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教宗良一世

講道與書信 第 235 章 第 2/3 段

拉丁文原文.39 節.部分字詞可點開查義.本章太長已分段,此段為 235:40–235:78(全章共 93 節)

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235:40
» At quidem ex mea sententia non majus robur Quesnelli conjecturæ es istis, quæ ejus appendicem claudunt, obtinere potuerunt Nam quamvis, ut diximus, in illa epigrapbe honoris nomina desiderentur id forte amanuensis vitio dare oportet, cum aliunde ex illis vocibus, ad papam urbis Romœ Leo nem, id omne habeamus, unum dumtaxat nominari, cui juxta primatus ecclesiastici jura de fidei negotiis et de presbyterorum depositione spectabat judicare. Fateor deinde nullam expressam apostolicæ seclis mentionem haberi, omisisse queque illius splendo rem et prœrogativas prœdicare. Quid tamen ? Ergo scriprun hoc, qualecumque sit, ad plures fuit mis sum ? Figmentum apage !
然而,依我之見,奎斯內爾的臆測絕無法從這些結束他附錄的話中取得更大的分量。因為儘管如我們所說,那標題中缺少尊稱,這或許須歸咎於抄寫者的過失;因為另一方面,單從那幾字「致羅馬城之教宗良」,我們便已盡得此意:所提及的只有一人,而按照教會首席權的權利,判斷信仰事務以及長老免職之事本屬於他。其次我承認,其中並無對使徒座的明確提及,他也略過了宣揚其榮光與特權。然而這又如何呢?難道這篇文字,無論它是什麼,就因此是寄給許多人的嗎?這種虛構,去它罷!
But indeed, in my opinion, Quesnel's conjecture could not gain any greater strength from these words which close his appendix. For although, as we have said, in that inscription the titles of honour are lacking, this perhaps must be ascribed to the fault of the copyist, since on the other hand from those very words, 'to Leo, pope of the city of Rome,' we have all this: that one alone is named, to whom, according to the rights of the ecclesiastical primacy, it belonged to judge concerning matters of faith and concerning the deposition of presbyters. I confess next that no express mention of the Apostolic See is made, and that he omitted also to proclaim its splendour and prerogatives. But what of it? Was this writing, then, whatever it be, sent to many? Away with the fiction!
235:41
Non consuevit imprimis Eutyches in suis conscribendis epistolis atque libellis se exercere in prædicandis splendore et prærogativis eorum ad quos provocabat. Dumtaxat suarum rerum negotiorumque rationem exponebat, quin vacaret in conciliandis sibi animis eorum quibus indigebat. Si nostro adversario, qui apostolicæ sedis jura infirrnis conjectures everte e et abolere nisus est, grave non fuisset duo Eutychis scripta lustrare, ambo ad imperatorem Theodosium et Valentinianum directa, procul dubio nimia divinatione non fuisset deceptus. 10. In iis namque imperatorum prærogativas, vel illorum supremum dominatum, non prædicavit, non fuit intentus in conciliandis sibi eorum animis.
首先,優西克斯在撰寫他的信件與申訴書時,並不習慣於致力宣揚他所上訴之人的榮光與特權。他只是陳述自己事務與案情的經過,無暇去籠絡他所需之人的心。倘若對我們那位竭力以薄弱臆測推翻並廢除使徒座權利的對手而言,審視優西克斯的兩篇文件——兩者皆致狄奧多西與瓦倫提尼安兩位皇帝——並非難事,那麼他無疑不會被過度的臆斷所欺騙。十、因為在這些文件中,他並未宣揚皇帝的特權或其至高統治權,也未致力於籠絡他們的心。
In the first place, Eutyches was not accustomed, in composing his letters and libelli, to occupy himself in proclaiming the splendour and prerogatives of those to whom he appealed. He merely set forth the account of his own affairs and business, without leisure to conciliate to himself the minds of those whom he needed. If it had not been burdensome to our adversary—who strove to overthrow and abolish the rights of the Apostolic See by feeble conjectures—to survey two of Eutyches' writings, both directed to the emperors Theodosius and Valentinian, he would doubtless not have been deceived by too much divination. 10. For in these he did not proclaim the prerogatives of the emperors, or their supreme dominion, nor was he intent upon conciliating their minds to himself.
235:42
Causam a Flaviano contra ipsum actam paucis dumtaxat exposuit, addens: Supplico igitur serenitati vestrœ consuelæ orthodoxœ fidei patrocinanti et meœ parvi talis opinioni prœcipere beatissimos episcopos, etc. Et tandem claudens.suam supplicationem, hac formula brevi nullas prærogativarum laudes continente usus est: Ut hoc consecutus (examen videlicet gestornm sub Flaviano) more solito laudans gratias agam Domino, et Deo omnium Christo, et vestrœ semper pre- tati. Non absimilia habet in altera 364 epistola ad eosdem imperatores scripta, ut videre est in concilii Chalcedonensis Aetis.
他以寥寥數語陳述弗拉維安對他所提的控案,補充道:「因此我懇求你的至尊——一貫正統信仰的護持者——為我卑微的意見向那些至福的主教下令」,如此等等。最後,在結束他的懇求時,他使用了這簡短的套語,其中並無任何對特權的稱頌:「使我既得此事(即對弗拉維安治下所行審理的審查),便可照慣常方式頌讚,向主、向萬有之神基督、並向你的虔敬永遠獻上感謝。」他在致同一批皇帝的另一封信中也有類似的話,正如在迦克墩會議紀錄中所見。
He set forth in few words the cause pleaded by Flavian against him, adding: 'I therefore supplicate your serenity, patron of the accustomed orthodox faith, to command the most blessed bishops, on behalf of my slender opinion,' and so forth. And finally, closing his supplication, he used this brief formula containing no praises of prerogatives: 'That, having obtained this'—namely the examination of the proceedings under Flavian—'I may, praising after the wonted manner, give thanks to the Lord, and to Christ the God of all, and to your piety ever.' He has things not unlike in the other letter written to the same emperors, as may be seen in the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon.
235:43
Non ergo ea styli ubertate in scribende Eutyches utebatur, qua ejus łuxuries depasceretur in prædicandis laudibus et prærogativis corum ad quos scribebat, etiamsi eorum ope et præ sidio indigeret. Imperiali autem præsidio et patrocinio indiguisse negabit forte, Quesnellus? Tandem, ipso nostro adversario auctore, Eutyches eum ad quem scribit interpellavit tamquam fidei defensorem et ma larum factionum exsecratorem, humillime petendo ne quidquam præjudicii eidem afferrent quæ per in sidias contra eum gesta fuerant; nec permitteret eum excuti et eximi de numero orthodoxorum.
因此,優西克斯在寫作時並未使用那種豐贍的文風,好讓他的浮華在宣揚他所致書之人的稱譽與特權中自我滋養,儘管他需要他們的幫助與保護。奎斯內爾或許會否認他曾需要帝王的保護與庇蔭嗎?最後,正是憑我們對手的說法,優西克斯把他所致書的那一位當作信仰的護衛者、邪惡黨派的憎惡者來稱呼,極其謙卑地請求:那些藉陰謀對他所做之事不致對他造成任何損害,也請求他不容許自己被動搖並從正統者的名冊中被除去。
Eutyches, therefore, did not use in his writing that copiousness of style by which his luxuriance might feed itself in proclaiming the praises and prerogatives of those to whom he wrote, even though he needed their help and protection. Will Quesnel perhaps deny that he needed imperial protection and patronage? Finally, on the very authority of our adversary, Eutyches addressed the one to whom he writes as a defender of the faith and a detester of evil factions, most humbly asking that the things done against him through treachery should bring no prejudice upon him, nor should he permit him to be shaken and removed from the number of the orthodox.
235:44
Erquis alius umquam potuisset hæc omnia jure implere, et supplicantis votis indulgere, nisi summus pontifex, cum jam ageretur de negotio in provinciali synodo ordinarie absoluto, et de sententia jam lata; cujus Acta nonnisi ab unico, et supremo judice po terant infirmari, aut rescindi, vel reprobari, aut rata haberi ? Si aliquod hac de re certum testimonium desideramus, consulere juvabit unum S. Petrum Chrysologum, quem cum Eutyches per epistolas interpellasset, ut vindicem suæ causæ se haberet, sine ambagibus et ulla prolatatione eidem respondit:
除了至高教宗以外,還有誰能有權履行這一切事、並應允懇求者的祈求呢?何況此事所處理的,本是一樁通常在教省會議中即已了結的事務,且判決已經宣布——而其紀錄唯有那唯一而至高的裁判者才能使之無效、撤銷、駁回或核准。倘若我們就此事想要任何確鑿的證言,那麼諮詢一人便有裨益,即聖伯多祿·金言(金口聖伯鐸);當優西克斯藉信件懇求他作自己案件的辯護者時,他毫不迂迴、毫不拖延地回覆他:
Who else could ever have rightfully fulfilled all these things, and granted the prayers of the supplicant, save the supreme pontiff, seeing that the matter was already being dealt with concerning a business ordinarily concluded in a provincial synod, and concerning a sentence already pronounced—whose Acts could be invalidated, or rescinded, or reproved, or ratified only by the one and supreme judge? If we desire any certain testimony on this matter, it will help to consult one man, Saint Peter Chrysologus, who, when Eutyches had solicited him by letters to take himself as the vindicator of his cause, replied to him without ambages and any putting-off:
235:45
I n omnibus autem hortamur te, frater honorabilis, ut his quœ a beatissimo papa Romanæ civitatis scripta sunt obedienter altendas quoniam, beatus Petrus, qui in propria sede vivit et prœsidet prœstat quœrentibus fidei veritatem. Nos enim pro studio pacis fidei, extra consensum Romanœ civitatis episcopi caussæ fidei audire non possumus. Videat Quesnellus ! Solus B. Petrus, qui in propria sede vivit et præsidet, præstat quærentibus fidei veritatem. Nec quisquam alius episcopus proprio jure extra consensum Romani episcopi causas fidei audire potest.
