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教宗良一世

講道與書信 第 238 章 第 2/2 段

拉丁文原文.8 節.部分字詞可點開查義.本章太長已分段,此段為 238:41–238:48(全章共 48 節)

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238:41
Alteram nimirum ad Martinum presbyterum, et reliquas ejusdem collegas, ut ex ipsius contextu ad marginem Quesnellus ipse merito annotavit, quos laudat propter mala ab ipsis in veritatis defensionem perpessa, cujus veritatis unitatem locorum spatia non scindunt. Atque tandem protestatur suos lagatos misisse ad roborandam fortitudinem sanctarum mentium, quorum pio operi ut curam atque consilium adjugant hortatur. Aliam pariter non multo post scripsit ad duos presbyteros Faustum et Marinum. An vero Martinus, cui nova hæc epistola inscribitur, idem sit cum Martino cui præcedens data est, non judicabo ©. Valde probabile tamen est unum et eumdem fuise hujus nominis presbyterum.
其一,即致司鐸瑪爾定及其其餘同僚的書信,正如凱奈爾本人從上下文在邊註中正確指出的;他稱讚他們因捍衛真理所忍受的苦難,這真理的合一不因地域的距離而被割裂。最後他聲明,他已差遣使節去堅固聖善心靈的剛毅,並勸勉他們以關懷與勸導協助這些人的虔敬工作。同樣,不久之後,他又寫信給兩位司鐸法烏斯圖與瑪利努。但這封新信所致的瑪爾定,是否與前一封所致的瑪爾定為同一人,我不予判斷。然而極有可能,此名的司鐸乃是同一人。
One, namely, to the presbyter Martin and the rest of his colleagues, as Quesnel himself rightly noted in the margin from its context; whom he praises on account of the evils they had endured in defence of the truth, the unity of which truth distances of place do not sever. And at length he declares that he has sent his legates to strengthen the fortitude of holy minds, whose pious work he exhorts them to assist with care and counsel. Another likewise, not long after, he wrote to two presbyters, Faustus and Marinus. But whether the Martin to whom this new letter is addressed is the same as the Martin to whom the preceding was given, I shall not judge. It is, however, very probable that the presbyter of this name was one and the same.
238:42
Hos ergo presbyteros summus pontifex suorum laborum quos pro cura universalis Ecclesiæ impendebat consortes habere volebat. Et sibi persuadens jam a lagatis tum Constantinopolim commorantibus plenissimam omnium agendarum rerum instructionem habuisse: Adhuc nunc (ait) per filium nostrum Maximinum comitem continuatim vos colloquis cohortamur, ut quia propitio Domino multum catholicorum est aucta libertas, sumatis constantiam spiritualem contra Anti- christi præcursores. Hisce verbis postremis impetere et exagitare voluisse Nestorium et Eutychetem, ipse S.P. immediate post in subsequenti capite explicavit.
因此,至高教宗願以這些司鐸作為他為普世教會的關懷所傾注勞苦的分擔者。他確信自己已從當時駐於君士坦丁堡的使節那裡,獲得了關於一切待辦事務的最完整指示:「即便現在(他說),我們藉著我們的兒子、伯爵瑪克西米努,不斷以言談勸勉你們,使你們既因主的恩眷而公教徒的自由大為增長,便可拿起屬靈的堅貞以對抗敵基督的先驅。」聖教宗本人隨即在下一章中解釋說,他藉這末後的話語乃是要攻擊並打擊奈斯多略與歐迪克斯。
These presbyters, therefore, the supreme pontiff wished to have as sharers of his labors, which he expended for the care of the universal Church. And persuading himself that he had already received from the legates then residing at Constantinople a most complete instruction of all matters to be transacted: 'Even now (he says), through our son Maximinus the count, we continually exhort you with discourses, that, since by the Lord's favor the liberty of catholics has been greatly increased, you may take up spiritual constancy against the forerunners of Antichrist.' That by these last words he wished to assail and harass Nestorius and Eutyches, the holy pontiff himself explained immediately afterward in the following chapter.
238:43
Quemadmodum ergo aucta esset catholicorum libertas, ex qua landatos presbyteros sumere oportebat constatiam spiritualem contra Antichirsti præcursores, S. Leo non indicavit. Propterea ex aliis monumentis id exquirere nobis opus fuit, ut lectoribus id patefaceremus, quod Quesnellus annotare prorsus prætermisit. Duplici ergo titulo catholicorum libertatem auctam fuisse intelligimus. Primus fuit quod, perdurante in Oriente gravissimo schismate quo Ægyptii, Thraces, Palæstini episcopi dioscorum sequebantur, Orientales, Pontici, Asiani, partes Fla viani et catholicorum tenebant, ut ait Liberatus diaconus in Breviaro, c.
