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約伯倫理 第 22 章

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A rgum. — 1. S. Gregorius mittit S. Augustinum in An- gliam. — 2. Christianae fidei exordium in Britannia. — 3. Angli idololatrae hanc occupant insulam. — 4. Quando profecti Augustinus et socii monachi. — 5. De reditu cogitantes a S. Gregorio corroborantur. — 6. Quo loco subsiterint. — 7. Eorum iter per Galliam describitur. — 8. De Cantii qno appulsi sunt regno, rege, regina. — 9. Augustinus regem adit. 10. Ejusdem ad regem oratio. — 11. Responsum Edilberthi. 12 Cantuariam ingreditur cum socils. Quo apparatu. (An. 595 et 56.) 1. Anglorum salutem jam a longo tempore sitie- bat Gregorius, quod ex c antea dictis liquet, ac Britanniam cogitabat.
論題提要。——一、聖額我略派聖奧斯定進入英格蘭。——二、基督宗教信仰在不列顛的開端。——三、崇拜偶像的英格蘭人佔據此島。——四、奧斯定與其同伴隱修士何時啟程。——五、他們想要返回,卻被聖額我略所堅固。——六、他們在何處停留。——七、描述他們經高盧的行程。——八、關於他們登陸的肯特王國、國王與王后。——九、奧斯定晉見國王。十、他對國王的講辭。——十一、埃塞爾伯特的答覆。十二、他與同伴進入坎特伯里。以何等的排場。(五九五與五九六年。)第一節。額我略早已渴望英格蘭人的救恩,正如前面所說的內容所顯明的,並且正思念著不列顛。
Argument. — 1. Saint Gregory sends Saint Augustine into England. — 2. The beginning of the Christian faith in Britain. — 3. The idolatrous English occupy this island. — 4. When Augustine and his companion monks set out. — 5. Thinking of returning, they are strengthened by Saint Gregory. — 6. In what place they halted. — 7. Their journey through Gaul is described. — 8. Of the kingdom, king, and queen of Kent, at which they landed. — 9. Augustine approaches the king. 10. His speech to the king. — 11. The reply of Ethelbert. 12. He enters Canterbury with his companions. With what array. (Years 595 and 596.) 1. Gregory had long thirsted for the salvation of the English, as is clear from what was said before, and was thinking of Britain.
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Ut verbi Dei praecones illuc brevi profecturi aliquos adjutores haberent, jussit sapientissimus pont(??)fex a Cand do Gallicani patrimo- nii rectore, ex Anglorum gente comparari adole- scentes, ab annis decem et septem, vel decem et octo ( Lib. vi, ep. 7), et in monasteriis de fide ritibusque Christianis edoceri ac erudiri, quorum postea mini- sterio ad gentis lotius conversionem uteretur. Etsi nondum tanto labori et operi maturi viderentur hi pueri (sexto enim anno sui pontificatus ineunte, de ipsis emendis scripsit S.
為使那些即將前往那裡的天主聖言之使者能有若干助手,這位極智慧的教宗下令,要由高盧產業的管理者坎迪杜斯從英格蘭民族中招募十七或十八歲的少年(第六卷,第七封書信),並在隱修院中教導他們有關信德與基督宗教禮儀之事,好叫他日後藉他們的服事,用於使那整個民族歸化。雖然這些少年看來尚未成熟到足以承擔如此重大的勞苦與工作(因為在他在位第六年之初,他致信聖
So that the heralds of the word of God, soon to set out thither, might have some helpers, the most wise pontiff ordered that young men, of seventeen or eighteen years, be procured by Candidus, rector of the Gallic patrimony, from the English nation (Book 6, letter 7), and be taught and instructed in the monasteries concerning the faith and Christian rites, by whose ministry he might afterward make use for the conversion of that whole people. Although these boys did not yet seem ripe for so great a labor and work (for at the beginning of the sixth year of his pontificate he wrote to Saint
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Gregorius ad Candidum presbyterum, et eodem exeunte, Augustinum in Gal- liam misit, unde in Angliam postea transmitteret), hanc tamen expeditionem diutius procrastinandam non est ratus; sive quod morte, quam ex assiduis morbis vicinam esse suspicabatur, praeveniri metue- ret, sive potius quia, ut ipse innuit ad Gallicanos episcopos scribens, Anglorum gentem velle fieri Cbristiana inaudierat; Bertha Edilberthi Cantiorum regis uxore Christiana, virum proculdubio ejusque subditos ad Christi fidem amplexandam pelliciente ( Ibid., epp. 52, 53, etc., 58, 59). 2.