「然而在一切事上,可敬的弟兄,我們勸勉你順服地留意羅馬城那至福教宗所寫的一切;因為至福的伯多祿在自己的教座中生活並主持,把信仰的真理賜予尋求之人。因為我們出於對信仰之和平的熱忱,若無羅馬城主教的同意,便不能審理信仰的案件。」讓奎斯內爾自己去看罷!唯獨那在自己教座中生活並主持的至福伯多祿,把信仰的真理賜予尋求之人。任何別的主教,若無羅馬主教的同意,都不能憑自己的權利審理信仰的案件。
'But in all things we exhort you, honourable brother, that you obediently attend to those things which have been written by the most blessed pope of the city of Rome; since blessed Peter, who lives and presides in his own see, affords the truth of faith to those who seek it. For we, out of zeal for the peace of the faith, cannot hear causes of faith apart from the consent of the bishop of the city of Rome.' Let Quesnel look to it! Blessed Peter alone, who lives and presides in his own see, affords the truth of faith to those who seek it. Nor can any other bishop by his own right hear causes of faith apart from the consent of the Roman bishop.
235:46
Solida necne vel infirma sint quæ hactenus in tribus hisce de Eutychis appellatione capitibus conscripsimus, solus lector qui nullo partium studio ducatur sincere poterit judicare. Unum tandem pro coronide addendum censuimus, videlicet, quod in propugnandis legitimis apostolicæ sedis juribus, et vindicandis Baronii et Christiani Lupi sentenliis, nostris non indulsimus conjecturis. Ea dumtaxat in medium proponere in votis habuimus, quæ ex vete ribus monumentis hauriri possunt, quibus insistere plurimum semper allaboravimus. 1.
我們在這三章中迄今就優西克斯上訴一事所寫的,究竟是穩固還是薄弱,唯有不為任何黨派熱忱所左右的讀者才能真誠地判斷。最後,作為收尾,我們判定應當補充一點:即在維護使徒座的合法權利、並為巴洛尼烏斯與克里斯提安·盧普斯的見解辯護時,我們並未放縱於自己的臆測。我們所願的,僅是陳述那些能從古代碑錄中汲取的東西,而我們一向最竭力依循的正是這些碑錄。一、
Whether the things we have written thus far in these three chapters concerning Eutyches' appeal are solid or infirm, only the reader who is led by no partisan zeal will be able sincerely to judge. One thing at last, as a crown, we have judged should be added: namely, that in defending the legitimate rights of the Apostolic See, and in vindicating the opinions of Baronius and Christian Lupus, we have not indulged in our own conjectures. We have wished only to set forth those things which can be drawn from the ancient monuments, upon which we have always laboured most to rely. 1.
235:47
Non mihi licuisset apostolicæ sedis jura circa Eutychis appellationem solum ad veterum monumentorum fidem tractare et exponere, nisi etiam cum adversariis varias congressiones instituissem, qui aliter ecclesiastici regiminis formam et rationem in terprelalltur, vim omnem et studium adhibentes in distorquendis vel sancti Leonis Magni testimoniis, vet aliorum scripis, quæ nos ad plenam atque since ram rerum omuium coguitionem poterant conducere. Modo vero gravius aliquod nos præstare oportet. et historiæ filum minime abrumpere volentes, quæ ad alteram Ephesinam synodum spectant, quæque Eu tychianæ hæreseos maximum incrementum præbue runt.
倘若我不曾也與那些對手展開各種論戰,我便不能僅憑古代碑錄的可信性來論述並闡明使徒座就優西克斯上訴一事的權利;那些對手對教會治理的形式與方法有另一番解釋,並竭盡全力與熱忱去曲解聖大良的證言,或曲解他人的著作——而那些著作本可引領我們對一切事得到完整而真誠的認識。如今我們確應著手更為重大之事;並且我們絲毫不願中斷這段關涉第二次以弗所會議的歷史線索——那次會議為優西克斯異端提供了最大的增長——
It would not have been permitted me to treat and expound the rights of the Apostolic See concerning Eutyches' appeal solely on the faith of the ancient monuments, unless I had also instituted various encounters with the adversaries, who interpret otherwise the form and method of ecclesiastical governance, employing all their force and zeal in distorting either the testimonies of Saint Leo the Great, or the writings of others, which could lead us to a full and sincere knowledge of all things. Now indeed we ought to perform something weightier; and, being unwilling in the least to break the thread of the history which pertains to the second Ephesine synod—which furnished the greatest increase of the Eutychian heresy—
235:48
summa cum fidei catholicæ jactura, et Orien talium Ecclesiarum exitio, et sacerdotalis dignitatis dedecore. et S. pontificis Leonis luctu, et gentilibus describere jamjam aggredimur. In qua historia con texenda, etsi quamplurimi præstantissimi viri suam operam locaverint, tamen cum non omnes eodem veritatis spiritu ducerentur, inde factum est, ut ali ter et aliter de apostolicæ sedis juribus raticionati fuerint; vel ex ea synodo, in latrocinium Dioscori Alexandrini aliorunique furore et impetu conversa, argumenta desumant ad imperatorum auctoritatem magis et magis amplificandam, Romanorum vero pon tificum jurisdictionem intra angustos limites restru gendam.
我們如今立即著手描述它——它給大公信仰帶來極大的損失,使東方諸教會遭致傾覆,使司祭的尊嚴蒙受羞辱,使聖教宗良陷於悲痛,又令外邦人稱快。在編織這段歷史時,儘管許多極為傑出的人都投入了勞力,然而由於並非人人都被同一真理之靈所引導,因此便產生了這樣的結果:他們就使徒座的權利作出彼此不同的推論;或從那次會議——它因亞歷山大的狄奧斯庫魯斯及他人的狂怒與暴力而變成了一場強盜行徑——引出論據,愈發放大皇帝的權威,卻把羅馬教宗的裁判權限制在狹隘的界限之內。
we now at once set about describing it, with the greatest loss to the Catholic faith, and the ruin of the Eastern Churches, and the disgrace of the priestly dignity, and the grief of the holy pontiff Leo, and to the delight of the heathen. In weaving together which history, although very many most eminent men have bestowed their labour, yet since not all were led by the same spirit of truth, hence it came about that they reasoned in one way and another concerning the rights of the Apostolic See; or from that synod—turned into a robbery by the fury and violence of Dioscorus of Alexandria and others—they draw arguments for amplifying more and more the authority of the emperors, but for restricting the jurisdiction of the Roman pontiffs within narrow limits.
235:49
Fa eor quidem meum animum maximis augustiis et u œrore urgeri propter lugubrem hanc tra gœdiam, quæ proditionibus, necibus, squalore, exsiItis, coutumeliis, afflictionibusque Ecclesiam ipsam et fere totum orbem replevit. In mentem revocans que madmodum sacerdotum corda veteres æmulationes per vertere possint, et privata odia desævire; cum videlicet, abruptis Christianæ religionis vinculis, ambitio sola, fastus et præsumptiones tyrannico modo dominatum omne per fas et nefas, quacomque moderatione pietatis abjecta, sibi vindicare contendunt.
我確實承認,我的心因這場悲慘的悲劇而備受極大的痛苦與哀傷所煎迫;這場悲劇使教會本身、乃至幾乎整個世界充滿了背叛、殺戮、污穢、流放、凌辱與苦難。我回想起舊日的爭競如何能敗壞司祭的心,私人的仇恨如何能肆虐;即當基督宗教的維繫紐帶一旦斷裂,唯有野心、傲慢與僭妄以暴君的方式,不擇手段地竭力為自己攫取一切統治權,把虔敬的一切節制盡皆拋棄。
I confess indeed that my mind is pressed with the greatest anguish and sorrow on account of this mournful tragedy, which filled the Church herself and almost the whole world with betrayals, murders, squalor, exiles, contumelies, and afflictions. Calling to mind how old rivalries can pervert the hearts of priests, and private hatreds rage; when, namely, the bonds of the Christian religion being broken, ambition alone, arrogance, and presumptions strive in tyrannical fashion to claim for themselves all dominion, by fair means and foul, every moderation of piety being cast away.