因此,公教徒的自由是以何種方式增長——那些受稱讚的司鐸理應由此拿起屬靈的堅貞以對抗敵基督的先驅——聖利奧並未指明。故而我們有必要從其他文獻中探求此事,以便向讀者顯明凱奈爾全然略而未註之事。於是我們明白,公教徒的自由是以雙重的根據而增長的。第一是因為,當一場最嚴重的分裂在東方持續時——埃及、色雷斯與巴勒斯坦的主教們跟隨狄奧斯科魯斯,而東方人、本都人與亞細亞人則持守弗拉維安與公教徒一方,正如執事利貝拉圖在其《簡編》第十二章所說——
In what way, therefore, the liberty of catholics had been increased—from which the praised presbyters ought to take up spiritual constancy against the forerunners of Antichrist—St. Leo did not indicate. Therefore it was necessary for us to seek this out from other monuments, so that we might make plain to readers what Quesnel altogether omitted to note. We understand, then, that the liberty of catholics had been increased on a twofold ground. The first was that, while a most grievous schism endured in the East—by which the Egyptian, Thracian, and Palestinian bishops followed Dioscorus, while the Orientals, the Pontics, and the Asians held the side of Flavian and the catholics, as Liberatus the deacon says in his Breviary, ch.
238:44
12, nec schima illud post Flaviani necem imperator vidisset abolitum, nisi secum ad mala quæ Orientalium Ecclesiis obvenerant serio recogitare cœpisset. Qui cum jam pridem optimus institutionibus a Pulcheria imbutus fuisset, deinde, moribus, in ecclesiæ perniciem, depravatus a Chrysaphio ennucho et Eudochia conjuge, occasionem dederat tot tantisque malis in Oriente gliscentibus, ob favorem atque præsidium hæreticis, schismaticis atque prædonibus usque ad illud tempus præstitum. Veruntamen divino illustratus lumine, se spadonis astutia et Eudociæ conjugas artibus deceptum comperit.
第十二章——皇帝若未開始認真省思臨到東方眾教會的禍患,就不會在弗拉維安被害之後見到那分裂被廢除。因為他早先曾受普爾克莉雅以最佳的教導薰陶,後來其品行被太監克里薩菲烏與其妻歐多琪雅所敗壞,以致教會受損,因而給東方滋生的諸般大惡提供了機緣,緣於迄至那時對異端者、分裂者與劫掠者所給予的偏袒與庇護。然而,蒙神光照耀,他發覺自己被太監的狡計與其妻歐多琪雅的伎倆所欺騙。
12—the emperor would not have seen that schism abolished after Flavian's murder, had he not begun seriously to reflect on the evils that had befallen the Eastern Churches. For he, having long before been imbued by Pulcheria with the best instruction, then, depraved in his morals to the ruin of the Church by the eunuch Chrysaphius and his wife Eudocia, had given occasion to so many and so great evils festering in the East, on account of the favor and protection afforded to heretics, schismatics, and robbers up to that time. Nevertheless, illumined by divine light, he discovered that he had been deceived by the cunning of the eunuch and the arts of his wife Eudocia.
238:45
De admissi ergo sceleris expiatione in posterum novis sanctissimæ Pulcheriæ insinuationibus facienda deliberavit. Quare cum S. Flaviani necem reparare non posset, in Chrysaphium omnem suum effudit furorem. Itaque primum illum dignitate, mox etiam subtantia omni exspoliatum in insulam quamdam relegavit, ut Nicephorus tradit, qui emmdem inter navigandum haustum fluctibus narrat. Sed de eo quoque verba faciens Cedrenus, a Jordane interfectum fuisse asseverat; cui Marcellinus comes suffragari ex parte videtur, qui ait: Pulcheria autem injustissimum istum ennuchum Chrysaphium Jordani tradidit Joannis filio quem ille dolo necaverat, atque Jordanes vicem rependit.
因此,關於他所犯之罪的補贖,他決意此後要藉至聖普爾克莉雅新的勸導來作成。故而,既然他無法挽回對聖弗拉維安的謀殺,他便將全部怒火傾洩在克里薩菲烏身上。於是,他先剝奪其尊位,繼而又剝奪其全部財產,將他放逐到某座海島,正如尼基弗魯所述——他敘說此人在航行途中被波濤吞沒。但凱德雷努在提及他時,則斷言他是被約爾達內所殺;馬爾切利努伯爵似乎部分地與之相符,他說:「然而普爾克莉雅將那最不義的太監克里薩菲烏交給約翰之子約爾達內,克里薩菲烏曾詭詐地殺害此人之子,約爾達內便以牙還牙報復了他。」
Concerning the expiation, therefore, of the crime he had admitted, he deliberated that it should henceforth be made by the new promptings of the most holy Pulcheria. Wherefore, since he could not repair the murder of St. Flavian, he poured out all his fury upon Chrysaphius. And so, first stripping him of his dignity, then also of all his substance, he banished him to a certain island, as Nicephorus relates, who narrates that the same man was swallowed up by the waves while sailing. But Cedrenus also, making mention of him, asserts that he was killed by Jordanes; with whom Marcellinus the count seems in part to agree, who says: 'But Pulcheria handed over that most unjust eunuch Chrysaphius to Jordanes, son of John, whom that man had treacherously slain, and Jordanes repaid him in kind.'