額我略致信長老坎迪杜斯論及購取這些少年之事,並在同一年末派奧斯定進入高盧,好叫他此後可從那裡把他送過海到英格蘭),儘管如此,他仍判定這次遠征不當再拖延;一則因為他恐怕會被死亡搶先——他從自己接連不斷的疾病中猜想死亡臨近;再則,更是因為,正如他本人在致高盧諸主教的信中所暗示的,他已聽聞英格蘭民族願意成為基督徒;肯特人的國王埃塞爾伯特的基督徒妻子貝爾塔,無疑正引誘她的丈夫及其臣民去接受基督的信仰(同上,第五十二、五十三等封,及第五十八、五十九封書信)。第二節。
Gregory wrote to Candidus the presbyter about purchasing them, and at the end of the same year he sent Augustine into Gaul, whence he might afterward send him across into England), nevertheless he judged that this expedition ought not to be put off any longer; either because he feared to be forestalled by death, which from his continual illnesses he suspected to be near, or rather because, as he himself hints in writing to the Gallic bishops, he had heard that the English nation wished to become Christian; Bertha, the Christian wife of Ethelbert, king of the men of Kent, doubtless enticing her husband and his subjects to embrace the faith of Christ (Ibid., letters 52, 53, etc., 58, 59). 2.
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Insula illa omnium quae Europae adjacent am- plissima, Britannia tunc dicta, et ab Anglis incolis Anglia postea magna ex parte nuncupata, longe antequam ab hac gente occuparetur, fidem Christia- nam 258 susceperat, et a ab ipsis quidem (si Euse- bius Caesariensis episcopus audiatur) Christi Salva- toris discipulis. Quinam illi fuerint non audemus as- serere; vulgo tamen creditur Josephum ab Arimathaea b Britannis Christum annuntiasse. Sanctos apostolos Petrum et Paulum in Britanniam trajecisse, praedi- candi Evangelii causa nonnullorum est sententia, ut apud Spelmannum legere licet; ad quod probandum adducunt testimonium Theodoriti.
那座島嶼——在所有毗鄰歐洲的島嶼中最為廣大——當時稱為不列顛,其後因其英格蘭居民而大部分被稱作英格蘭,早在被那民族佔據之前,便已領受了基督宗教信仰,而且(若聽從凱撒勒雅主教歐瑟伯的話)確實是從救主基督的門徒本身領受的。那些人究竟是誰,我們不敢斷言;然而一般相信是阿黎瑪特雅的若瑟向不列顛人宣講了基督。有些人認為聖宗徒伯多祿與保祿曾為宣講福音之故渡海進入不列顛,正如人們可在斯佩爾曼的著作中讀到的;為證明此說,他們援引狄奧多勒特的見證。
That island, the largest of all that lie adjacent to Europe, then called Britain, and afterward for the most part named England from its English inhabitants, long before it was occupied by that nation had received the Christian faith, and indeed from the very disciples of Christ the Savior (if Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea, be heard). Who those were we do not dare to assert; commonly, however, it is believed that Joseph of Arimathea announced Christ to the Britons. That the holy apostles Peter and Paul crossed into Britain for the sake of preaching the Gospel is the opinion of some, as one may read in Spelman; to prove which they adduce the testimony of Theodoret.
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Qui Britannicae et Anglicae gentis historiam texuit venerabilis Beda ( Lib. i, Hist. c. 4), de Lucii regis conversione agit, sedente Romae Eleutherio, a quo Lucius verbi divini praecones petiit et impetravit, circa annum Christi 177 aut 180. Sane Tertullianus Eleutherii suppar lib. adversus Judaeos, quem circa an. 208 elucubravit, docet cap. 7, Britannorum inaccessa Romanis loca Christo patuisse et subdita fuisse; cui suffragatur vix aetate et auctoritate inferior Origenes hom. 6 in Lucam. Diocletiani persecutio multorum martyrum sanguine Britanniam purpuravit consecravitque, quos inter eminet S. Albanus, ex celeberrimo tota insula mo- nasterio ejus nomine insignito notissimus.
可敬的貝達——他編織了不列顛與英格蘭民族的歷史(《歷史》第一卷第四章)——論及國王路奇烏斯的歸化,其時厄琉德里烏在羅馬任職,路奇烏斯向他求取並獲得了天主聖道的使者,約在基督紀元一七七或一八〇年。事實上,厄琉德里烏的同時代人德爾都良,在其約於二〇八年撰寫的《駁猶太人》一書第七章中教導說:不列顛人那些羅馬人無法進入的地方,已向基督敞開並臣服於祂;而與他年代與權威幾不相下的奧利振,在《路加福音講道集》第六篇中亦與他一致。戴克里先的迫害以眾多殉道者的鮮血染紅並祝聖了不列顛,其中以聖亞爾巴努斯最為卓著,他因那座以其名為標記的隱修院而聲名遠播,遍傳全島。
The venerable Bede, who wove together the history of the British and English nation (Book 1 of the History, ch. 4), treats of the conversion of King Lucius, while Eleutherius sat at Rome, from whom Lucius sought and obtained heralds of the divine word, around the year of Christ 177 or 180. Indeed Tertullian, a contemporary of Eleutherius, in the book Against the Jews, which he composed around the year 208, teaches in ch. 7 that places of the Britons inaccessible to the Romans had been laid open to Christ and made subject to Him; and with him agrees Origen, scarcely his inferior in age and authority, in Homily 6 on Luke. The persecution of Diocletian empurpled and consecrated Britain with the blood of many martyrs, among whom Saint Alban is eminent, most renowned from the monastery marked with his name, most celebrated throughout the whole island.