235:50
Quibus quidem matis in quacumquo republica gliscentibus valde dif ficile mederi potest, quando videlicet scandalorum et æmulationum auctores magnorum principum clien tela frunutur, eamque magis atque magis fovent eorumdem principum ministri, qui pios et clementis simos rerum moderatores nefariis artibus circumve niunt, et voluntatis luxuriem et impetum sequentes, præjudicatis opinionibus eorum animum imbibunt, ut tandem, falsis suggestionibus decepti, id decer nant ac statuant quod divinis humanisque legibus repugnat.
當這樣的邪惡在任何國度中滋長蔓延時,極難加以療治,即當醜行與爭競的始作俑者享有大君侯的庇護,並愈發培植它時——那些君侯的臣僕以邪惡的手段包圍那些虔敬而至為仁慈的政務主宰者,並隨從自己意志的放縱與衝動,以偏見充塞他們的心思,以致最終這些主宰者被虛假的進言所欺,遂裁定並確立與神律及人律相悖之事。
When such evils grow rank in any commonwealth whatsoever, it is very difficult to remedy them, namely when the authors of scandals and rivalries enjoy the patronage of great princes, and foster it more and more—those princes' ministers, who by wicked arts circumvent the pious and most clement moderators of affairs, and, following the wantonness and impetus of their own will, imbue their minds with prejudiced opinions, so that at last, deceived by false suggestions, they decree and establish that which is repugnant to divine and human laws.
235:51
Hisce autem gravissimis calamitatabus Orientalis Ecclesia vexata et quasi omnino oppressa fuit, cum Chrysaphius clementissimi imperatoris Theodosii pietate abutens, vilem, superbum, hæreti cumque hominem Eutychen defensurus, 366 cau sam de qua agebatur non Rom. pontificis judicio, aut universalis concilii examine, sed Dioscori episcopi Alexandrini arbitrio et potestate voluit commissam. Is enim, Chrysaphius nimirum, impotens odii adver sus Flavianum, Theodosii voluntantatem moverat, quando Constantinopolitana synodus fuerat absolut. ut, prætextu debiti obsequti Romano pontifici exlubendi. et præsidii ecclesiasticis rebus præstandi, valde sol lacite pro paccad S, Leonem scriberet.
東方教會被這些至為沉重的災難所困擾、且幾乎完全被壓垮;當時克利薩菲烏斯濫用那至為仁慈的皇帝狄奧多西的虔敬,為了庇護那卑劣、驕傲而異端的人優西克斯,竟要把所爭議的案件不交付羅馬教宗的裁判,亦不交付普世會議的審查,而交由亞歷山大主教狄奧斯庫魯斯的裁量與權力來處理。因為此人——即克利薩菲烏斯——因對弗拉維安的仇恨而不可遏制,遂在君士坦丁堡會議結束之際打動了狄奧多西的意願,使他借著向羅馬教宗表示應盡順服、並為教會事務提供保護之名,極其懇切地為和平之故致書聖良。
By these most grievous calamities the Eastern Church was harassed and as it were wholly oppressed, when Chrysaphius, abusing the piety of the most clement emperor Theodosius, in order to defend the base, proud, and heretical man Eutyches, wished the cause of which the question was treated to be committed not to the judgment of the Roman pontiff, nor to the examination of a universal council, but to the arbitration and power of Dioscorus bishop of Alexandria. For he, namely Chrysaphius, ungovernable in his hatred against Flavian, had moved the will of Theodosius—when the Constantinopolitan synod had been concluded—so that, under the pretext of rendering due obedience to the Roman pontiff and of affording protection to ecclesiastical affairs, he might most solicitously write to Saint Leo on behalf of peace.
235:52
An vero priori illa epistola congregari generale concilium petierit, non est exp'oratum. Immo facile in eam opinionem descendere licet. altum de ea habenda tum servasse silentium. Siquidem etsi Theodosii litteræ temporis injuria deperditæ fuerint, tamen cum S. Leonis ad cum respansa supersim, eam imperialem Maxime S, haudquaquam invenimus indicatam. petitionem P. Theodosium certiorem se sperare, post admonitio nem per epistolas Flaviano factam, ipsum omnia ad nostram notitiam relaturum, ut, in lucem ductis his quæ adhuc videntur occulta, quod evangelicœ et apo stolieæ doctrinœ convenit judicetur. Igitur probabile et certum est Theodosium nihil de nova cogenda sy nodo ad Leonem scripsisse.
然而他是否在那較早的信中請求召開一次公會議,並不確定。不如說,人們大可持此見解:他當時對於召開會議一事深自緘默。因為儘管狄奧多西的信件已因時間的損害而佚失,然而既然聖良致他的回信尚存,我們便絕未在其中找到那項帝王請求的跡象。尤其因為聖良希望通知狄奧多西:在藉信件對弗拉維安作出勸誡之後,他本人將把一切事呈報於我們知曉,好使那些至今似乎隱蔽之事得以顯明,從而可以裁斷何者合乎福音與使徒的教義。因此可能而且確定的是:狄奧多西並未就召開一次新會議之事寫信給良。
But whether by that earlier letter he requested that a general council be assembled is not certain. Nay rather, one may readily descend to this opinion, that he then kept deep silence about holding one. For although Theodosius' letters have perished through the injury of time, yet since Saint Leo's replies to him survive, we by no means find that imperial petition indicated in them. Especially since Saint Leo hopes to inform Theodosius that, after the admonition made to Flavian by letters, he himself will report all things to our notice, so that, these things which still seem hidden being brought to light, that which accords with the evangelical and apostolic doctrine may be judged. It is therefore probable and certain that Theodosius wrote nothing to Leo about a new synod to be convened.
235:53
Alias de hulus tanti mo menti re verba fecisset, nec sibi reservasset judicare postquam quæ ei occulta tum erant, in lucem duce rentur. 2. Verumtamen inficias ire haud possum, tum temporis, aut paulo post, rumorem Constantinopoli aparsum fuisse de simili synodo; cogenda eamque Theodosio imperatori Chrysaphli aliorunque pravorum ministrorum consilio, et Dioscori machinationi bus, fuisse insinuatam. Nam, ut vidimus, Flavianus iterum scribere coactus ad S. Leonem, qui priores literas non acceperat, removeri petit concilium, quod fieri divulgatur. Et quamvis hæc epistola temporaria nota careat, tamen conjicere possumus mense Aprilis in Oriente de celebrando concilio rumorem fuisse sparsum.
否則他必會論及這樣一件重大的事,也不會把裁斷保留給自己,等到那些當時對他隱蔽之事得以顯明之後再作。二、然而我不能否認,當時或稍後,君士坦丁堡曾傳出關於將召開一次類似會議的謠言,並且這是藉克利薩菲烏斯及其他敗壞臣僕的謀劃、以及狄奧斯庫魯斯的陰謀而暗示給皇帝狄奧多西的。因為如我們所見,弗拉維安被迫再次致書那尚未收到先前信件的聖良,請求撤除那被傳將要舉行的會議。儘管這封信缺少年月的標記,我們卻可推測:四月間東方已傳出將舉行會議的謠言。
Otherwise he would have spoken of a matter of such great moment, nor would he have reserved to himself to judge after those things which were then hidden to him should be brought to light. 2. Nevertheless I cannot deny that at that time, or a little after, a rumour was spread at Constantinople about a similar synod to be convened, and that it was insinuated to the emperor Theodosius by the counsel of Chrysaphius and other depraved ministers, and by the machinations of Dioscorus. For, as we have seen, Flavian, compelled to write again to Saint Leo, who had not received the earlier letters, asks that the council which is being divulged as to take place be removed. And although this letter lacks a temporal note, yet we can conjecture that in the month of April a rumour of celebrating a council had been spread in the East.
235:54
Sed nihil adhuc Leoni de hac impe ratoris deliberatione innotuisse in mense Junio sub sequenti mihi persuasum est. Nam octavo vel nono kal. (ut habent Vat. codd.) hujus mensis ad eumdem rescribens imperatorem, apostolico repletus vigore eum fidenter alloquitur, ut pro integritate catholicæ fidei fiat sollicitus, hoc (ait) indefessis precibus divi- nam misericordiam posco, ut corde vestro id quod est et veritatis inspiret, neque falii vos in aliquo humnnarum œmulationum fraude patiatur. Intellexerat ergo S. Leo jam Theodosii animum fraudibus humanarum æmulationum a veritate fuisse quo quo modo ahalie natum, et improborum suggestionibus fuisse circum ventum.
然而我確信,直到接下來的六月,皇帝這項籌議尚無任何消息傳到良這裡。因為在該月的八日或九日之朔前(如梵蒂岡抄本所載),他回信給同一位皇帝時,滿懷使徒的活力,坦然地勸勉他,好使他為大公信仰的完整而生殷勤之心:他說:「我以不倦的祈禱懇求神的憐憫,願祂以真理所在的那事光照你的心,不容你在任何事上被人為爭競的詭詐所欺。」因此聖良已明白,狄奧多西的心已某種程度被人為爭競的詭詐引離真理,並被惡人的進言所包圍。
But I am persuaded that as yet nothing of this deliberation of the emperor had become known to Leo in the following month of June. For on the eighth or ninth of the Kalends (as the Vatican codices have it) of this month, writing back to the same emperor, filled with apostolic vigour, he confidently addresses him, that he may become solicitous for the integrity of the Catholic faith: 'This (he says) I ask by unwearied prayers of the divine mercy, that it may inspire your heart with that which is of the truth, and may not suffer you to be deceived in anything by the deceit of human rivalries.' Saint Leo, therefore, had understood that Theodosius' mind had already been somehow alienated from the truth by the deceits of human rivalries, and circumvented by the suggestions of wicked men.