238:46
Alia quoque pœnitentiæ 438 argumenta idem Theodosius jam exhibuerat, Endociam conjugem tamquam alteram omnium Orientis malorum originem acri objurgatione exagitavit, et ad pœnitentiam agendam acri Hierosolymam misit, atque alia multa præstitit, quæ a Nicephoro dedscribuntur, quamvis revera Baronius merito lectores admoneat Nicephorum allucinationem esse passum, cum scripit Theodosium jussisse ut Flaviani sacrum corpus In Constantinopolitanam urbem solemni pompa transferretur. Hanc enim translationem decreto Marciani contigisse, exploratum est. 9. Ut autem res contigerint, in præsens inquirere opos non est.
同一位狄奧多西也已展現了其他悔罪的證據:他以嚴厲的斥責譴責其妻歐多琪雅,視之為東方一切禍患的另一根源,並嚴峻地將她遣往耶路撒冷去作補贖,又施行了許多其他事,這些事為尼基弗魯所記述——雖然事實上巴洛尼烏斯正確地提醒讀者,尼基弗魯陷於一種錯覺,當他寫道狄奧多西曾下令將弗拉維安的聖體以隆重的儀仗遷入君士坦丁堡城時。因為已確定此遷移乃是藉馬爾基安的諭令而發生的。第九。但這些事是如何發生的,目前無需探究。
The same Theodosius had also already exhibited other proofs of penitence: he assailed his wife Eudocia with sharp rebuke, as another origin of all the evils of the East, and sent her with severity to Jerusalem to do penance, and performed many other things, which are described by Nicephorus—although in truth Baronius rightly admonishes readers that Nicephorus suffered a hallucination when he wrote that Theodosius had ordered the sacred body of Flavian to be transferred with solemn pomp into the city of Constantinople. For it is established that this translation took place by the decree of Marcian. 9. But how the matters came to pass, there is no need to inquire at present.
238:47
Quare cum non aliud interim nobis occurrat quod ad Leonis pontificiam agenda rationem pertineat, ideirco ab hac Exercitatione manum removemus. Unica dumtaxat superset brevissima epistola ad Faustum presbyterum scripta, in qua S. Leo istius fidem laudat, et ad sollicitudinem hortatur. Sed an hæc præcedentibus socianda sit, nec ipsuis textu, in quo nulla mentio facta est de rebus Constantinopli per legatos agendis, indicatum est; neque ex consulari nota, quæ desideratur, colligi potest.
因此,既然此時沒有任何其他與利奧教宗行事方式相關之事浮現於我們,我們便從這篇論辯中收手。如今僅餘一封寫給司鐸法烏斯圖的極短書信,其中聖利奧稱讚他的信仰並勸他懷有殷切之心。但這封信是否應與前面那些信相聯繫,既未由其文本本身指明——其中並未提及藉使節在君士坦丁堡待辦的事務——也無法從那欠缺的執政官年代註記中推斷出來。
Wherefore, since meanwhile nothing else occurs to us which pertains to Leo's pontifical manner of acting, we therefore withdraw our hand from this Disputation. There remains only a very brief letter written to the presbyter Faustus, in which St. Leo praises his faith and exhorts him to solicitude. But whether this is to be associated with the preceding ones, neither has been indicated by its very text—in which no mention is made of the matters to be transacted at Constantinople through the legates—nor can it be gathered from the consular note, which is wanting.
238:48
De Constantinopolitana ergo synodo, in qua solemnis ab Anato io fidei professio emissa fuit, ac de reliquis a sancto Leone Magno gestis ante Chalcedonense concilium, verba lacere nos in hoc sequenti capite reservamus.
因此,關於君士坦丁堡的會議——其中安那托利作出了隆重的信仰宣認——以及關於聖大利奧在加采東公會議之前所行的其餘之事,我們留待在以下這一章中論述。
Concerning the synod of Constantinople, therefore, in which the solemn profession of faith was made by Anatolius, and concerning the rest of the things done by St. Leo the Great before the Council of Chalcedon, we reserve to speak in this following chapter.
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