only because among pagans and other unbelievers, right faith being wanting, some depraved end—at least of self-love or of vainglory—very easily creeps in, he affirmed that the good works themselves, which we cannot do without goodness, are vitiated, and to that extent are neither whole nor chaste—just as in the same sense Augustine, Prosper, and other Fathers handed down. Hence in Sermon 4 on the Nativity of the Lord, chapter 6, after he had reproved the vicious fasts of the Manichaeans, he exhorted his hearers to hold the right faith, chiefly for this reason: because without it nothing is holy, nothing chaste, nothing living: for the just man lives by faith—where the words 'nothing chaste' are to be understood in the sense indicated. 6. Hence, moreover, the last text supplies another observation.
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Dumenimsinefidenihilsanctum, nihilvivum, tradit; infideliumoperaquænullopravofineinficerentur, verasanctitateacmeritoæternævitævacuainnuit. Itaetiamserm. 8, deQuadr. C. 1, S. Pontifexjejunaiurosmoneus, neullainfidelitatepolluantur, hancrationemaffert: DicenteenimApostolo, Omnequodnonestexfide, peccatumest, inutiliaeruntacvanaeorumjejunia, quosillusionibussuismendaciipaterdecipit, etveraChristicarononpascit.
For while he hands down that without faith nothing is holy, nothing living, he intimates that the works of unbelievers which are infected by no depraved end are void of true sanctity and of the merit of eternal life. So also in Sermon 8 on Lent, chapter 1, the holy pontiff, admonishing those about to fast lest they be polluted by any unbelief, brings this reason: 'For, the Apostle saying, Everything that is not of faith is sin, the fasts of those will be useless and vain whom the father of lies deceives with his illusions, and whom the true flesh of Christ does not feed.'
By these words the term 'sin,' as employed by the Apostle concerning works generally useless and vain—that is, lacking eternal merit and reward—appears to be interpreted in such a way that it embraces also those works of mercy performed by unbelievers which, with no end corrupted, being bestowed to help a man for the sake of the very common bond of nature, are not to be cheated of their due praise, that is, are good, as he had declared in Sermon 7; and which for that very reason can be called sins only in this broader sense, insofar as, without living faith, they avail nothing toward an eternal reward. Whence in this same Sermon 7 he wrote: 'What does not proceed from the fount of faith does not attain to eternal rewards.' 7. Thus the holy pontiff sufficiently distinguished two kinds of works of the moral virtues among unbelievers.
Some are good indeed in their object, yet corrupted and evil in their bad end; others, however, are infected by no bad end, and are good not so much from their object as from the end of virtue, yet devoid of the merit of eternal life and unprofitable. Concerning works of the first kind he affirmed absolutely and in general that nothing whole, nothing chaste, etc., is found among unbelievers, because in general all the good works of unbelievers are corrupted by some vicious end. But works of the second kind he admitted among them conditionally and as it were by exception, if they be performed from a motive of virtue—which he intimates to be a possible case and truly rare. 8. But this is as foreign to the condemned propositions as St. Augustine himself is foreign to them,
Augustine, who taught not dissimilarly concerning the works of the virtues among unbelievers. In his book On the Spirit and the Letter, chapter 26, he left in writing: 'Even among the number of impious men, who do not truly worship the true God, we read or know or hear of certain deeds which, according to the rule of justice, we not only cannot blame, but even deservedly and justly praise.' This agrees with those words of Leo, 'they are not to be cheated of their praise.' But shortly after he adds: 'And yet, if you examine with what end they are done, scarcely will any be found that merit the praise and defense due to justice.' By which, while he intimates that those works of justice will scarcely be found without some bad end, he certainly believed that very many of them among such men are likewise depraved:
whence in other places the same Augustine, equally with St. Leo, condemned in general the works of the virtues which are performed by unbelievers, on the sole ground of the bad end by which he presumes them, in general, to be infected, save in rare cases. 1. Quesnel, upon these words of Leo in Sermon 83 on the Nativity of the Holy Apostles Peter and Paul, chapter 1: 'On the day of their martyrdom,' appended this note: 'On what day or in what month the Apostles Peter and Paul completed their contest, and likewise on what day the memory of their martyrdom was once observed in the Church with solemn festivity, there are some who are unwilling to determine from the present-day calendars and custom of the Church. For, they say, there is no witness sufficiently ancient who assigns that day to the Kalends of July.'
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Vetustissimumautemauctoremhabemus, Leoniqueipsiæqualem, quisolemnitatemdepositionisaposolorumoctavodieantekalendasMartiascelebratamfuissecommemorat. IsestPolemeusSilvius, cujuslaterculumsacraprofanaquefestapluracontinetem, penesseintegrumfuissetestaturJoannesBollandusinpræfatonegeneraliinVitasSS. cap. 4, § 3; cujuslaterculispecimencodemlocoeditumdocetosdepositionemapostolorum, non 27 Junii, utnuncfit, sed 22 FebruariicelebratamfuisseinEcclesiaRomana. Itaenimhabet; VIII (kal. Mart.) DEPOSITIOSS. PETRIETPAULI. Romæscripsit, sicodicifides, Silviusille;
But we have a most ancient author, contemporary with Leo himself, who records that the solemnity of the burial (depositio) of the apostles was celebrated on the eighth day before the Kalends of March. This is Polemius Silvius, whose calendar (laterculum), containing many sacred and profane feasts, John Bolland testifies to have possessed intact, in his general preface to the Lives of the Saints, chapter 4, § 3; a specimen of which calendar, published in the same place, teaches that the burial of the apostles was celebrated in the Roman Church not on June 27, as is now done, but on February 22. For thus it has it: VIII (Kal. March) THE BURIAL OF SS. PETER AND PAUL. That Silvius wrote at Rome—if the manuscript is to be trusted;
but also in the time of our own Leo, under the emperors Theodosius the Younger and Valentinian, when Posthumianus and Zeno, most distinguished men, were consuls—that is, in the year of Christ 448—and he completed his calendar in the following year, under the consul Asterius, that is, in the year 449. But it is difficult that, on account of a single manuscript of uncertain reliability, we should go against all the calendars, martyrologies, or other such monuments of the ancient Church that have hitherto come to light; such as the Sacramentary of St. Gregory the Great, the Roman Ordo, and the most ancient of all Lectionaries, that of St. Jerome; for in all these the burial or nativity of SS. Peter and Paul is assigned to the third day before the Kalends of July.