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Pace Ec- clesiae reddita, plurimi e Britannia episcopi, variis quarto ineunte et decurrente saeculo habitis conci- liis interfuerunt; Arelatensi anno 314, Sardicensi anno 351, et paulo post Ariminensi: unde profecta haeresis Ariana, corrupto pene toto orbe, hanc etiam insulam velut extra orbem positam infecit: dum illius incolae novi semper aliquid audire gaudent, et ni- hil certi firmiter obtinent, inquit Beda de populis s bi notis suisque gentilibus ( Ibid., c. 8). Postea regnan- tibus Arcadio et Honorio, Pelagius Brito contra auxi- lium gratiae supernae venena suae perfidiae longe lateque dispersit;
教會恢復和平之後,來自不列顛的許多主教出席了四世紀初及其間所召開的各種會議:三一四年的亞爾勒會議、三五一年的撒爾狄卡會議,稍後又有里米尼會議:亞略異端由此出發,敗壞了幾乎整個世界,也感染了這座彷彿置身世界之外的島嶼:因為它的居民總是樂於聽聞新奇之事,卻不牢牢持守任何確定之物,貝達論及他所知的民族及其本國同胞時如此說(同上,第八章)。其後,當阿爾卡狄烏斯與霍諾里烏斯在位之時,不列顛人培拉奇針對上天恩寵的幫助,將其背信之毒散播得既遠且廣;
Peace being restored to the Church, very many bishops from Britain were present at various councils held at the beginning and in the course of the fourth century: at Arles in the year 314, at Sardica in the year 351, and a little after at Rimini: whence the Arian heresy, having set out and corrupted almost the whole world, infected also this island, though set as it were outside the world: while its inhabitants ever rejoice to hear something new, and hold nothing certain firmly, says Bede of the peoples known to him and his own countrymen (Ibid., ch. 8). Afterward, while Arcadius and Honorius reigned, Pelagius the Briton scattered far and wide the poisons of his perfidy against the aid of heavenly grace;
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quae per Agricolam Severiani epis- copi Ariani filium, apud Britannos illata et propaga- ta, Gallicanorum antistitum ope repressa est ac ex- stincta. Hi etenim supplicantibus Britannis, qui se ad superandas haereticorum versutias, impares sentie- bant, duos doctrina et sanctitate praecipuos in subsidium episcopos miserunt, Lupum Trecensem et Germanum Antissiodorensem episcopum, cujus prae- sertim miraculis et praedicatione qui perseverarant in fide, confirmati sunt, debellatique heterodoxi.
這毒藉著亞略派主教塞維里亞努斯之子阿格里科拉在不列顛人中被引入並傳播,卻藉高盧眾主教的幫助而被壓制並撲滅。因為當不列顛人——他們自覺無力戰勝異端者的詭詐——懇求之時,這些主教派了兩位在道理與聖德上卓越的主教前去援助,即特魯瓦的路普斯與奧塞爾主教日爾曼努斯,尤其藉著後者的奇蹟與宣講,那些在信德中堅忍不拔的人得以堅固,而異端者則被擊敗。
which poison, brought in and propagated among the Britons through Agricola, the son of Severianus the Arian bishop, was repressed and extinguished by the help of the Gallic prelates. For these, at the entreaty of the Britons, who felt themselves unequal to overcoming the craftiness of the heretics, sent to their aid two bishops preeminent in doctrine and holiness, Lupus of Troyes and Germanus, bishop of Auxerre, by whose miracles and preaching especially those who had persevered in the faith were confirmed, and the heterodox were vanquished.
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Bri- tannicam postea Ecclesiam a caeteris pene divisit Scotorum error et singularis in celebrando paschate ritus, quem doctissimus Petavius ortum putat ex Anatolii loco falsa Rufini interpretatione corrupto. Sane Anatolium, qui fuit Laodicenus tempore Diocletiani et Maximiani episcopus, mire laudat S. Columbanus in c epist. ad S. Gregorium, in qua pro hoc suorum Scotorum ritu decertat ( Cf. animadvers. aed Epiphaniam haeres. 51). 3. Christianam religionem in insula pene oblittera- rent Angli et Saxones, aliique barbari nondum ab idolorum servitute liberati; quos Britones adversus Pictos et Scotos assiduos hostes, ab extrema Germa- nia, malis avibus accersiverant.
其後,蘇格蘭人的謬誤及其在慶祝復活節上獨特的禮儀,幾乎使不列顛教會與其餘教會分離;博學至極的佩塔維烏斯認為這一禮儀源自阿納托利烏斯的一段話,因被魯非努斯的錯誤詮釋所訛傳。事實上,聖高隆邦在其致聖額我略的書信中極力稱讚阿納托利烏斯——此人是戴克里先與馬克西米安時代的老底嘉主教——在信中他為其同胞蘇格蘭人的這一禮儀力爭(參閱關於第五十一異端「顯現節」的評註)。第三節。英格蘭人與撒克遜人,以及其他尚未從偶像奴役中得釋的蠻族,幾乎抹除了島上的基督宗教;不列顛人為對抗皮克特人與蘇格蘭人這些不懈的仇敵,曾在惡兆之下從最遙遠的日耳曼把他們召來。
Afterward the error of the Scots and their peculiar rite in celebrating Easter almost divided the British Church from the rest; which rite the most learned Petavius thinks arose from a passage of Anatolius corrupted by the false interpretation of Rufinus. Indeed Saint Columban wonderfully praises Anatolius, who was bishop of Laodicea in the time of Diocletian and Maximian, in his letter to Saint Gregory, in which he contends for this rite of his fellow Scots (cf. the remarks on the heresy 51 concerning the Epiphany). 3. The English and Saxons, and other barbarians not yet freed from the servitude of idols, almost obliterated the Christian religion on the island; whom the Britons, against the Picts and Scots, their relentless enemies, had summoned from farthest Germany under evil omens.