235:55
Ad quas eludendas sapientissime decrevit petere et imperatori insmuare ut juberet intra Italiam haberi episcopale concilium, quo omnia scandala quœ in perturbationem, totius Ecclesiœ sunt commota rese- carentur. Hic fateri cogor me baudquaquam latere, quosdam nostri ævi theologos Romanæ curiæ infen sos, iis Leonis verbis insistere, ut intra Italiam haberi jubeatis episcopale concilium, ut inde colligant jus concihorum indicendorum, non ad Romanum ponti ficem, sed ad imperatorem pertinere. Verum cum ejusmodi argumenta passim refellant catholici doctores, et aliquid in alio nostro opere dixerimus, præ sentis otii non erit hanc excutere contruversiam.
為了挫敗這些詭計,他極其明智地決意請求並向皇帝進言,要他下令在義大利境內召開一次主教會議,藉此把一切為擾亂整個教會而挑起的醜行加以剷除。在此我不得不承認,我毫不諱言:我們這時代有某些敵視羅馬教廷的神學家,緊抓良的那句話——「願你下令在義大利境內召開一次主教會議」——藉此推論召開會議的權利並不屬於羅馬教宗,而屬於皇帝。然而,既然公教的博士們處處駁斥這類論據,而我們在自己的另一部著作中也已就此有所論述,那麼在目前的閒暇裡便不便詳究這一爭議。
To elude these, he most wisely resolved to ask and to insinuate to the emperor that he should order an episcopal council to be held within Italy, whereby all the scandals which have been stirred up to the disturbance of the whole Church might be cut away. Here I am forced to confess that it does not at all escape me that certain theologians of our age, hostile to the Roman curia, insist upon those words of Leo, 'that you would order an episcopal council to be held within Italy,' in order to gather therefrom that the right of convening councils pertains not to the Roman pontiff, but to the emperor. But since Catholic doctors everywhere refute arguments of this kind, and since we have said something on this in another work of ours, it will not be for the present leisure to sift out this controversy.
235:56
Idcirco præcedentem rerum historicarum narratio nem confirmamus alia Leonis epistola ad Flavianum scripta. In ea quippe S. episcopum monet de acceptis ejus litteris cum synodalibus Actis contra Eutychen exaratis. Spondet sollicitudinem suam, 367 nulla ratione pati volens aut Eutychen in suœ persua sionis pravitate persirtere, aut Flavianum ipsum, qui zelo fidei pravo et stulto resistebat errori, diutana ad versœ partis mpugnatione turbari. In hac.tamen nec unum verbum exprimit de concilio vel intra Italiam, vel apud Ephesum habendo. Quod forte mente non adhuc revolvebat, quodque concilium postmodum vix quatuor elapsis diebus imperatori Theodosio, ut vidimus. indicavit. 3.
因此,我們藉著良(Leo)寫給弗拉維安(Flavian)的另一封書信來確證前述的史實記載。事實上,在那封信中,他就聖主教所收到的、連同針對歐迪奇(Eutyches)而擬定的會議紀錄的信件,向他提出勸誡。他保證自己的關切,無論如何都不願容許歐迪奇固執於其信念的邪妄之中,也不願弗拉維安本人——他正以信德的熱忱抵抗那愚妄的錯謬——因對方陣營持續的攻擊而受擾。然而在這封信裡,他對於將在義大利境內或在以弗所召開會議一事,卻連一個字也沒有提及;這或許是他心中尚未思量之事,而如我們所見,他後來在僅僅過了四天之後,便將該會議之事通知了皇帝狄奧多西(Theodosius)。
For this reason we confirm the foregoing account of the historical facts by another letter of Leo written to Flavian. In it, indeed, he advises the holy bishop concerning the letters he had received together with the synodal Acts drawn up against Eutyches. He pledges his own solicitude, being unwilling on any account to allow either Eutyches to persist in the depravity of his conviction, or Flavian himself, who was resisting a foolish error with the zeal of the faith, to be troubled by the prolonged assault of the opposing party. In this letter, however, he expresses not a single word about a council to be held either within Italy or at Ephesus—which perhaps he was not yet turning over in his mind, and which council he afterward, scarcely four days having elapsed, announced to the emperor Theodosius, as we have seen.
235:57
Quesnellus tamen ad laudatam Leonis epistolam Theodosio conscriptam animadvertens, suspicatur jam sanctu pontifici innotuisse imperataris delibera tionem deconcilio apud Ephesum habendo. Propterea sequentem annotationem ad epistolæ calcem affigero statuit: « VIII kal. Jun., cum ex epistola 27 ad Pulches riam. disertis verbis testetur Leo accepisse tertio idus Maias litteras synodi a Theodosio convocatæ indices, mirum cur de eadem synodo nullam apud principem mentionem faciat. Forte dissimulandum censuit pon tifex. ut łiberius synodum intra Italiam congregandam postulare a Theodosio.
然而奎奈爾(Quesnel)留意到上述良寫給狄奧多西的那封信,便懷疑皇帝關於將在以弗所召開會議的籌議,其實早已為這位聖教宗所知曉。因此,他決意在信末附上以下註記:「六月朔前第八日:既然良從致普爾克莉亞(Pulcheria)的第二十七封信中,以明確的話語作證說,他在五月望前第三日收到了通報由狄奧多西所召集之會議的信件,那麼令人詫異的是,他為何在皇帝面前對同一會議隻字不提。或許教宗認為應當隱而不言,以便能更自由地請求狄奧多西將會議召集於義大利境內。」
Quesnel, however, attending to the aforementioned letter of Leo written to Theodosius, suspects that the emperor's deliberation concerning a council to be held at Ephesus had already become known to the holy pontiff. On that account he resolved to append the following note at the foot of the letter: «On the eighth day before the Kalends of June: since Leo, from Letter 27 to Pulcheria, testifies in express words that on the third day before the Ides of May he received letters announcing the synod convoked by Theodosius, it is remarkable why he makes no mention of that same synod before the prince. Perhaps the pontiff judged that it should be dissembled, so that he might the more freely ask of Theodosius that the synod be gathered within Italy.»
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posset, vel dicendum in alterutra epistola mendosum esse numerum diei, aut mensis » Baronius quoque in hunc nodum offen dens, postquam animadvertit imperatorem scripsisse litteras ad Romanum pontificem post absolutam synodum secundam Constantinopolitanam, quinto idus Aprilis, de habenda synodo Ephesi (eas accepit S. Leo, ut ipse testatur in epistola ad Pulcheriam, tertio idus Maias), secum recogitat intra unius mensis spatium litteras ex Urbe Constantinopolim fuisse delatas. Verum nec lumen exhibet, nec aliquod momentum nobis suppeditat idem doctissimus card. Baronius ad eripiendam difficultatem rationabiliter postmodum a Quesnello excitatem.
……他是能夠的;或者說,在這兩封信之中的某一封裡,日或月的數字乃是訛誤。」巴洛尼烏斯(Baronius)也在同一難題上受阻。他先是注意到,皇帝在第二次君士坦丁堡會議結束之後,於四月望前第五日,就在以弗所召開會議一事致信羅馬教宗(如聖良本人在致普爾克莉亞的信中所作證,他在五月望前第三日收到了這些信件),繼而自忖:在短短一個月的時間內,信件便從羅馬城傳送到了君士坦丁堡。然而這位極其博學的巴洛尼烏斯樞機,對於奎奈爾其後合理地提出的這一疑難,卻既未提供任何亮光,也未給予我們任何足以憑藉的論據。
...he could, or else that in one or the other letter the number of the day or the month is corrupt.» Baronius too, stumbling on this same knot, after he noted that the emperor wrote letters to the Roman pontiff after the conclusion of the second Constantinopolitan synod, on the fifth day before the Ides of April, concerning the holding of a synod at Ephesus (which letters holy Leo received, as he himself testifies in his letter to Pulcheria, on the third day before the Ides of May), reconsiders with himself that within the space of a single month the letters were conveyed from the City to Constantinople. But the same most learned Cardinal Baronius neither offers any light nor furnishes us any weighty consideration for reasonably removing the difficulty afterward raised by Quesnel.
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Cum iterim ergo utroque illo Quesnelli ratiocinandi consectario magis minusve urgeremur; malumus fateri mendorum numerum mensis aut diei in alterutram irrepsisse epistolam, quam simulationnis, reum S. pontificem facere aut suspicari. Nullum sane simulationem cum episcopo Flaviano adhibuisse nos credere opertet; sed in epistola ad eum scripta duodecimo kal. Junias nec unum verbum habet (ut vidimus) de acceptis a Theo dosio Ii teris Ephesini concilii indicibus. Immo si tota illa epistola semel iterumque sedulo lustretur, colligitur Romanum pontificem nec per somnium co gitasse imperatorum de tali cogenda synodo fore deliberaturum.