Nay, even in a most ancient parchment or martyrology, which Bolland himself had offered to Aegidius Bucherius from the papers of Heribert Rosweyde, and which the latter inserted into his commentary on the Canon of Victorius, the day of the martyrdom of the Apostles is assigned in express words to the eighth (rather: third) before the Kalends of July in this manner: 'On the third before the Kalends of July, Peter in the Catacombs, and Paul on the Ostian Way.' Certainly, since these calendars compete with one another as to antiquity, far greater trust is due to the one which is supported both by all the ancient monuments of the Church and by the consensus of all authors, than to the other, which alone suggests a novel opinion, and into which it is easy for an error to have crept.' Thus far he, and well enough.
Only it displeases that he wrote that the aforesaid calendars of Polemius Silvius and of Bucherius compete with one another in antiquity: for the calendar of Bucherius is earlier than Silvius's calendar by almost a whole century. 2. But that the age and excellence of the Bucherian calendar may be more plainly perceived, and the day of the martyrdom of the holy Apostles Peter and Paul made more certain, it will be worthwhile to note somewhat more precisely a few things about its author, which we have not seen observed by others hitherto. Now two manuscripts (so far as we know) contain this calendar: one older, but mutilated, exists among the Bollandists.
From this Bucherius published the aforementioned calendar and four other monuments, namely a Catalogue of the Prefects of the City, a Catalogue of the Roman pontiffs, a fragment of the consular Fasti, and a Roman-profane Calendar, which lacks four months. But the other, more recent, yet found intact, was in the Imperial Library, which Cuspinianus had used in his Commentaries on the Chronicle of Cassiodorus, and from it, before Bucherius, had published the Catalogue of the Prefects of the City. From this, moreover, Lambecius published the entire Calendar in vol. IV of the Imperial Library, and our Cardinal Norisius published the entire Fasti in his work On the Epochs of the Syro-Macedonians. And most recently John George Eckhart, in vol.
I of the Corpus of Medieval History, from the same manuscript, besides the Calendar, reproduced most accurately the four remaining monuments in the same order in which they are presented in the manuscript, and even with the same errors of the copyists. From the observation of these five documents it is clear that all were composed under the reign of Constantius. For in the Roman-profane Calendar no birthday is noted of any emperors later than Constantius; and he is styled with the title not of 'the deified' (divi), like the others already deceased, but of 'lord' (domini), which is an indication of one living. The consular Fasti and the Catalogue of the Prefects of the City end in the year 354.
The calendar, which is wont to be called Bucherian, and is entitled 'The Burial of the Martyrs and Bishops,' while it notes the day of death and the place of burial of the Roman pontiffs, ends with Julius, who died in the year 352. Finally, the Catalogue of the supreme pontiffs is concluded with Liberius, the successor of Julius, in such a way that indeed the day of his ordination is noted, but not the day of his death, as had been designated in the case of his predecessors—which indicates that he was still surviving. From these observations, one and the same author of all such monuments is recognized, a contemporary of Liberius and Constantius. And from the profane Calendar the author's name is drawn out, namely Furius Dionysius Philocalus.
Since, moreover, all things both sacred and profane that are noted in these monuments are Roman, and are filled with peculiar and most minute details even of the city and Church of Rome, it appears certain that this Philocalus learned and wrote these details at Rome—which contributes very much toward winning credit for these documents. 3. Moreover, for the matter at hand, it is not to be dissembled that the entire text of the Bucherian calendar is expressed in these words: 'On the third before the Kalends of July, Peter in the Catacombs, and Paul on the Ostian Way, when Tuscus and Bassus were consuls.' From this notation of the Catacombs and of the consulship, some have suspected that the day of some translation rather than of death was designated by this calendar.
But Philocalus himself resolves this difficulty by means of two other little works, in which the day of the martyrdom of the holy Apostles Peter and Paul is marked as the third before the Kalends of July, namely in the Catalogue of the Roman pontiffs in these words, 'He (St. Peter) suffered together with Paul on the third day before the Kalends of July,' on page 26 of Eckhart's edition; and in the consular Fasti on page 10: 'Under Nero Caesar and Verus. In this consulship Peter and Paul suffered on the third before the Kalends of July.' The words 'suffered' (passus) and 'they suffered' (passi sunt) assuredly indicate expressly the day of death.
Therefore, if from the Bucherian calendar alone, as it is wont to be called, considered separately from the other little works, one could doubt—especially from the added consulship—whether in it, according to the author's mind, a day of translation rather than of death be designated; certainly, from the comparison of the same calendar with the two other little works of the same author, there can be no doubt that in it the author, equally as in those, wished to indicate the day of martyrdom, with which perhaps also a translation or some other event unknown to us, denoted by the consulship of Tuscus and Bassus, coincided. So much concerning the author and the meaning of the Bucherian calendar. 4.
Furthermore, that Silvius, the author of the other, profane Calendar, was a Gallic writer, is known not only from the fact that he dedicated his little work to Bishop Eucherius, who presided over the Church of Lyons—as may be seen in Bolland, vol. I of January, in the preface, ch. 4, § 3—but is also gathered from the Life of St. Hilary of Arles, in which Silvius is reckoned among other writers who added to (the works of) the same Hilary as he preached; and hence too the author of the Chronicle published under the name of Prosper Tiro, who is likewise a Gallic author, at the year 439 records the same writer Silvius, passed over by others, because he was known to himself in Gaul. But the Calendar of this Silvius is not sacred, but profane.
And that he had other calendars from which to excerpt, and set forth some things more fully in his own style, changed or added others, Bolland shows in his preface to vol. I. But among the profane matters, very few sacred feasts are noted in passing there, as may be seen in the Bollandists, vol. VI of June, part II, where the entire Calendar of Silvius was published. Among these feasts, however, notable is the feast of St. Vincent the martyr on the eleventh before the Kalends of February, which was not then celebrated among the Romans; and likewise the feast of the Maccabees on the Kalends of August, which we have shown, in the admonition prefixed to Sermon 18 of the Appendix, was not yet begun at Rome in the age contemporary with Leo. But that this calendar was written at Rome, as Quesnel indicates, nowhere appears from the manuscript.
Nay, from the very notation of the burial of the holy Apostles on the eighth before the Kalends of March—against which the three monuments of Furius Philocalus, together with all other ecclesiastical documents, stand opposed—it is clear that that Calendar could not have been written at Rome; and this is proved much more manifestly by the most ancient Roman Sacramentary published under the name of Leo and to be reprinted by us in vol. II, which—savoring of the age of Leo and of Silvius himself (as will be shown in the same volume)—exhibits the day of the martyrdom of the same apostles as then celebrated in the month of June, and the octave in the month of July. Nay, from Leo himself the very same may be gathered. For he, in Sermon 85 delivered on their octave, chapter 1, indicates that on the day of their festivity Rome was delivered from the Vandals.