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Ab his potior insulae pars occupata est, et in septem ethnarchias, pro gen- tium diversitate divisa; Pictis interim e Scythia, et Scotis ex Hibernia oriundis Septentrionalem partem, Britonibus vero magis Australem retinentibus. In tanta rerum perturbatione, neque Britones op- pressi de serendo apud hostes infensissimos Evan- gelico semine cogitabant; neque, etiamsi de Christiana lege praedicanda solliciti fuissent, Angli eam erant am- plexuri, ne viciis victores deditionem fecisse videren- tur. Gallicanorum episcoporum oscitantiam in accuran- da eorum conversione carpit S. Gregorius ad Theoderi- cum et Theodebertum, Francorum reges, scribens:
這座島嶼的大部分被他們佔據,並按各民族的差異被劃分為七個部族統轄區;其間,源自斯基泰的皮克特人與源自希伯尼亞的蘇格蘭人保有北部,而不列顛人則保有較南部。在如此紛擾的局面中,受壓迫的不列顛人既不想在其最仇視的敵人中撒下福音的種子;縱使他們對宣講基督之律有所掛念,英格蘭人也不會接受它,免得征服者顯得向自己的惡習投了降。聖額我略在致法蘭克人的國王特烏德里克與特烏德貝爾特的信中,責備高盧眾主教在謀求他們歸化上的怠惰:
By these the greater part of the island was occupied, and divided into seven ethnarchies according to the diversity of the peoples; the Picts meanwhile, sprung from Scythia, and the Scots, of Hibernian origin, retaining the Northern part, but the Britons the more Southern. In so great a disturbance of affairs, neither did the oppressed Britons think of sowing the Gospel seed among their most hostile enemies; nor, even if they had been solicitous about preaching the Christian law, would the English have embraced it, lest the conquerors should seem to have made surrender to their vices. Saint Gregory censures the sluggishness of the Gallic bishops in procuring their conversion, writing to Theuderic and Theudebert, kings of the Franks:
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Pervenit ad nos Anglorum gentem ad fidem Christia- nam Deo miserante desideranter velle converti, sed sacerdotes e vicino negligere, et desideria eorum ces- sare sua adhortatione succendere ( Lib. vi, ep. 58). 4. Caeterum tantae molis, utilitatisque majoris opus Gregorio debebatur, quod eum anno sexto sui ponti- ficatus agressum esse testis est Beda: Anno, inquit, decimoquarto Mauricii Augusti, Christi juxta eumdem 596, misit servum Dei Augustinum et alios plures cum eo monachos timentes Dominum, praedicare verbum Dei genti Anglorum ( Lib. Hist. c. 23). Prae(??)ipue Augustini adjutores fuere Laurentius presbyter et Pe- trus.
「有一事傳到我們這裡,就是英格蘭民族藉天主的憐憫,切望歸化於基督宗教信仰,但鄰近的司鐸卻忽視此事,並以其勸勉未能把他們的渴望點燃成行動」(第六卷,第五十八封書信)。第四節。此外,一件如此重大且更為有益的工作有待額我略去做,貝達證實他在其在位第六年著手此事:他說:「在莫里斯皇帝在位第十四年、即照同一算法的基督紀元五九六年,他派遣天主的僕人奧斯定及與他同行的其他數位敬畏上主的隱修士,去向英格蘭民族宣講天主的聖言」(《歷史》第一卷第二十三章)。奧斯定的主要助手是長老勞倫提烏斯與伯多祿。
'It has come to us that the English nation, by the mercy of God, longingly wishes to be converted to the Christian faith, but that the priests from nearby neglect it, and by their exhortation fail to kindle into action their desires' (Book 6, letter 58). 4. Moreover, a work of such magnitude and of greater usefulness was owed to Gregory, which Bede testifies he undertook in the sixth year of his pontificate: 'In the fourteenth year of Maurice Augustus,' he says, 'and of Christ according to the same 596, he sent the servant of God Augustine and several other monks with him, fearing the Lord, to preach the word of God to the English nation' (Book 1 of the History, ch. 23). Augustine's chief helpers were Laurentius the presbyter and Peter.