因此,既然我們或多或少受到奎奈爾這兩條推論的雙重壓迫,我們寧可承認在這兩封信之中的某一封裡,月份或日子的數字混入了訛誤,也不願指控或懷疑這位聖教宗犯了掩飾之罪。我們確實應當相信,他對弗拉維安主教並未有任何掩飾;然而在他於六月朔前第十二日寫給弗拉維安的信中(如我們所見),對於從狄奧多西收到的、通報以弗所會議的信件,卻連一個字也沒有。實則,若將整封信再三仔細審視,便可推知:羅馬教宗連在夢中也未曾料想到皇帝竟會就召集這樣一次會議進行籌議。
Since, therefore, we were pressed more or less by both of those consequences of Quesnel's reasoning, we prefer to admit that a corruption of the number of the month or of the day crept into one letter or the other, rather than to make or suspect the holy pontiff guilty of dissimulation. We ought certainly to believe that he employed no dissimulation with bishop Flavian; but in the letter written to him on the twelfth day before the Kalends of June he has (as we have seen) not one word about the letters received from Theodosius announcing the Council of Ephesus. Indeed, if that whole letter be scanned carefully once and again, it is gathered that the Roman pontiff had not even in a dream imagined that the emperor was about to deliberate over the convening of such a synod.
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In ea nmque loquitur tamquam supremus omnium illarum controversiarum arbiter: de læsa fide Eutychis, cujus doctriam a traditione deviantem declarat; opportunm instructionem Flaviano sponet, ut quid de tota causa constitui debeat edoceatur, atque denique testatur hanquaquan pati Eutychis obstinationem, et sanctum episcopum tantis gra vissimis perturbationibus vexari. Si ergo die tertia iduum Maiarum jam pra teritarum litteras Ephesini concilii indices a Theodosio recepisset, hæc omnia cohærere non possent; et Leo ipse non tantum simulationem adhibuisset, sed mendciis uteretur, quibus deceptas Flavianus, præstolabatur Romani pontificis præsidium, quod eidem hisce litteris polli cebatur. 4.
因為在信中他是以那一切爭端之至高仲裁者的身分發言的:論到歐迪奇受損的信德,他宣告其教義偏離了傳統;他向弗拉維安應許及時的指導,好使他得知就整個案件應當如何裁定;最後他作證說,他絕不容忍歐迪奇的頑固,也不容那聖主教遭受如此嚴重的紛擾。因此,若他在已然過去的五月望前第三日就已從狄奧多西收到通報以弗所會議的信件,那麼這一切便無法相互吻合;而良本人不僅是使用了掩飾,甚至是說了謊言——受騙的弗拉維安正藉此期待著羅馬教宗的保護,而教宗也正以這封信向他應許了這保護。
For in it he speaks as the supreme arbiter of all those controversies: concerning the wounded faith of Eutyches, whose doctrine he declares to deviate from tradition; he promises Flavian timely instruction, so that he may be taught what ought to be determined about the whole cause; and finally he testifies that he by no means suffers the obstinacy of Eutyches, nor that the holy bishop be harassed by such grievous disturbances. If therefore on the third day of the already past Ides of May he had received from Theodosius the letters announcing the Council of Ephesus, all these things could not cohere; and Leo himself would not only have employed dissimulation, but would have used lies, whereby the deceived Flavian was awaiting the protection of the Roman pontiff, which he was promising him by these very letters.
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Restat ergo errorem irrepsisse in alterutram eorum epistolarum, et loco iduum Maiarum, Juniarum legendum sit in epistola illa quam scripsit ad Polch nam. Conjecturæ robur tribuunt verha quæ sequntur, videlicet: Major pars reliqui sit temporis absumenda ut profectio sacerdotum qui negotio sufficiant valeat ordinari. Infirma enim Leonis querimonia videretur, si a die acceptarum litterarum, quibus Ephesina synodus indicebatur, adhuc fere tres integri menses decurrere debuissent, cum concilium nisi kalendis Augusti, ant ejusdem mensis idibus esset inchoandum. Quis enim affirmabit reliquam trium horum mensium partem 368 non fuisse sufficien tem ut Italia episcopi ex Ephesum proficiscerentur?
因此結論便是:訛誤混入了這兩封信之中的某一封,而在他寫給普爾克莉亞的那封信裡,應當把「五月望」讀作「六月望」。隨後的話語為這一推測增添了力量,即:「所剩的大部分時間都必須用於安排那些能勝任此務的司鐸們的啟程。」因為,倘若從收到那通報以弗所會議的信件之日算起,尚須經過將近整整三個月的時間(既然該會議要到八月朔、或該月之望方才開始),那麼良的抱怨便顯得無力了。因為誰能斷言,這三個月中所剩的部分,竟不足以讓義大利的主教們動身前往以弗所呢?
It remains, therefore, that an error crept into one or the other of those letters, and that in place of the Ides of May, the Ides of June ought to be read in that letter which he wrote to Pulcheria. The words that follow lend strength to the conjecture, namely: «The greater part of the time remaining must be spent so that the departure of the priests who are equal to the business may be able to be arranged.» For Leo's complaint would seem feeble if from the day of receiving the letters by which the Ephesine synod was announced, nearly three whole months still had to run their course, since the council was not to begin until the Kalends of August, or the Ides of that same month. For who will affirm that the remaining part of these three months was not sufficient for the bishops of Italy to set out for Ephesus?
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Maxime cum navigiorum subsidio in iis mensibus tranquille soleat navigari, et unis mensis spatio totum iter possitabsolvi, ut supra Baronius anno tavit. 5. Nobis tamen plenius non arridet hæc consularis nota, etiamsi dicamus forte legendum: tertio idus Junias. Nam si ad alias S. pontificis epistolas, vel ad Julianum episcopum Coensem vel ad Theodosium et Flavianum directas, attendamus, plane intelligimus jam idibus ejusdem mensis destinatos fuisse sedis apostolicæ legatos, qui indictæ synodo interessent. Et quamvis de ea habenda expressam non habeat mentionem nisi in epistola ad Theodosium, seri bendo:
尤其是在那幾個月裡,藉著船隻之助,通常可以平穩航行,並且如巴洛尼烏斯在上文所註明的,全程旅途可在一個月的時間內完成。然而,即便我們說或許應讀作「六月望前第三日」,這一以執政官紀年的註記對我們而言仍不夠令人滿意。因為,若我們留意這位聖教宗的其他信件——無論是致科斯(Cos)主教尤利安(Julian)的,還是致狄奧多西與弗拉維安的——我們便明白地了解到:在同一月的望日,宗座的使節就已被指定,他們將出席那已宣告的會議。而儘管他只在致狄奧多西的信中明確提及了該會議的召開,寫道:
Especially since in those months, with the aid of ships, one is wont to sail in tranquillity, and in the space of a single month the whole journey can be completed, as Baronius noted above. But to us this consular note is nevertheless not more fully pleasing, even if we should say that perhaps it ought to be read: the third day before the Ides of June. For if we attend to the other letters of the holy pontiff, either those directed to Julian bishop of Cos, or to Theodosius and Flavian, we plainly understand that already on the Ides of that same month the legates of the Apostolic See had been designated, who were to be present at the announced synod. And although he has express mention of its being held only in the letter to Theodosius, writing:
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Quoniam tamen pietas vestra, quæ in honorem Dei religiosissime catholicam diligit veritatem apud Ephesum constituit synodale judicium, tamen difficile ad credendum adduci possum trium dierum in tervallum dumtaxat Leoni sufficere potuisse, ut ex Urbe tres apostolicos legatos eum Dulcitio notario expediret. Verumtamen cum monumenta quæ exstant omnes dubitationes quæ hinc inde concipi possunt non diluant, diutius in iisdem expediendis non esset immorandum, si ex gestarum rerum serie adhuc unum argumentum non haberemus minime S. Leo nem recipere potuisse Theodosii litteras concilii Ephesini indices tertio iduum Maiarum.
「然而,既然閣下的虔敬——那為著上主的尊榮、極其虔誠地熱愛大公真理的虔敬——已在以弗所設立了會議的裁判,」——儘管如此,我仍難以被說服去相信:僅僅三天的間隔,竟足以讓良從羅馬城派出三位宗座使節、連同書記官杜爾契提烏斯(Dulcitius)。然而,既然現存的史料並不能消解在此問題上左右可生的一切疑慮,那麼若非我們仍能從事件的次第中掌握一項論據,證明聖良絕不可能在五月望前第三日收到狄奧多西通報以弗所會議的信件,我們便不必在解決這些疑慮上多加逗留。
«Since, however, your Piety, which in honour of God most religiously loves the catholic truth, has established a synodal judgment at Ephesus,»—nevertheless I can hardly be brought to believe that an interval of only three days could have sufficed for Leo to dispatch from the City three apostolic legates together with Dulcitius the notary. Yet since the monuments that survive do not dissolve all the doubts which may be conceived on this side and that, we need not linger longer in resolving them, if from the series of events we did not still have one argument that holy Leo could by no means have received Theodosius's letters announcing the Council of Ephesus on the third day before the Ides of May.