But since this deliverance fell on the 29th day of June, as we have established in the admonition to that same sermon, we understand that to the same day that festivity, and consequently the day of martyrdom, was ascribed. It is therefore more probable that Silvius, writing in Gaul and less skilled in the Roman feasts—who, in the aforementioned Chronicle of Prosper Tiro, is said to be of a rather disturbed mind—by error noted on the eighth before the Kalends of March the burial of SS. Peter and Paul in place of the Nativity of St. Peter of the Chair, which is ascribed to this day in the Philocalian calendar. Perhaps, since he saw the feast of the Chair of St. Peter celebrated among the Gauls on the eighteenth before the Kalends of February, he supposed that the Romans then celebrated that festivity on the same day, and on that account (placed) the feast on the eighth before the Kalends
of March, noted in some documents similar to the Bucherian, he supposed to be the day not of the Chair but of the burial. Thus in this matter the authority of Silvius seems to be wholly removed, which alone was causing trouble to all the critics. 1. Most celebrated is Leo's text concerning the two loves, of God and of the world, expressed in these words in Sermon 5 on the Fast of the Seventh Month, chapter 3: 'For there are two loves from which all volitions proceed, so diverse in qualities as they are divided by their authors. For the rational soul, which cannot be without love, is either a lover of God or of the world.' To these words Quesnel affixed this gloss: 'Whatever is not from the love of God is from the love of the world, and therefore sin.'
But since this sentence can be referred to the condemned propositions of Baius and Quesnel (whence this text of the holy pontiff is especially urged by the Baianists and Quesnellians), it must be more accurately explained what has been condemned in the proscribed theses, and how far Leo's words are from the condemned meaning. 2. Among the propositions of Baius, the 38th is of this kind: 'Every love of the creature is either the vicious cupidity by which the world is loved, which is forbidden by John, or that laudable charity by which, poured forth in the heart through the Holy Spirit, God is loved.' And proposition 40: 'In all his acts the sinner serves the dominating cupidity.' Among the Quesnellian propositions, 44: 'There are but two loves, from which all our volitions and actions arise:
the love of God, which does all things for God, and which God rewards; and the love by which we love ourselves and the world, which does not refer to God what ought to be referred to Him, and for this very reason becomes evil.' And proposition 45: 'When the love of God no longer reigns in the heart of the sinner, it is necessary that carnal cupidity reign in it, and corrupt all his actions.' The discourse here is concerning love reigning in the hearts of men, and thus all acts are said to proceed from the reigning love, so that the very acts of the virtues in sinners—in whom not the love of God but of the world reigns—being infected by this love, must be sins: whence there is another proposition of Baius, the 35th: 'Everything that a sinner or a slave of sin does is sin.' 3.
How false and absurd these are, everyone sees. For just as the just, in whom the love of God reigns, can perform, and now and then do perform, certain slightly evil acts—not indeed from the love of the world dominating in them (which cannot be combined with the habitual charity of God reigning in the just), but from some slighter and creeping love of the world, for example, of vainglory, of gluttony, etc., by which neither does cupidity dominate in them nor is the habitual love of God expelled—so by sinners, in whom the love of the world reigns, certain good acts can be produced from some love of virtue, for example,
of faith, of hope, of mercy, of prayer, etc., which, although it is not that love of God by which the reigning love of the world is expelled, nevertheless is not love of the world, nor can it be referred to love of the world. For this cause the Synod of Trent, session 6, canon 7, struck with anathema the dogma of the Lutherans, who say that all works which precede justification are sins: 'If anyone shall say that all works done before justification are truly sins... let him be anathema.' It is therefore condemned to say that all works which do not proceed from the charity of God reigning in the heart of men pertain to the love and concupiscence of the world, and consequently are sins; which nevertheless the gloss of Quesnel described above indicates. 4.
但倘若有人試圖如此軟化某些被定罪的論題,使所論不是那作王的愛神,而是較寬廣意義上的愛神——即工作藉此被歸於神——那麼,說凡德行的行為無論多善,若不藉此愛被歸於神,就都是罪,也同樣是被定罪的,正如凱內爾第四十四條論題的末段所暗示。因為,姑且不論神學家中間關於工作歸於神那著名的問題,在一切公教徒中間是確定的:道德之德的工作,不僅罪人所行、甚至不信者出於德行動機所行者,就其本身、或至少按其本分(如他們所說 ex officio)而言,都是善的,儘管它們並未被歸於神:
But if anyone should endeavor so to soften some of the condemned theses that the discourse be not of the reigning love of God, but of the love of God taken more broadly, whereby works are referred to God, it is equally condemned to say that all acts of virtue, however good, if they be not referred to God by this love, are sins—as the last part of Quesnel's thesis 44 insinuates. For, to say nothing of the celebrated question among theologians concerning the referring of works to God, it is certain among all Catholics that the works of the moral virtues, performed not only by sinners but even by unbelievers from a motive of virtue, are of themselves, or at least by their nature (ex officio), as they say, good, even though they be not referred to God:
for even by those who more severely maintain the obligation of the reference (to God), this omission does not vitiate the good work in itself, but contaminates the one omitting on another account. 5. Certainly St. Leo is most remote from either bad meaning. For in Sermon 48, on Lent 10, chapter 3, he confesses that both a right faith and other works of the moral virtues can be found in Christian sinners, in whom the love of the world dominates; and he testifies only that these are void of eternal fruit through the defect of at least habitual charity.