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De tempore coeptae hujus expeditionis validius argumentum eruitur ex Epistolis ea de re scriptis, quae omnes ad indictionem xiv pertinent, et libro vi Registri continentur. Ex iisdem epistolis liquet Augustinum fuisse Mo- nachum et quidem d monasterii S. Andreae cujus prae- positus erat. Ipsius socios ex eodem monasterio sumptos et delectos, probant ista verba: Remeanti Augustino praeposito vestro, quem et abbatem vobis con- stituimus, in omnibus humiliter obedite ( Lib. vi, ep. 51). 5. At cum profecti essent, et aliquantum itineris confecissent, perculsi timore inerti, redire domum, potius quam barbaram, feram, incredulamque gen- tem, cujus ne linguam quidem nossent, adire decre- verunt;
關於這次遠征開始的時間,可從就此事所寫的書信中引出一項更有力的論據,這些書信全都屬於第十四個小紀年,並收錄於《書信集》第六卷中。從這同一批書信可清楚看出,奧斯定曾是一位隱修士,而且是聖安德肋隱修院的隱修士,他在該院任院長。他的同伴是從同一隱修院中被擢取並揀選的,這幾句話可資證明:「對於你們返回的院長奧斯定——我們也已立他為你們的院長(abbas)——當在一切事上謙卑地服從」(第六卷,第五十一封書信)。第五節。但當他們啟程並走完了一段路程,因一種怯懦的恐懼所擊倒,便決意返回家鄉,而不願前去接近一個他們連語言都不懂的野蠻、兇猛且不信的民族;
Concerning the time this expedition was begun, a stronger argument is drawn from the letters written on this matter, which all belong to the 14th indiction and are contained in Book 6 of the Register. From these same letters it is clear that Augustine was a monk, and indeed of the monastery of Saint Andrew, of which he was prior. That his companions were taken and chosen from the same monastery, these words prove: 'To Augustine your prior returning, whom we have also appointed abbot for you, obey humbly in all things' (Book 6, letter 51). 5. But when they had set out and had accomplished some part of the journey, struck by a cowardly fear, they resolved to return home rather than to approach a barbarous, fierce, and unbelieving nation, whose language they did not even know;
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quod tamen exequi minime ausi sunt incon- sulto sancto pontifice. Ad eum itaque miserunt Augustinum ipsum Gregorio supplicaturum, ut sibi sodalibusque suis revertendi copiam concederet, ne se suamque gentem, imo summum ipsum pontificem Francorum Anglorumque ludibrio exponerent, ob tentatam temere nulloque fructu incertam aleaeque ac laboris plenam peregrinationem. At Gregorius, ut titubantes confirmaret, Augustinum ad socios redire jussit, quibus scripsit in haec verba: Quia melius fuerat bona von incipere, quam ab his quae coepta sunt, cogitatione retrorsum redire, summo studio, di - lectissimi filii, oportet ut opus bonum, quod auxiliante Domino coepistis, impleatis.
然而他們斷不敢不請示那聖潔的教宗便貿然執行此事。因此他們派奧斯定本人前去懇求額我略,求他准許他和他的同伴返回的機會,免得他們因一次貿然嘗試、且毫無成果、前途未卜並充滿風險與勞苦的朝聖之旅,而使自己及其民族、乃至那至高教宗本人,暴露於法蘭克人與英格蘭人的譏笑之下。但額我略為堅固這些動搖之人,命奧斯定返回其同伴那裡,並以這些話寫信給他們:「既然不開始善工,勝過在既已著手之後又在心思上退縮,那麼,至親愛的兒子們,你們就當以極大的熱忱,去完成你們藉上主的幫助所已開始的善工。
which, however, they by no means dared to carry out without consulting the holy pontiff. To him therefore they sent Augustine himself to entreat Gregory that he might grant to him and his companions the opportunity of returning, lest they should expose themselves and their nation, indeed the supreme pontiff himself, to the mockery of the Franks and the English, on account of a pilgrimage rashly attempted and, with no fruit, uncertain and full of hazard and toil. But Gregory, to confirm the wavering, ordered Augustine to return to his companions, to whom he wrote in these words: 'Since it were better not to begin good things than, after those which have been begun, to draw back in thought, with the utmost zeal, most beloved sons, you ought to fulfill the good work which, with the Lord's help, you have begun.
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Nec ergo vos labor iti- neris, nec maledicorum hominum linguae deterreant: sed omni instantia, omnique ferrore quae inchoastis Deo auctore peragite, etc., quae legi possunt tum apud Be- dam, tum in Registro Epistolarum ( Lib. vi, ep. 51). Ex tempore quo scripta est haec epistola (data legi- tur decima die Kalend. Augusti) conjici potest quando Augustinus et socii profecti fuerint. Eodem die et anno scriptam epistolam 52 ex Beda praesertim eam referente intelligimus. Eamdem quoque aetatem esse caeterarum Epistolarum, quibus papa praedicatores a se missos commendavit Galliae tum regibus et opti- matibus, tum episcopis, facile in animum induxerim.