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Quidquid vero sit de quocumque errore qui in dici aut mensis temporariam notam iriepere potuit, illud unum cer tissimum est, S. Leonem nec dissimulasse. nec men tissum fuisse, in litteris tum ad Flavianum cum ad Theodosium directis. Id evidenter ex sequenti tem porumsupputatione constare, nos arbitramur. 6. Atque imprimis supponimus S. pontificem Leo nem, ab imperatore de perturbatis Constantinopoli tanæ Ecclesiæ rebus admonitum, primas littteras cum Flaviano cum Theodosio dedisse duodecimo kalendas Martii, quæ erat sexta decima Februaii.
然而,無論就任何可能混入日或月之時間註記的訛誤而言究竟如何,有一件事是最為確鑿的:在分別致弗拉維安與致狄奧多西的信件中,聖良既未掩飾,也未撒謊。我們判斷,這一點可從以下的時序推算中明白確立。首先,我們假定:這位聖教宗良,在皇帝就君士坦丁堡教會的紛亂之事向他示警之後,於三月朔前第十二日、即二月十六日,將他最初的信件分別寄給了弗拉維安與狄奧多西。
But whatever may be the case concerning any error which could have crept into the temporal note of the day or the month, this one thing is most certain: that holy Leo neither dissembled nor lied, in the letters directed both to Flavian and to Theodosius. This, we judge, is evidently established from the following computation of times. And first of all we suppose that the holy pontiff Leo, having been warned by the emperor concerning the disturbed affairs of the Church of Constantinople, sent his first letters both to Flavian and to Theodosius on the twelfth day before the Kalends of March, which was the sixteenth of February.
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Flarvianum pariter supponimus has litteras sibi datas recepisse die vigesima quinta Aprilis, quando videlicet secunda synodus Constantinopolitana agebatur, in et prioris synodi Acta, Eutychete postulante et imperatore mandante, recognita et relecta fuere præside Thalassio epi et scopo Florentio patricio Idus Maii jam occurrisse die decima quinta hujus, omnibus exploratum est. Igitur tertio idus incidere oportebatet in diem duodecimam.
我們同樣假定:弗拉維安在四月二十五日收到了寄給他的這些信件——正是在那時,第二次君士坦丁堡會議正在召開,會中也應歐迪奇之要求並奉皇帝之命,在主教塔拉西烏斯(Thalassius)與貴族弗羅倫提烏斯(Florentius)的主持下,重新審查並重讀了前一次會議的紀錄。至於五月望落在該月十五日,這是眾所周知、完全確定之事。因此,五月望前第三日應當落在十二日。
We likewise suppose that Flavian received these letters given to him on the twenty-fifth day of April, namely when the second Constantinopolitan synod was being held, in which also the Acts of the earlier synod, at the demand of Eutyches and by the mandate of the emperor, were reviewed and reread, with Thalassius the bishop and Florentius the patrician presiding. That the Ides of May fell on the fifteenth of that month is a matter fully ascertained by all. Therefore the third day before the Ides ought to fall on the twelfth day.
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Quare cum a die vigesima quinta mensis Aprilis ad duodecimam usque mensis Maii non intercesserint viginti duo dies, nisi inde se quitur litteras concilii Ephesini indices non potuisse Leonem a Theodosio recipere tertio idus Maias, præ sertim cum minime verisimile sit quod eadem, die vigesima quinta Aprilis, in qua recognita et retecta fuerunt Flaviani gesta contra Eutychen, præsidente Thalassio et Florentio patricio. deliberatum fuerit ab imperatore de Ephesina de synodo habenda. Cum prius debuerit edeceri de iis quæ contigerant; tum etiam Chryssaphi et Dioscori stiorumque nebulorum nachinationibus et conciliis necessarium tempus dandum erat;
因此,既然從四月二十五日到五月十二日之間至多相隔二十二天,那麼結論便無非是:良不可能在五月望前第三日從狄奧多西收到通報以弗所會議的信件——尤其是因為,在四月二十五日那一天(正是在塔拉西烏斯與貴族弗羅倫提烏斯主持下重新審查並復核弗拉維安對歐迪奇之訴訟紀錄的那天),皇帝絕不可能就在以弗所召開會議一事作出籌議。因為首先必須先得知已然發生之事的情況;其次,也必須留出時間,供克里薩菲烏斯(Chrysaphius)與狄奧斯科魯斯(Dioscorus)以及其餘那些惡棍施展其陰謀與密議之用;
Wherefore, since from the twenty-fifth day of April to the twelfth of May no more than twenty-two days elapsed, it does not follow but that Leo could not have received from Theodosius the letters announcing the Council of Ephesus on the third day before the Ides of May—especially since it is by no means likely that on that very twenty-fifth day of April, on which the acts of Flavian against Eutyches were reviewed and re-covered, with Thalassius and Florentius the patrician presiding, the emperor deliberated concerning the holding of a synod at Ephesus. For first it was necessary to be informed of the things that had happened; and then also time had to be given for the machinations and councils of Chrysaphius and Dioscorus and the rest of those scoundrels.
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sicuti exspectare quoadusue imperilia decreta expedirentur. Si ergo nos crederemus hæc omnia citissime, duorum videlicet aut trium dierum spatio fuisse absoluta, et principis animum seductum deliberasse concilium illud apud Ephesum haberi, quid inde? An da Leonem epistolæ Ephisini concilii indices pertingere potuerunt die duodecima Maii? Figmentum est. 369 Non enim quindecim, aut de cem et octo dierum spatione Constantinopolitana urbe epistolæ deferri poterant, ut ex subsequenti rerum narratione constabit. Falso itaque ratiocinatus est Quesnellus, in suspicionem cadens quod S. Leo has litteras concilii indices dissimulaverit,.prætextu con cilii intra Italiam cogendi. 7.
……同樣也必須等到皇帝的敕令被發出。因此,倘若我們竟要相信這一切都是極其迅速地、即在兩三天的時間內完成的,並相信君王的心受了誘惑而籌議那會議應在以弗所召開——那又如何呢?通報以弗所會議的信件難道能在五月十二日就送達良那裡嗎?這乃是虛構。因為,如同從其後的事件敘述將要確立的那樣,信件不可能在十五天或十八天的時間內從君士坦丁堡城傳送過來。因此,奎奈爾的推理是錯誤的,他陷入了這樣的猜疑,以為聖良以「將在義大利境內召集會議」為藉口,隱瞞了這些通報會議的信件。
...just as also to wait until the imperial decrees were dispatched. If therefore we were to believe that all these things were accomplished most swiftly, namely in the space of two or three days, and that the mind of the prince, being seduced, deliberated that that council should be held at Ephesus—what then? Could the letters announcing the Council of Ephesus have reached Leo on the twelfth of May? It is a fabrication. For the letters could not be conveyed from the city of Constantinople in the space of fifteen or eighteen days, as will be established from the subsequent narrative of events. Falsely, therefore, did Quesnel reason, falling into the suspicion that holy Leo dissembled these letters announcing the council, under the pretext of a council to be gathered within Italy.
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Jam vero ad Theodosii jussionem gradum fa ciamus, qua sancitum voluit generale apud Ephesum cogi concilium, ex qua narratione magis magisque exploratum erit quidquid in superioribus explicavi mus. Postquam ergo (scribit Liberatus diacunus) nihil probatum est notaiis de falsitate gestorum; Eutyches petit Dioscorum Alexandrinum episcopum, ut quærer et quæ de illo acta sunt, et causam examinaret. Agbat apud principem universalem fierit synodam, ut probaretur judicium Flaviani. Scripsit ergo Dioscorus Theo- dosio imperatori, quia almiam fieri synodum generalem oportebat, et ut fieret persuasit Eutyches. Annuit impe- rator. Et dirigen.
如今,讓我們進而論及狄奧多西的命令——他藉此命令下令頒佈,要在以弗所召集一次公會議;從這一敘述中,我們在前文所闡明的一切,將越發清楚地得以確立。執事利貝拉圖斯(Liberatus)寫道:於是,在書記官們對紀錄之偽並無任何證實之後,歐迪奇請求亞歷山大主教狄奧斯科魯斯去查究對他所行之事,並審查此案。他在君王面前力主召開一次普世會議,好使弗拉維安的裁決得以受檢驗。因此狄奧斯科魯斯致信皇帝狄奧多西,說應當召開一次公會議;歐迪奇也勸說此事當行。皇帝應允了。並差遣……
Now, however, let us proceed to the command of Theodosius, by which he willed it to be decreed that a general council be gathered at Ephesus; from which narrative it will be more and more clearly established, whatever we have explained in the foregoing. After, then (writes Liberatus the deacon), nothing had been proven to the notaries concerning the falsity of the acts, Eutyches asked Dioscorus the Alexandrian bishop to inquire into what had been done concerning him, and to examine the cause. He urged before the prince that a universal synod be held, so that the judgment of Flavian might be tested. Dioscorus therefore wrote to the emperor Theodosius, that a general synod ought to be held, and Eutyches persuaded that it should be done. The emperor assented. And directing...