'For although,' he says, 'it be a great thing to have a right faith and sound doctrine, and much praise-worthy the circumcision of gluttony, the gentleness of meekness, the purity of chastity, yet naked are all virtues without charity, nor can that be called fruitful in any excellence of morals, which the offspring of love has not brought forth.' Moreover, Sermon 44, on Lent 7, chapter
3, speaking of the works of mercy which do not proceed from the fount of faith, and consequently are performed by unbelievers themselves—who, being ignorant of God, referred nothing to Him—he asserted that these are not to be cheated of their praise, and accordingly are good, if they be produced from a motive of compassion with no bad end intermixed; and he taught that these are almost sins only for the reason that he presumed them for the most part performed by unbelievers not from a motive of virtue, but from self-love (philautia), vainglory, or some other corrupted end; concerning which see the observation on Sermon 79. Behold, then, how far the mind and doctrine of Leo are from the meanings of the condemned propositions;
and since one would not wish to fabricate him as contrary to himself, the testimony of the present Sermon 90 cannot be said to favor the proscribed theses. 6. There are indeed not lacking those who think that the love of God is taken by the holy pontiff broadly for any love of virtues, and the love of the world for any love of vices. For just as every love of vices is aptly referred to the love of the world, insofar as the world loves and fosters vices, so the love of all virtues can be broadly referred to the love of God, insofar as God loves and commands all virtues. Nay, since every virtue is justice and truth—as it is often called in Sacred Scripture—and God is justice and truth,
he can be said to love God in a broad sense who loves the virtues from their own proper motive, with no perverse cupidity intermixed. That the holy pontiff sometimes took the love of God for the love of any virtue whatsoever can be gathered from those words of Sermon 95, chapter 6: 'To love God is nothing else than to love justice.' Thus, therefore, whoever loves any virtue, since he loves justice, by this principle of Leo likewise loves God. But whoever exercises some act of virtue from a motive of virtue must necessarily love the virtue itself.
But in this hypothesis concerning the twofold love of God and of the world, to one or other of which all acts of the will are to be referred, it is without doubt more satisfactory to refer the acts of the moral virtues, which are performed from a pure motive of virtue, to the love of God taken broadly, than to the love of the world. For, insofar as they can be recalled to the love of God at least broadly, this can be explained and understood from the indicated reason; but insofar as they should be referred to the love of the world—which, being 'set in wickedness,' is, as we have intimated, a lover and persuader of vices, not of virtues, and so indeed be referred that whoever loves and exercises the virtues from a motive of virtue must be said to love and exercise them from love of the world—no man of sound mind will understand. 7.
But it is one thing that this hypothesis is far from the condemned theses, and quite another that Leo's words, which we are now weighing, are to be accepted in this sense. What meaning, then, properly underlies these very words, you will easily perceive if you first set down two observations. First, that the holy pontiff writes that there are two loves from which all volitions (voluntates) proceed—not from which all acts of the will proceed; and therefore he is speaking of the volitions themselves, not of individual acts of the will. Hence, when he pronounces those volitions to be so diverse in qualities as they are divided by their authors, or loves, he indicates that the volitions are diverse—that is, good or evil—according as they differ and are divided among themselves by diverse love.
Second, that the two loves are here taken not of any love of God or of the world whatsoever, but of the love reigning in the will of man, is clear from this: that only from such a love can it be verified that a man is constituted either a lover of God, that is, just, or of the world, that is, a sinner. Whence at the beginning of the following chapter too the Author said: 'This affection (of God), by which earthly love is excluded'—which things are true of the dominating love of God. This is confirmed much more luminously by those things which he shortly subjoined: 'And therefore we must cleave inseparably to eternal goods' (which signify a predominating love of the ultimate end), 'but temporal things must be used in passing, not enjoyed, nor clung to as to an ultimate end.' 8. These things being premised, behold the open and genuine sense of the Author.
There are two loves, from which all volitions proceed, so diverse in qualities of goodness or malice, as they are divided by their authors. Those, namely, which are affected by the love of God, so that they love God above all things, and man is thence a lover of God, that is, in the charity of God, are good volitions; but those are evil in which the love of the world so dominates that man, the charity of God being excluded, is constituted a lover of the world. And since the rational soul cannot be without love prevailing on one side or the other, it is therefore either a lover of God or of the world; and all volitions consequently, good or evil, are so diverse in qualities as they are divided by their authors.
This is the obvious sense of the words, concerning all volitions good or evil according to the predominating love. Who then does not see how wrongly his words are dragged to all and singular acts of the will, as if Leo had taught that all and singular acts proceed from one or other of those loves, so that whatever acts are not from the love of God are from the love of the world, and therefore sins, as Quesnel's gloss insinuates; and by this reasoning that those very works of the virtues should be accused as sins, which the holy pontiff professed to be, in sinners or even in unbelievers, not evil but good? 9. In this same sermon, chapter 3, St. Leo writes:
'What allures by the beauty, the abundance, the variety (of creatures) is not easily declined, unless in that beauty of visible things the Creator rather than the creature be loved.' Quesnel noted in the margin upon these words: 'The love of God alone draws one back from the love of the creature.' Do you see, from the comparison, the less correct interpreter? 'It is not easily declined,' says Leo: for those who halt in the love of creatures, and in their beauty, abundance, and variety do not love God rather than the creatures, do not easily decline from their perverse allurements, and most easily sin.
This is the whole sentence of Leo. But whether this love of God, without which one is not easily declined from such allurements and from the illicit love of creatures, alone draws one back from this forbidden affection—not Leo, but Quesnel affirms; since nevertheless it is certain that men are drawn back from sins (though not so easily) also by fear, especially by that fear of hell (Gehenna) and of punishments, which, engendering sorrow for sins, conceived by the gift of God and the impulse of the Holy Spirit, not only restrains the hand from the illicit deed but even excludes the very will of sinning—as is gathered clearly enough from the Synod of Trent, session 14, chapter 4.
This fear of hell indeed, into which one falls not so much by deed as by evil affection, ought of itself to impel and move one to exclude both the deed and every affection of sinning (as is necessary for escaping hell). This had to be warned of, lest perchance there creep in among the rest the Quesnellian proposition 61, condemned in the constitution Unigenitus: 'Fear restrains only the hand, but the heart is addicted to sin so long as it is not led by the love of justice.' But it is not for us to discourse on this matter in this place; for our purpose was only to show that Leo's meaning is foreign to Quesnel's interpretation. CHAPTER
I.— By the report of our holy brother and fellow-bishop Septimus, which is had from his subjects, we have learned that certain presbyters and deacons, and clerics of diverse order, whom the Pelagian or Coelestian heresy held entangled, have so come over to the Catholic communion in your province that no condemnation of their own error was exacted from them; and that, while the pastoral watches slumbered too much, wolves clothed in sheep's skins (Matt. VII, 15) entered into the Lord's sheepfold without having laid aside their bestial minds; and that they have usurped what by the authority of our canons and decrees is not granted even to the innocent:
namely, that, having left the churches in which they had either received or taken up the clerical office, they carry their instability about through diverse places, ever loving to err, and never to abide on the apostolic foundation. For those who, examined by no scrutiny, are bound by no prejudgment of their profession, chiefly seek this fruit: that under the veil of communion they may approach many houses, and through the knowledge falsely so called corrupt the hearts of many. This they could by no means accomplish, if the prelates of the churches had observed the necessary diligence in the reception of such persons, so that it might not be permitted to any of them to wander abroad into diverse places. CHAPTER II.