因此,無論是行程的勞苦,還是誹謗者的口舌,都不要嚇阻你們:而要以全副的懇切、全副的熱誠,靠天主為那作為者,完成你們所已開始的事」等等,這些話既可在貝達的著作中、也可在《書信登記冊》中讀到(第六卷,第五十一封書信)。從這封書信所寫的時間(記載為八月朔日前第十天所發出),人們可以推測奧斯定與其同伴何時啟程。我們特別從貝達對第五十二封書信的引述得知,該信是在同一日、同一年所寫。而我也很容易相信,教宗藉以把他所派遣的傳道者既托付於高盧的國王與顯貴、又托付於眾主教的其他書信,也屬同一日期。
Let neither the toil of the journey, therefore, nor the tongues of slanderous men deter you: but with all instancy and all fervor accomplish, with God as author, the things you have begun,' etc., which may be read both in Bede and in the Register of Letters (Book 6, letter 51). From the time at which this letter was written (it is read as given on the tenth day before the Kalends of August) one may conjecture when Augustine and his companions set out. That letter 52 was written on the same day and year we understand especially from Bede's reporting it. And I should easily persuade myself that the other letters, by which the pope commended the preachers sent by him both to the kings and nobles of Gaul and to the bishops, are of the same date.
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Quippe cum illos nutantes cognovisset, 259 ac viso eminus tantum periculo territos, atque ad longam Inter(??)ignotas g(??)ntes peregrinationem minus expedi- tos, ad procuranda ipsis subsidia, quibus magna la- boris pars levaretur animum adjecit. Hoc autem consilio scriptam fuisse epistolam 52 cum duabus im- mediate subjectis, necnon (??)7 duasque sequentes libri sexti, satis intelligitur ex argumento singulis praefixo.. Quo loco substiterint hi verbi sacri praecones non legimus. Apud Bedam ( Lib. i, c. 23) et in Vita S. Augustini tantum habetur eos postquam aliquan- tum itineris confecissent, seu emenso aliquot dierum itinere, cursum repressisse, et donec rediret Angu- stinusad S.
因為他既已得知他們正在動搖,被一種只從遠處望見的危險所嚇倒,且對在陌生民族中的漫長朝聖之旅準備不足,他便留心為他們謀求一些支援,好使大部分的勞苦得以減輕。第五十二封書信連同緊接其後的兩封、此外還有第六卷的第五十七封及其後的兩封,都是懷著這一意圖所寫的,這從冠於各信之前的提要中已充分可知。這些聖言使者在何處停留,我們並無記載。在貝達的著作中(第一卷第二十三章)及《聖奧斯定傳》中,只記載他們在走完一段路程之後、或走了數日的行程之後,便止住行程,並停留下來,直等由他們所派遣的奧斯定返回聖
For since he had learned that they were wavering, and terrified at a danger only seen from afar, and less prepared for a long pilgrimage among unknown peoples, he set his mind to procuring for them supports by which a great part of the labor might be lightened. That letter 52, together with the two immediately following, and moreover letter 57 and the two following of the sixth book, was written with this design, is sufficiently understood from the argument prefixed to each. In what place these heralds of the sacred word halted we do not read. In Bede (Book 1, ch. 23) and in the Life of Saint Augustine it is only stated that, after they had accomplished some part of the journey, or having traversed the journey of some days, they checked their course, and made a delay until Augustine, sent by them, should return to Saint
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Gregorium ab ipsis missus moram fecisse. Conjicitur tamen, nec immerito, eos in Provincia, non longe ab insula Lirinensi consedisse. Id sane si- gnificant verba haec epistolae 5(??) libri vi, ad Stepha- num abbatem Lirinensem: Laetos nos relatio Au- gustini serri Dei pratentium portitoris effecit, quod dilectionem tuam, ut oport(??)t, vigilantem esse narra- vit. Quomodo enim Augustinus Romam ex suscepto itinere reversus, haec de Lirinensi abbate retulisset, si longe antequam ingre sus esset Provinciam, pa- triam revisisset? Idem Augustinus adierat quoque Protasium Aquensem episcopum, et Arigium patri- cium, de quibus multa Gregorio tanquam oculatus testis narravit in Urbem redux ( Lib.
額我略那裡。然而人們推測——並非毫無道理——他們是在普羅旺斯、離勒蘭群島不遠處落腳的。第六卷第五十三封致勒蘭院長斯德望的書信中的這些話,確實表明了這一點:「天主的僕人奧斯定——即這封信的持送者——的報告使我們歡喜,因為他述說你的愛德如所應當的那樣警醒。」因為,倘若奧斯定在進入普羅旺斯之前很久便已重訪其家鄉,那麼當他從所著手的行程返回羅馬時,怎能述說這些關於勒蘭院長的事呢?這同一位奧斯定也曾晉見普羅旺斯艾克斯的主教普羅塔西烏斯,以及貴族阿里吉烏斯,關於他們,他在返回羅馬城時作為目擊見證人向額我略述說了許多事(
Gregory. It is conjectured, however, and not without reason, that they settled in Provence, not far from the island of Lérins. This indeed the words of letter 53 of the sixth book, to Stephen abbot of Lérins, signify: 'The report of Augustine, servant of God, the bearer of these presents, has made us glad, because he has related that your charity is vigilant, as is fitting.' For how could Augustine, returning to Rome from the journey he had undertaken, have reported these things about the abbot of Lérins, if he had revisited his homeland long before he entered Provence? The same Augustine had also approached Protasius, bishop of Aix, and Arigius the patrician, about whom he related many things to Gregory as an eyewitness on his return to the City (Book
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vi, epp. 55 et 57). Itaque quando legitur apud Bedam aliquantum itineris tantum progressos fuisse Augustinum ejus- que sodales, id intelligendum non simpliciter, sed comparate ad multo longius quod conficiendum su- pererat. Eadem ratione debet explicari scriptor vitae S. Augustini, dum post iter aliquot dierum de reditu cogitasse monachos illos asserit. Nunc ipsos alacriter viam iterum carpentes videamus. 7. Ex commendatitiis quas Augustinus deferendas acceperat Epistolis descriptum habemus ejus iter per Gallias. Primo quidem appulerunt Massiliam, ubi Se- renum episcopum salutarunt; ex Gregorii nomine data ei epistola ( Lib. vi, ep. 52).