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sacram Dioscore in Alexandriam Porro si ad hoc plurium epistolarum commercium, quod inter Eutychen et Dioscorom, Dioscorum inter et imperatorem, contigit attendamus, quod nonnisi post diem vegesimam quintam Aprilis in choatum est, credere debemus litteras indices con cilii generalis Ephesini fuisse protractas usque ad ultimam saltem diem ejusdem mensis, nisi velimus affirmare dumtaxat fuisse signatas die terna iduum Juniarum, ut Leo ipse Pulcheriam alloquendo forte indicare voluit. In quo casu injuria temporis et amanuensium indiligentia lacuna aliqua in textum irrepsisset, quam tamen plurium mss. codd. subsidio supplere hactenus potuimus. 8.
……一份神聖敕書給在亞歷山大的狄奧斯科魯斯。然則,若我們留意這數封信件的往來——即發生在歐迪奇與狄奧斯科魯斯之間、以及狄奧斯科魯斯與皇帝之間的往來,而這往來直到四月二十五日之後方才開始——我們便應當相信,通報以弗所公會議的信件被拖延到了至少該月的最後一天;除非我們願意斷言,這些信件僅是在六月望前第三日方才簽署,正如良本人在致普爾克莉亞時或許有意暗示的那樣。若是這種情形,那麼由於時間的損害與抄寫者的疏忽,文本中便混入了某處缺漏,然而我們迄今憑藉數種手抄本的協助,已能夠加以補足。
...a sacred [rescript] to Dioscorus in Alexandria. Now if we attend to this exchange of several letters, which took place between Eutyches and Dioscorus, and between Dioscorus and the emperor, which was not begun until after the twenty-fifth day of April, we ought to believe that the letters announcing the general Council of Ephesus were protracted until at least the last day of that same month—unless we wish to affirm that they were only signed on the third day before the Ides of June, as Leo himself, in addressing Pulcheria, perhaps wished to indicate. In which case, through the injury of time and the negligence of copyists, some lacuna crept into the text, which nevertheless we have hitherto been able to supply with the aid of several manuscript codices.
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Conjectura hæc majorem etiam vim assequitur ex Nicephori verbis. Qui artes a Crysaphio adhibitas ad imperialem animum circumveniendum recensens, hujus nefarias molitiones et his verbis. describit Porro ubi illa Acta decreta legitima esse auctoritate sua:
這一推測從尼刻弗魯斯(Nicephorus)的言辭中獲得了更大的力量。他在敘述克里薩菲烏斯為蒙蔽皇帝之心所施用的伎倆時,以下面這些話語描述了此人邪惡的圖謀:「當他們以自己的權柄批准了那些紀錄與決議為合法之時,」
This conjecture acquires still greater force from the words of Nicephorus. He, in recounting the devices employed by Chrysaphius to circumvent the imperial mind, describes this man's nefarious contrivances in these words: «Now when they had by their own authority approved those Acts and decrees as legitimate,»
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comprobaverunt, Chrysaphius eunuchus, qui idem cum Eutychete sentiebat, cum contumeliam ferre nequi ret, iram suam adversus Flavianum maxime auxit, et Dioscoro Alexandrino, impio illi, indicavit se illi in rebus quæ placitæ erant gratificaturum omnibus, si Eutychetem periclitantem defenderet, Flavianm autem et Eusebium Dorylœum oppugnaret Demum temporariam illam notam errarem continere,Leonem autem minime dissimulasse postulando ut intra Italiam concilium haberetur, perspicue demonstra tur ex Theodosii epistolis concilii Ephesini indicibus, vel ad Dioscorum, vel ad Barsumam aliosque Orien tales directis. Prinrem enim ad Dioscorum scriptum imperator signavit tertio kal. Maias;
「……宦官克里薩菲烏斯,他與歐迪奇持相同的見解,由於無法忍受這一屈辱,便大大加增了他對弗拉維安的憤怒,並向亞歷山大的狄奧斯科魯斯、那不敬虔之人表示:倘若他肯庇護身處險境的歐迪奇,卻攻擊弗拉維安與多里萊烏姆(Dorylaeum)的優西比烏(Eusebius),他便會在一切合他心意之事上厚待他。」最後,那時間註記含有訛誤、而良在要求會議應在義大利境內召開一事上絕未有任何掩飾,這一點從狄奧多西通報以弗所會議的信件中得到了清楚的證明——無論是致狄奧斯科魯斯的、還是致巴爾蘇馬斯(Barsumas)及其他東方人士的信件。因為第一封、即寫給狄奧斯科魯斯的信,皇帝簽署於五月朔前第三日;
«...the eunuch Chrysaphius, who held the same views as Eutyches, since he could not bear the affront, greatly increased his wrath against Flavian, and indicated to Dioscorus of Alexandria, that impious man, that he would gratify him in all things that were pleasing, if he would defend the imperilled Eutyches, but would assail Flavian and Eusebius of Dorylaeum.» Finally, that that temporal note contains an error, but that Leo by no means dissembled in demanding that the council be held within Italy, is clearly demonstrated from Theodosius's letters announcing the Council of Ephesus, whether directed to Dioscorus, or to Barsumas and the other Orientals. For the first, written to Dioscorus, the emperor signed on the third day before the Kalends of May;
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alteram idibus Maii, tertiam vere, quæ est data ad Barsumam, conscriptam offendimus pridie idus Maii. Non ergo verisimile est S. Leonem Romæ degentem potuisse accipere ex Constantinopoli litteras imperiales con cilii Ephesini indices tertio idus Maias, si jam tum imperator vix deliberaverat de habendo concilio, et pridie idus Illius mensis totus erat occupatus in evocandis ad synodum principibus fautoribus Eutychia factionis. Igitur potuis inferendum esset S. Leo nem, currente Junio mense, immo quasi labente, accepisse a Theodosio litteras concilii indices, tertio idus Maias signatas, idque significare verba illa in epistola ad Pulcheriam annotata, quibas Quesnellus insisiit. 9.
第二封簽署於五月望;至於第三封、即致巴爾蘇馬斯的那封,我們發現是寫於五月望前一日。因此,倘若皇帝直到那時才勉強籌議召開會議,並且在該月望前一日整日忙於召集歐迪奇黨派的主要庇護者前來會議,那麼身居羅馬的聖良,就不大可能在五月望前第三日從君士坦丁堡收到通報以弗所會議的皇帝信件。因此,反倒應當推斷:聖良是在六月之中——實則幾乎是在六月將盡之時——才從狄奧多西收到那簽署於五月望前第三日、通報會議的信件;而這正是致普爾克莉亞信中所註明的、奎奈爾所堅持的那些話語之意。
the second on the Ides of May; and the third indeed, which was given to Barsumas, we find written on the day before the Ides of May. It is therefore not likely that holy Leo, dwelling at Rome, could have received from Constantinople the imperial letters announcing the Council of Ephesus on the third day before the Ides of May, if even then the emperor had scarcely deliberated about holding the council, and on the day before the Ides of that month was wholly occupied in summoning to the synod the chief patrons of the Eutychian faction. Therefore it would rather have to be inferred that holy Leo, in the course of the month of June—indeed almost as it was ending—received from Theodosius the letters announcing the council, signed on the third day before the Ides of May; and that this is what those words noted in the letter to Pulcheria signify, upon which Quesnel insists.
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Quod cuplebat, tandem Chrysaphius assecutus est. Nam, auctore Liberato, imperator sacram Dio scoro dirigendo præcepit, ut decem metropolitanos episcopos quos voluisset ipse eligo ret et veniret Ephesum et congregato concilo, Eutychetis cau sam discuteret, Jussit quoque Barsumam virum per ditum archimandritam interesse,et vice agere omnium monachorum Orientales episcopos accusan tium. Theodoretum vero 370 Cyri episcopum adesse concilio interdixit, et in sua civitate permanere jussit. Jam enim Ibam Edessenum episcopum, ne synodo adesset per illum filium suum, quem dixi, Chrysaphium, in multas mansiones Eutyches relegaret exsilio.
克里薩菲烏斯終於得到了他所渴求之事。因為,據利貝拉圖斯所載,皇帝在向狄奧斯科魯斯頒發神聖敕書時下令:由他本人揀選他所願的十位都主教,並前來以弗所;待會議召集之後,審理歐迪奇之案。他也命令那墮落之人、隱修院長巴爾蘇馬斯出席,並代表一切控告東方主教的修士。至於居魯士(Cyrus)主教狄奧多雷(Theodoret),他禁止其出席會議,並命他留在自己的城中。因為歐迪奇早已藉著他的那「兒子」(如我所說的克里薩菲烏斯),把厄德撒(Edessa)主教伊巴斯(Ibas)放逐流亡,遷徙於多處居所,免得他出席會議。
At length Chrysaphius obtained what he desired. For, on the authority of Liberatus, the emperor, in directing the sacred [rescript] to Dioscorus, ordered that he himself should choose ten metropolitan bishops whom he wished, and should come to Ephesus, and, the council being gathered, should discuss the cause of Eutyches. He commanded also that Barsumas, that abandoned man, an archimandrite, should be present, and act in the stead of all the monks accusing the Oriental bishops. But he forbade Theodoret bishop of Cyrus to be present at the council, and ordered him to remain in his own city. For Eutyches had already, through his son (as I said), Chrysaphius, banished into exile Ibas bishop of Edessa into many dwelling-places, lest he should be present at the synod.