— Lest, therefore, this be dared any further, and lest the destruction introduced through the negligence of certain persons tend to the overthrow of many souls, by this authority of our precept we enjoin upon the diligence of your fraternity that, a synod of the provincial priests being gathered before you, all—whether presbyters, or deacons, or clerics of any order—who from the company of the Pelagians and Coelestians have been received into the Catholic communion with such imprudence that they were not first constrained to the condemnation of their error, may now at least, after their hypocrisy is in some part detected, be compelled to a true correction, which can both profit themselves and harm none.
Let them condemn by open profession the authors of their proud error, and let them detest whatever the universal Church has abhorred in their teaching; and let them declare, in full and open protestations subscribed by their own hand, that they embrace and in all things approve all the synodal decrees which the authority of the Apostolic See has confirmed for the cutting off of this heresy. Let nothing in their words be found obscure, nothing ambiguous. For we know this to be their cunning: that in any little particle of the accursed dogma, which they distinguish from the mass of things to be condemned, they may reckon nothing of their own opinions to be left unsaved.
And while they pretend, for the ease of insinuating themselves, to disapprove and lay aside all their own definitions, they reserve to themselves this one thing by their whole art of deception, unless they be understood: namely, that the grace of God should be thought to be given according to the merits of the recipients. But such grace, unless it be given freely, is not grace, but the wages and recompense of merits; for the blessed Apostle says: By grace you have been saved through faith, and this not of yourselves, but it is the gift of God, not of works, lest anyone should boast. For we are his workmanship, created in Christ Jesus in good works, which God has prepared that we should walk in them (Eph. 2:8-10).
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Omnisitaquebonorumoperumdonatio,divinapræparatioest:quianonpriusquisquamjustificaturvirtute, quamgratia, quæunicuiqueprincipiumjustitiæetbonorumfonsatqueorigomeritorumest. Sedabistisideopernaturalemindustriamdiciturpræveniri, utquæantegratiamproprioclarasitstudio, nullovideaturpeccatioriginalisvulneresauciata; falsumquesitquodVeritasait: QuoniamFiliushominisvenitquærereetsalvarequodperierat (Luc. IX, 10). CAP. IV. [Al. V. — Cavendumergodilectionituaeest, magnaquediligentiaprovidendum, neperhujusmodihominesexstinctadudumscandala8uscitentur, etdeexcisoolimdogmatealiquodinprovin.
Every bestowal of good works, therefore, is a divine preparation; for no one is justified by virtue before he is justified by grace, which is for each the beginning of righteousness and the fount and origin of good merits. But by these men it is said to be anticipated by natural industry, so that that which is renowned by its own zeal before grace may seem to be wounded by no injury of original sin; and so that what Truth says may be false: For the Son of man came to seek and to save that which was lost (Luke 19:10). It must therefore be guarded against, beloved, and provided with great diligence, lest through men of this sort scandals long extinguished be aroused, and from a dogma once cut off some seed of the same evil in your province...
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ciatuaejusdemmaligermenoriatur, quodnonsoluminradicibussuiscrescat, sedetiamsanctaeEcclesiæsobolemvenenosuiorisinficiat. 592 Quicorrectosseviderivolunt, abomnisuspicionesepurgent; etobediendonobis, probentseessenostros, Quorumsiquisquamsalubribuspraeceptissatisraceredetrectarit, siveilleclericus, sivesitlaicus, abEcclesiaesocietatepellatur, ne (1) perditoranimesure, salutiinsidieturalienæ. CAP. V (Al. VI].
...the same evil should spring up in your province, which would not only grow up in its own roots, but would also infect the offspring of the holy Church with the venom of its mouth. Those who wish to be seen as corrected, let them purge themselves from all suspicion; and by obeying us, let them prove that they are ours. If any of them should refuse to satisfy the wholesome precepts, whether he be a cleric or a layman, let him be expelled from the fellowship of the Church, lest, as a destroyer of his own soul, he lie in wait against the salvation of another.
We also admonish you to restore to its full force that part of ecclesiastical discipline concerning which it was long ago decreed by the holy Fathers, and often by ourselves: that it should be lawful for no one, whether in the grade of the presbyterate, or in the order of the diaconate, or in any subordinate clerical office, to pass from one Church to another; so that each one, not enticed by ambition, not seduced by covetousness, not corrupted by the persuasion of men, may persevere where he was ordained. Thus, if anyone, seeking his own things and not the things of Jesus Christ, shall neglect to return to his own people and Church, let him be held a stranger both to the privilege of his rank and to the bond of communion.
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Nonautemdubitetdilectiotua, nos, si (quodnonarbitramur) neglectafuerint, quaeprocustodiacanonumetprofideiintegritatedecernimus,vehementiuscommovendos: quiaINFERIORUMordinumculpaeadnullosmagisreferendaesunt, quamaddcsidesnegligentesquerectores,quimultamsæpenutriuntpestilentiam,dumausteno-remdissimulantadhiberemedicinam. CAp. I. — Lectisfraternitatistuaelitteris, vigoremfideituæ, quemolimnoveramus,agnovimus, congratulantestibi, quodadcustodiamgregumChristipastoralemcuramvigilanterexsequeris; nelupi, quisubspecieoviurnsubintraruntb(Matth.VII, 15). bestialisævitiasimplicesquosquedilacerent;
But let not your Charity doubt that we shall be more vehemently moved if (which we do not suppose) those things be neglected which we decree for the guarding of the canons and for the integrity of the faith; for the faults of the lower orders are to be referred to none more than to slothful and negligent rulers, who often nourish much pestilence while they dissemble to apply the sterner medicine. — Having read the letters of your Fraternity, we recognized the vigor of your faith, which we had long known, congratulating you that you diligently fulfill the pastoral care for the guarding of Christ's flocks; lest the wolves, who have crept in under the guise of sheep (Matt. 7:15), tear apart with beastly savagery all the simple ones;
and lest not only they themselves profit by no correction, but also corrupt those things which are sound. That this may not be able to prevail by viperous deceit, we have directed writings to the metropolitan bishop of the province of Venetia, by which he might recognize that it pertains to the peril of his own state, if anyone coming from the fellowship of the Pelagians and Coelestians be held in Catholic communion without the profession of lawful satisfaction. For it is most salutary, and most full of the benefit of spiritual medicine, that whether presbyters, or deacons, or clerics of any other order whatsoever, who wish to be seen as corrected, should confess without ambiguity that their error and the very authors of that error are condemned by them;
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utsensibuspravisetdudumperemptisnullasperandisupersitoccasio, necullummembrumEcclesiætaliumpossitsocictatoviolari, cumperomniaillisprofessiocaeperitobviare. CAp. II.
so that for perverse and long-since-dead notions no occasion of hope may remain, nor may any member of the Church be violated by the fellowship of such men, since in all things their profession shall have begun to oppose them.