第六卷,第五十五與五十七封書信)。因此,當在貝達的著作中讀到奧斯定與其同伴只走完了一段路程時,這不當按字面單純地理解,而當相對於尚待走完的、遠為漫長的路程來理解。同樣地,也必須這樣解釋《聖奧斯定傳》的作者,當他斷言那些隱修士在走了數日的行程之後便想著返回。現在讓我們看他們如何愉快地再度踏上旅途。第七節。從奧斯定所領受、須予呈遞的舉薦信中,我們得以描述他經高盧的行程。他們首先在馬賽靠岸,在那裡問候了主教塞雷努斯;一封以額我略名義所寫的信已交給他(第六卷,第五十二封書信)。
Book 6, letters 55 and 57). And so, when it is read in Bede that Augustine and his companions had advanced only some part of the journey, this is to be understood not simply, but comparatively to the much longer part that remained to be accomplished. In the same way must be explained the writer of the Life of Saint Augustine, when he asserts that those monks, after a journey of some days, thought of returning. Now let us see them cheerfully taking up the road again. 7. From the commendatory letters which Augustine had received to deliver, we have his itinerary through Gaul described. First indeed they put in at Marseilles, where they greeted Bishop Serenus; a letter having been given to him in Gregory's name (Book 6, letter 52).
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Postea pervenerunt Arelate, inviseruntque Virgilium archiepiscopum sanctae sedis vicarium, cui eos potissimum commen- darat papa ( Ibid., ep. 53). Deinde adeunda Vienna cujus episcopus erat Desiderius, unus ex his ad quos Gregorius scripsit ( Ibid., ep. 54). Tum petendum Lugdunum, etsi ad Etherium hujus urbis episcopum nu lae exstent litterae tunc ea de re scriptae. Inde te- tenderunt Cabilonem, ubi Theodericus rex cum Bru- nichilde avia residere consueverat. Utrique papa suis commendarat epistolis Augustinum ejusque ad- jutores ( Ibid., ep. 58 et 59). Tum Augustodunum perrexerunt Syagrii episcopi opem imploraturi, litte- rasque papae oblaturi ( Ibid., ep. 54).
其後他們來到亞爾勒,探訪了大主教維吉利烏斯——聖座的代理者——教宗曾特別把他們托付於他(同上,第五十三封書信)。接著要前往維埃納,其主教是德西德里烏斯,是額我略致信的對象之一(同上,第五十四封書信)。然後要前往里昂,儘管當時就此事所寫、致該城主教厄特里烏斯的書信並無留存。他們由此前往夏隆,那裡是國王特烏德里克與其祖母布倫希爾德慣常居住之地。教宗曾以其書信把奧斯定及其助手托付於這二人(同上,第五十八與五十九封書信)。然後他們前往歐坦,去懇求主教敘阿格里烏斯的援助,並呈遞教宗的書信(同上,第五十四封書信)。
Afterward they came to Arles, and visited Virgilius the archbishop, vicar of the holy see, to whom the pope had especially commended them (Ibid., letter 53). Then Vienne was to be approached, whose bishop was Desiderius, one of those to whom Gregory wrote (Ibid., letter 54). Then Lyon was to be sought, although no letters written at that time on this matter are extant to Etherius, bishop of this city. Thence they made their way to Chalon, where King Theuderic with Brunhilda his grandmother was accustomed to reside. To both the pope had commended by his letters Augustine and his helpers (Ibid., letters 58 and 59). Then they proceeded to Autun to implore the aid of Bishop Syagrius and to present the pope's letters (Ibid., letter 54).
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Multis per- agratis locis vel Divodurum Mediomatricum perve- nerunt, vel Durocortorum Rhemo um, Theodeber(??)i Austrasiae regis sedes, quem commendatos habere suos monachos verbi divini praecones, litteris pluri- mum rogabat S. Gregorius. Ab hujus regis aula Caesarodunum-Turonum venerunt, tum ut S. Marti- ni tumulum sacrasque reliquias venerarentur, tum ut Pelagio Episcopo S. Gregorii litteras redderent ( Ibid., ep. 52). Utrum ex itinere deflectentes Medio- lanum-Santonum adierint ad salutandum Palladium episcopum, ad quem papa scripserat, difficile est statuere.