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Hæc autem quæ nariat hic Liberatus diaconus apprime iis respondent quæ in imperiali rescripto de cogenda Ephesina synodo leguntur ut videre est apud Baronium; et in conciliorum collectione. At Baronius merito animadvertit temporariam. hujus imperialis litteræ notam fuisse corruptam, ut loco tertio kalendas Aprilis.Zenone et Postkumiano viris clarissimis consulibus, esse restituendum tertio kal. Maias, Asterio et Protogene consulibus. Quod nos annotare oportnit in confirmationem eorum quæ superins descripsimus.
現在,執事利貝拉圖斯在此所敘述的這些事,與皇帝就召集以弗所會議所頒敕書中所讀到的內容極為吻合,此可見於巴洛尼烏斯及各公會議文集之中。然而巴洛尼烏斯正確地觀察到:這封皇帝信件的時間註記已被訛誤,因此應當把「四月朔前第三日,芝諾(Zeno)與波斯圖米亞努斯(Postumianus)二位傑出人士任執政官」,校正還原為「五月朔前第三日,阿斯特里烏斯(Asterius)與普羅托格涅斯(Protogenes)任執政官」。這一點我們必須加以註明,以確證我們在上文所描述的內容。
Now these things which the deacon Liberatus here narrates correspond excellently to those which are read in the imperial rescript concerning the convening of the Ephesine synod, as may be seen in Baronius and in the collection of councils. But Baronius has rightly observed that the temporal note of this imperial letter was corrupted, so that in place of «the third day before the Kalends of April, Zeno and Postumianus most illustrious men being consuls,» it ought to be restored as «the third day before the Kalends of May, Asterius and Protogenes being consuls.» This we had to note in confirmation of those things which we have described above.
235:75
Isthæc omnia autem ad opprimendos sanctissimos viros Flavianum, et Eusebium Dorylæum, et alios viros doctrina et moribus insi gnes sibi sufficere posse Chrysaphius et Eutyches non crediderunt, nisi mandato imperatoris arbitrum omnium gerendarum rerunt Dioscorum constitutum habuissent. Propterea litteras ab imperatore extor serunt, ut Dioscorus tamquam omnium factiosorum caput concilio præsideret, sibi illud jus imperator arrogans et usurpans quod hactonus ullus ex impe ratoribus facere ausus fuerat.
然而克里薩菲烏斯與歐迪奇並不相信這一切足以使他們得以壓垮那些至聖之人——弗拉維安、多里萊烏姆的優西比烏,以及其他在教義與品行上卓著的人——除非他們憑藉皇帝的命令,讓狄奧斯科魯斯被任命為一切事務的仲裁者。因此他們從皇帝那裡強索得信件,使狄奧斯科魯斯得以作為一切結黨者之首來主持會議——皇帝為自己僭取並竊據了這樣一項權利,而這是迄今任何一位皇帝都不敢行使的。
But Chrysaphius and Eutyches did not believe that all these things could suffice for them to crush the most holy men Flavian, and Eusebius of Dorylaeum, and other men distinguished in doctrine and morals, unless by the mandate of the emperor they had Dioscorus appointed as arbiter of all the matters to be transacted. On that account they extorted letters from the emperor, that Dioscorus, as the head of all the factious, should preside over the council—the emperor arrogating and usurping to himself that right which hitherto none of the emperors had dared to exercise.
235:76
Ad illud tamen sibi assumendum improbi ministri Theodusium impule rant piCtatis colure, ut nimirum concilio Theodoretus non adesset, præsumpsit (ait imperator) proferre contraria iis quæ scripsit de fide sanctæ memoriæ Cyril lus.... Hac de causa (subjicit) necessarium duximus his sacris litteris ad cum tuam reverentiam manifestum facere tuæ beatiludini, et universæ S. synodo, quod nos, regulas Patrum sequentes, non solum propter Theodoretum, sed alios omnes qui ad congregatam S. synodum pertinent, auctoritatem et primatum tuæ præ bemus beatitudini.
然而那些邪惡的臣僕曾以虔敬為幌子,慫恿狄奧多西為自己攬取此權,即狄奧多雷不得出席會議:「他(狄奧多雷)竟敢(皇帝說)提出與聖善紀念的濟利祿(Cyril)就信德所寫之言相反的主張……為此緣故(他補充道),我們認為有必要藉這封神聖的信件,向閣下、向您的至福、以及向整個神聖會議表明:我們遵循教父們的規範,不僅為著狄奧多雷,也為著一切屬於這已召集之神聖會議的其他人,將權柄與首位授予您的至福。」
Yet the wicked ministers had impelled Theodosius, under the cloak of piety, to assume this to himself, namely that Theodoret should not be present at the council: «he presumed (says the emperor) to put forth things contrary to those which Cyril of holy memory wrote concerning the faith.... For this reason (he adds) we have judged it necessary by these sacred letters to make manifest to your reverence, to your beatitude, and to the whole holy synod, that we, following the rules of the Fathers, grant the authority and primacy to your beatitude, not only on account of Theodoret, but of all others who pertain to the assembled holy synod.»
235:77
Hisce autem sacrilegiis in ar roganda sibi ecclesiastica jura irretitus Theodosius, præsidium et auctoritatem exhibebat ut impune omnes malos, dolos et turpes machinationes Eutychiani exercerent; et Nestorianæ hæreseos pretextu Theodoretus ab eo cœtu explodebatur; Ibas exsul vivere cogebatur; et econtra qui Eutycheti studiosissimi erant synodo interesse et præesse jubeban tur. Quid plura? Ad gravius catholicorum exitium patrandum, ab insidiatoribus Theodosius deceptus, novas litteras Dioscoro dedit,,in quibus tamquam virum in fide probatissimum, et vitæ paritate ornatum, prædicat Barsumam, quem tenere locum om nium Orientalium archimandritarum jubet.
然而狄奧多西在為自己僭取教會之權時陷入了這些褻瀆之罪,他提供庇護與權柄,使歐迪奇黨人得以肆無忌憚地施行其一切邪惡、狡詐與卑劣的陰謀;並以奈斯多留(Nestorian)異端為藉口,把狄奧多雷從那集會中喝斥逐出;伊巴斯被迫流亡度日;相反地,那些對歐迪奇最為熱心之人卻被命令出席並主持會議。何須贅言?為著更嚴重地促成大公信徒的覆亡,狄奧多西受了那些陰謀者的欺騙,又發給狄奧斯科魯斯新的信件,在其中他讚揚巴爾蘇馬斯為信德上最受嘉許、並以同等純正之生命為裝飾之人,並命他佔據一切東方隱修院長的位置。
But Theodosius, entangled in these sacrileges in arrogating ecclesiastical rights to himself, exhibited protection and authority so that the Eutychians might with impunity practise all their evil, deceitful, and base machinations; and under the pretext of the Nestorian heresy, Theodoret was hissed out of that assembly; Ibas was compelled to live in exile; and, on the contrary, those who were most devoted to Eutyches were ordered both to be present at and to preside over the synod. What more? To bring about the graver ruin of the Catholics, Theodosius, deceived by the plotters, gave new letters to Dioscorus, in which he proclaims Barsumas as a man most approved in the faith and adorned with equal integrity of life, whom he orders to hold the place of all the Oriental archimandrites.
235:78
Eadem die tandem, idibus Maii videlicet, scribit ad eumdem Barsumam, hujus labores in profligandis Nestorianis horumque hæresi eximiis laudibus celebrando ornat, justum ducens ut in synodo apud Ephesum habenda (ut dixinlus) omnium archimandritarum Orientalium locum teneret. Sic ergo rebus dispositis secum Euty chiani recogitantes eam haudquaquam æcurnenicam posse dici synodum, ad quam supremum Eccelesiæ caput non esset vocatum, et in quam R. P. non in flueret, cum jam intellexissent præterea ex præce dentibus epistolis S.
最後,就在同一天、即五月望,他寫信給這同一位巴爾蘇馬斯,以最高的讚譽稱頌此人在剷除奈斯多留派及其異端上的辛勞,並認為以下之事乃是公正的:在將於以弗所召開的會議中(如我們所說),他應佔據一切東方隱修院長的位置。於是,事情既如此安排,歐迪奇黨人便彼此重新盤算,認為那樣一次會議絕不能被稱為普世會議——教會的至高元首既未被召請,羅馬教宗又對其毫無影響力;何況他們此時已從聖……先前的信件中得知:
On the same day at length, namely on the Ides of May, he writes to the same Barsumas, adorning this man's labours in overthrowing the Nestorians and their heresy with the highest praises, judging it just that in the synod to be held at Ephesus (as we have said) he should hold the place of all the Oriental archimandrites. Thus therefore, matters being arranged, the Eutychians, reconsidering among themselves, [held] that that synod could by no means be called ecumenical, to which the supreme head of the Church had not been summoned, and into which the Roman Pontiff had no influence—since moreover they had by now understood from the preceding letters of holy...
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