Concerning them we also command that that constitution of the canons be observed, lest they be permitted to depart from those Churches to which they properly belong, and to pass at their own discretion to places not assigned to them. Since this is rightly not permitted even to the blameless, much less ought it to be lawful for the suspect. Therefore let your Charity, in whose devotion we rejoice, join your care to our dispositions, and together with the aforesaid metropolitan take pains that those things be fulfilled circumspectly and swiftly which have been laudably suggested and salutarily ordained for the safety of the whole Church. — 1. Concerning the question of the Pascha of the year 444.
That Leo wrote at least two letters, one to Cyril, bishop of Alexandria, the other to Paschasinus, bishop of Lilybaeum, is manifest from the letters of Paschasinus. But both, through the injury of the times, have perished. It was thought that only the reply of Paschasinus survived; and therefore Quesnel edited that one alone. But we believe that no small fragment of that letter also, which Paschasinus testifies Cyril returned to Leo, has been transmitted to us; and that this may be established, certain things must be observed. 2. Namely, that letter of Cyril concerning the Pascha, delivered to the Fathers of the African council, which Dionysius Exiguus had inserted whole into his collection under number...
135, which, from the papers of Sirmond, with a longer addition, was first edited by Petavius in volume II of his De Doctrina Temporum, at the end, and then by Bucherius in his Commentary on the Paschal Canon of Victorius, chapter 1, page 72. But two parts are to be distinguished in that which Petavius and Bucherius edited: namely, Cyril's own letter to the Africans, which is read more correctly in Dionysius; and its addition, which pertains to another letter of the same Cyril. Now when a certain unskilled person had found these two distinct letters of Cyril treating of the Pascha, he believed that both treated of the same Pascha;
and therefore to the letter to the Africans, which he first copied from Dionysius, with a few words altered at his own discretion, he subjoined and inserted the other, which in the times of Bede was read entire, its beginning being omitted; and since this announces the day of the Pascha of the year 444, the day designated in the earlier letter to the Africans, namely the ninth of the Kalends of May, was accommodated by the copyist to that same day. Hence Bucherius held this whole document to be not two letters but one, and believed that the discourse in it was of the Pascha of the year 444 alone. 3. But if the first part of this be compared with Cyril's letter to the Africans, which has been preserved by Dionysius, the same words will be found, with a few expressions excepted which the copyist changed;
so that there is no doubt that this first part pertains to the Pascha of the year 420. Thus indeed, since it is there most fittingly inscribed to Aurelius and Valentinus, and also to the whole holy congregation gathered in the synod of Carthage, and in it Cyril affirms that he is sending copies of the Council of Nicaea (which intimate the Council of Carthage of the year 419), it is wrongly subjoined, where the Pascha is treated, that it is to be celebrated on the ninth of the Kalends of May. For this chronological note indicates the Pascha of the year 444, which in the whole period of Cyril's episcopate among the Alexandrians fell on that day in this year alone, and therefore this letter would have been written in the year 443, with which the Council of Carthage in no way agrees, having long before the year 443 departed from the living.
And so Petavius had rightly reported that this letter was written in the year 419, and that it treats of the Pascha of the year 420, and therefore, in place of 'the ninth of the Kalends of May,' one should read 'the fourteenth of the Kalends of May,' on which day the Pascha was celebrated in the year 420. 4. In Dionysius indeed is read 'the seventeenth of the Kalends of May,' on which day the Pascha fell in the year 423. But besides the fact that a request was more frequently made concerning the Pascha of the following year, and more rarely concerning a Pascha to be celebrated several years later, Cyril's very letter, which announces the Pascha of the future indication, that is, of the following year, is said in Dionysius to have been transmitted to Boniface together with another letter of Atticus, after the consulship of Honorius the twelfth and of Theodosius the eighth, that is, in the year...
四一九年。而抄寫者只需把兩個「一」的筆畫相連,很容易就把數字符號 XIV 誤改成 XVII。你也不必以所謂非洲教會抄本的希臘文本相駁,因為那裡的數字符號讀來與通行的狄奧尼修斯版本相同。原來非洲抄本的希臘文本並非區利羅的原文,而是從狄奧尼修斯拉丁文譯出的一種古希臘譯本,它源自狄奧尼修斯已被訛誤的文本,並證實這抄寫者的錯誤由來已久。由此便顯明,正確的讀法乃在……的抄本中,
419. Now it was easy, by a slip of the copyists, to alter the numeral marks XIV into XVII by joining the two units. Nor should you oppose the Greek text from the codex of the African Church, as they call it, where the same numeral marks are read as in the common Dionysius. For the Greek text of the African codex is not Cyril's original, but an ancient Greek interpretation from the Latin of Dionysius, which is derived from the corrupted text of Dionysius, and confirms that this slip of the copyists is old. Hence therefore it becomes manifest that the true reading in the manuscript of...
...of Sirmond, was corrupted by that antiquary who, when he subjoined the other part to this letter and welded one out of two letters, thought that the day of the Pascha designated in this last part, of which more is treated, should also be transferred to the earlier part. By this liberty, in the inscription the same letter of Cyril is said to have been given to the synod gathered at Carthage on the fifth of the Kalends of December, whereas in Dionysius no such note occurs in the inscription, but in the title Dionysius noted the day of the sixth of the Kalends of December, on which that letter was sent by the Africans to Boniface the pontiff. Thus far concerning the letter to the Council of Carthage. 5. Now concerning the addition, or the other letter of Cyril, which is proper to our purpose.
This indeed treats of the Pascha to be celebrated in the year 444. For it says that the Pascha is to be celebrated among the Alexandrians on the ninth of the Kalends of May on account of the reckoning of the embolism of the year, but that the Latins purpose to celebrate it on the seventh of the Kalends of April, on the twenty-second moon, so that they would make of an embolismic year a common year. All these characters agree with the Pascha of the year 444 alone, such as indeed are also found in the letter of Paschasinus to be subjoined hereafter; and therefore this letter of Cyril, as also that of Paschasinus, pertains to the year 443. 6. Petavius, in his notes on this addition, in volume...
II of De Doctrina Temporum here affirms it to be the Pascha of the year 607, and thence concludes that this is not a letter of Cyril, but of an author who was nearly two centuries later. But his whole reasoning rests upon a fictitious nineteen-year cycle, which he wrongly attributes to the Romans, on the ground that the cycle of 84 years, received among the Latins at this time, was unknown to them; wherefore it is to be reckoned as nothing. But Pagi, on the year 419, number 28, when he had seen that all the characters agreed with the Pascha of the year 444, and that all the codices as well as the writers attribute this letter to Cyril, withdrew from Petavius's opinion, but believed that it was given by Cyril to certain monks on these grounds: because, he says, it is written not to one but to many;
and that these were inferior and subject to Cyril is intimated by the words, 'I command you not to do,' etc.; and that they were monks the example of Pachomius the monk, which is inserted in the same letter, seems to indicate. But since it was written to the Latins, who wished to celebrate the Pascha on the seventh of the Kalends of April, it cannot be said to have been delivered to inferiors and subjects of Cyril. But just as, at the copyist's discretion, in the letter to the Africans it was written 'we command you,' where in Dionysius is read 'we announce'; so at the same discretion we believe it was written in this letter 'I command you,' where in the original and its version something more modest was read.
But the example of the monk, brought forward to prove the point, does nothing to establish that this letter was delivered to monks; especially since it is not even permitted to suspect that the Latins consulted Cyril about the Pascha of the year 444 through monks. 7. Whether, finally, it was written to one or to many, may be doubted. Tillemont, in the Life of Cyril, article 147, thinks it was given to certain bishops of the West. If he gathered this from the words 'which we desire, dearest brethren,' he did not observe that these pertain to the end of the letter which was delivered to the Africans.
But if he deduced it from those words which are inserted in this latter fragment, 'my dearest lords, bear in mind,' which seem rather to be the words of Cyril than of Pachomius, these are indeed stronger, but do not wholly convince; since it could have happened that he who subjoined this letter to the earlier one to the Africans so rendered these places in the plural number, that they might cohere with what preceded, just as we recognize that he altered other things by his own device. 8. John Vander Haagen, author of the work entitled 'Observations on the Prologues and Paschal Letters of the Ancient Fathers and Pontiffs,' Amsterdam, year 1734, page 97, contends that it is a letter of Cyril, and delivered to Leo the pontiff.
He establishes this chiefly from this: that on the one hand it is certain from Paschasinus that St. Cyril, when Leo inquired about the Pascha of the year 444, replied to him through a letter directed to him; on the other hand, that the text which is read in this fragment Bede attributes to Cyril's letter to St. Leo, and in the very fragment there is treated the question of the Pascha of the year 444, concerning which Paschasinus has revealed that Cyril replied to Leo. And the same author alleges three testimonies of Bede: two by which that letter is vindicated to Cyril, namely from the book On the Reckoning of Times, and from the letter to Wicthed; and a third from the little work On the Arguments of the Moon, where it is said to have been written to Leo, on the testimony of Petavius and Bucherius, but he confesses that he could not find the passage.
Certainly in the Cologne edition of the year 1688, volume I, page 151, in that treatise On the Arguments of the Moon, we find this: 'So it is read in the letter which blessed Cyril wrote to Pope Leo: For I will show you what Pachomius the monk...' etc., which things indeed will be found in the fragment presently to be recited, just as in it are also read those things which Bede recites from the same letter of Cyril, both in the little work On the Reckoning of Times of the same edition, chapter 41, volume II, page 83, and in the letter to Wicthed, in the same volume, page 230.
This testimony of Bede is indeed weighty, for since he pronounces this very letter to have been delivered not to the Africans but to Leo, he is found to have discovered this letter not wrongly subjoined to the letter to the Africans, but separate and inscribed to Leo, and therefore lacking those expressions by which it is presented as given to many. We do not at all doubt that Cyril, in his genuine letter to Leo, used those formulas of honor and reverence toward the Apostolic See which are read in his other letters to the Roman pontiffs. But all these formulas we must believe were altered by him who added this fragment to the letter to the Fathers of the Council of Carthage.
But this very interpolation has persuaded us not to insert this fragment absolutely into this work, in which we have thought that only wholly genuine letters should be transcribed. But since the interpolation seems to lie only in the words, while in the matter itself this whole fragment coheres with the characters of the Pascha of the year 444, which are found in the genuine letters of Paschasinus, and also with the very opinions of Cyril, which are contained in others of his paschal little works; we have believed that it should not be wholly omitted, but subjoined to this notice, and illustrated also with some annotations... 'Let us celebrate the Pascha together on the ninth of the Kalends of May, on account of the reckoning of the embolism of the year.'
'If you do this on the seventh of the Kalends of April, on the twenty-second moon, as though you had prepared, you make a common year out of an embolismic one, while you observe the moon kindled on the third of the Nones of March, according to the rule of the Latins, on the Kalends of January, on the Lord's Day, the twenty-seventh moon; and it is not to be observed in this year, for the causes which we have stated above. For just as the Pascha which we have mentioned is to be avoided in this year, so it is to be guarded against that we make the Pascha of an embolismic year in a common year, and of a common year in an embolismic one. For we ought to investigate the lunar epacts in the months of the whole year, that we may celebrate the Pascha on the moon of the first month, at the beginning of the year after the entrance of spring.'
'For the sun itself is daily shut in alike by land and sea at the end of the day, and is opened at the day's beginning. And the sun ends the course of the whole year on the twelfth of the Kalends of April, and the fullness or diminution of the lunar globe is foreseen by the motion of the fingers, by the mastery of reason, and by some computation of the reckoning; so that we may count only twelve moons according to the lawful computation of the Hebrews in a common year, and thirteen in an embolismic one, according to the computation of days. But I will show you what Pachomius, distinguished in deeds, illustrious in apostolic grace, and the founder of the monasteries of Egypt, published to the monastery which in the language of the Egyptians is called Panum, the letters which, at the dictation of an angel, he had received, that they might not incur error in the reckoning of the paschal solemnity;'
'and that they might observe the moon of the first month in a common and in an embolismic year. My dearest lords, bear in mind that the first Pascha was appointed in Egypt as an admonition, that the children of Israel should eat the lamb as a type of the true Lamb, on the moon of the first month. But the latter Pascha was made for a remembrance, in which the Manna descended, which showed that the shadowy lamb should withdraw when the true Manna had descended. But our Lord Jesus Christ joined in one day the lamb of the Jews and the true Manna, when he blessed the bread and the wine, saying: This is my body, and my blood, on the moon of the first month, at the beginning of the year. Therefore let us remember and be mindful to offer what Jesus offered for us in the first month.'
'For the Lord Jesus said: As often as you shall do these things, you shall do them in remembrance and memory of me. Search therefore most diligently what the Synod of Nicaea ordained, the fourteenth moons of all the years through the nineteen-year cycle, that we be not deceived in the fourteenth moon with the Jews and the heretics, who are called Tessarescaedecatitae (Quartodecimans). And it was established in all the synods, except the Synod of Gangra and of Caesarea, that no Church, or city, or any region should do anything contrary to those things which were decreed concerning the Pascha in the Council of Nicaea.'
'Believe me that, if the Synod of Nicaea had not written down the lunar cycle of the first month, the cycle of the stone of Silenites in Persia would have sufficed as an example of the paschal reckoning, whose inner brightness waxes and wanes with the moon of the first month. Therefore I have announced to you all these things, because you doubted concerning the moon of the first month in this year. Therefore I command you not to make the Pascha in the month of March in an embolismic year, but on the ninth of the Kalends of May, in the unity of the Catholic Church. Let us, the true Israelites, eat the true Lamb, the immaculate the immaculate: for it was commanded to carnal Israel that in one house they should eat the yearling lamb. Concerning which immaculate lamb it was most truly commanded:'
'You shall not kill the lamb in its mother's milk, that is, in the nearest Pascha of its conception in its mother's womb. Therefore Joseph, lest Mary, being pregnant, should be killed with stones as a fornicatress and adulteress, wished secretly to put her away. But that the lamb might not be killed in its mother's milk, at the nearest Pascha of its nativity Joseph fled into Egypt, at the angel's command, in the month of March, in the returning year, in which month Cain led out Abel the just into the field, that he might kill him, in a type of Christ led out to the praetorium of Pilate on the sixth day (Friday): because on the same day he was conceived in the womb, and died on the cross; for on the sixth day the soul died for sin in paradise, and on the same day he died in the body.'
I have answered, as I think, all the things about which you have questioned me. — I received the writings of your Apostleship by the delivery of Silanus, deacon of the Church of Panormus, which brought solace and remedy in all things to my nakedness and hardships, which I incurred through a most bitter captivity, refreshing my soul with heavenly dew, and wiping away all that had been sorrowful, venerable lord Pope. Your Crown deigned to command that my littleness should intimate to your most sacred ears what the truth of the paschal computation held for the year after this one. To which pious precept I could not be, nor ought I to be, at all disobedient.
By long treatment, therefore, and by reasoning, we found that to be true which was written back to your Blessedness by the prelate of the Alexandrian Church. For since the Roman computation, by which the cycle is concluded—of which the very year in question will be the sixty-third, which cycle began from the consulship of Antoninus and Syagrius—brought us into doubt, because on the seventh of the Kalends of April the Lord's Day and the twenty-second moon would fall, and again on the ninth of the Kalends of May (as the truth of the matter holds) the Lord's Day and the nineteenth moon would occur: fluctuating in this ambiguity, we turned ourselves to the Hebrew, that is, the lawful computation, which, since it is ignored by the Romans, they easily incur error.
The ogdoad (eight-year period), therefore, began from the consulship of the most illustrious men Aetius (for the second time) and Sigisvultus, which is concluded in the year concerning which the question seems to have arisen. Such is the reckoning: The first two are common years, the third embolismic, the fourth and fifth common, the sixth embolismic, the seventh common, the eighth embolismic. Therefore the prudence of your Apostleship perceives that the eighth year of the ogdoad cannot be made otherwise than that we hold it embolismic. But if we should wish to celebrate that which we said above, namely the Pascha which first occurs, on the seventh of the Kalends of April, we shall make a common year, and thereafter the whole computation of the subsequent years will begin to waver.
And lest what we have expounded should bring any obscurity to your Blessedness, we suggest that common years have among the Hebrews only twelve moons, that is, 354 days; but embolismic years have thirteen moons, that is, 384 days. By the necessity of the embolism, therefore, we are compelled to hold that which is longer, lest we should seem to deviate from the truth. Nor should it seem to us either new or erratic, since the day of the Passion falls on the eleventh of the Kalends of May, from which (as it seems to the Greeks) the Pascha received its name; although the interpreters of the Hebrew tongue relate that Pascha is called 'a passing over,' which nevertheless is likewise confirmed by the saying of John the Evangelist, who says, when he was speaking of the Passion: When the hour had come that Jesus should pass over from this world to the Father (John...
13:1). Therefore let not one day, placed further off, terrify us, lest, while we avoid this, we incur error, as happened in the time of blessed memory my lord, the predecessor of your Apostleship, Zosimus, in the eleventh year of the consulship of Honorius Augustus, and the second of Constantius. For then, when it was declined lest the day of the Pascha be held on the tenth of the Kalends of May, it was celebrated on the eighth day of the Kalends of April, that is, in place of an embolismic year a common one was held, and a most grave error arose, to such a degree that this truth was proved by a certain mystery which is ministered by the gift of the Holy Spirit. Which I have therefore believed should be expounded, because the very place is also most well known to my holy brother, to be venerated by me, Libanius the deacon.
The miracle of which mystery is such. — A certain very lowly possession, called Moltinae, situated in steep mountains and most dense woods, and there a Church was constructed with very small and cheap workmanship. In its baptistery, on the most sacred paschal night, at the hour of baptizing, when there is no channel, no pipe, nor any water at all nearby, the font fills of itself; and when the few who were present have been consecrated, since it has no outlet, the water, as it had come, departs of itself.
Then, therefore, as we said above, under my lord of holy memory and most blessed Pope Zosimus, when an error had arisen among the Westerns, the accustomed lessons having been gone through on the holy night, when the presbyter, according to custom, sought the hour of baptizing, the water not coming even until dawn, those who were to be baptized departed unconsecrated. That I may narrate briefly: on that night which was dawning into the Lord's Day, on the tenth day of the Kalends of May, the sacred font was filled at the fitting hour. By this evident miracle, therefore, it became clear that the error had been of the Western parts. — These things, as far as I could, or as the brevity of a letter permitted, I have written back at your Apostleship's command;
prostrate, beseeching that you would deign to pray for my littleness—nay rather for the state of the whole world—that at length, delivered from so many necessities, we may know that he himself is our God, who alone does wondrous things; who may no longer deliver to the beasts the souls that confess to him, nor any longer suffer us to be tempted above that which we are able to bear, but may make with the temptation a merciful issue, according to his mercy, that we may be able to endure. Pray for me.