走過許多地方之後,他們或是到了梅迪奧馬特里契人的梅斯,或是到了雷米人的蘭斯——奧斯特拉西亞國王特烏德貝爾特的駐地——聖額我略曾以其書信大力懇求他把自己的隱修士、即天主聖道的使者,視為托付於他之人。他們從這位國王的宮廷來到圖爾,既為敬禮聖瑪爾定的墳墓與聖髑,也為把聖額我略的書信交予主教培拉奇(同上,第五十二封書信)。至於他們是否曾偏離路線,前往桑特去問候主教帕拉迪烏斯——教宗曾致信於他——則難以斷定。
Having traversed many places, they came either to Metz of the Mediomatrici, or to Reims of the Remi, the seat of Theudebert, king of Austrasia, whom Saint Gregory by his letters greatly begged to hold his monks, the heralds of the divine word, as commended to him. From the court of this king they came to Tours, both to venerate the tomb and sacred relics of Saint Martin, and to render Saint Gregory's letters to Bishop Pelagius (Ibid., letter 52). Whether, deflecting from their route, they approached Saintes to greet Bishop Palladius, to whom the pope had written, it is difficult to determine.
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Fortasse cum plurimam gratia polleret apud Francorum reges, eum in aula invenerant, eique sanctissimi pontificis, qui eumdem jam bene- ficio devinxerat, litteras reddiderunt. Augustinum per Andegavos transiisse auctor est Gotselinus in ipsius Vita; narratque miraculum non longe a Ponte Sai sive, ut alii dicunt, Ponte Caesaris. 8. His omnibus omissis Beda scribit: Roboratus ergo confirmatione beati Patris Gregorii Augustinus cum famulis Christi qui cum eo erant rediit in opus verbi, pervenitque in Britanniam ( Lib. i, c. 25); et in insulam Tanelos dictam appulit regni Cantii portio- nem ad Orientalem plagam.
或許,由於他在法蘭克諸王中頗有影響力,他們在宮廷中找到了他,並把那至聖教宗的書信呈遞於他——教宗早已藉一項恩惠使這同一人對自己心懷感戴。奧斯定曾途經安德加維人之地(昂熱地區),此事由戈策利努斯在其《傳記》中所證實;他還敘述了一件發生在離「薩伊橋」不遠處、或如他人所說的「凱撒橋」不遠處的奇蹟。第八節。略去這一切,貝達寫道:「因此,奧斯定既受真福之父額我略確認的堅固,便與同他一起的基督眾僕役返回聖言的工作,並來到不列顛」(第一卷第二十五章);他在名為薩尼特的島嶼登陸,這是肯特王國朝向東方地區的一部分。
Perhaps, since he had very great influence with the Frankish kings, they had found him at court, and rendered to him the letters of the most holy pontiff, who had already bound this same man to him by a favor. That Augustine passed through the Andegavi (region of Angers) is attested by Gotselinus in his Life; and he relates a miracle not far from Pons Saii or, as others say, Pons Caesaris. 8. All these things omitted, Bede writes: 'Strengthened therefore by the confirmation of the blessed Father Gregory, Augustine, with the servants of Christ who were with him, returned to the work of the word, and came into Britain' (Book 1, ch. 25); and he landed on the island called Thanet, a portion of the kingdom of Kent toward the Eastern region.
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In Cantio regione Bri- tanniae Galliis objecta usque ad Humbrum fluvium, tunc regnabat a Edilberthus, cujus uxor erat Bertha, Chariberti Francorum Regis filia et Clotharii primi neptis: Anglo regi hac lege in matrimonium data, ut fidem Christianam retineret ac libere profiteretur; quapropter Luidhardum, Silvanectensem episcopum, secum duxit, ac in aula sacrorum ministrum habuit. Ab illa praesertim pellectum fuisse regem ad ejuran- dum idolorum cultum credimus, ex S. Gregorii con- sitio ( Lib. xi, ep. 2 ), qui conversionem gentis An- glorum ejus mercedi reservatam asserit, atque ad tantum opus perficiendum eamdem vehementissima ad- hortatione accendit:
在肯特——不列顛面向高盧、綿延直到亨伯河的一個地區——當時埃塞爾伯特在位,他的妻子是貝爾塔,法蘭克國王卡里伯特之女、克洛塔爾一世的孫女:她以這樣的條件被許配給這位英格蘭國王,即她要保有基督宗教信仰並自由地宣認之;因此她帶著桑利斯的主教路易哈爾德同行,並在宮廷中以他為聖事的執行者。我們相信,正是藉著她,這位國王尤其被引誘去棄絕偶像崇拜,這是根據聖額我略的意見(第十一卷,第二封書信)——他斷言英格蘭民族的歸化乃是為她的功賞所保留的,並以極其激切的勸勉激勵這同一位婦人去成就如此偉大的工作:
In Kent, a region of Britain facing Gaul, extending as far as the river Humber, there then reigned Ethelbert, whose wife was Bertha, daughter of Charibert king of the Franks and granddaughter of Chlothar the First: given in marriage to the English king on this condition, that she should retain the Christian faith and freely profess it; wherefore she brought with her Luidhard, bishop of Senlis, and had him in the court as minister of sacred things. We believe that by her especially the king was enticed to forswear the worship of idols, from the counsel of Saint Gregory (Book 11, letter 2), who asserts that the conversion of the English nation was reserved to her reward, and kindled the same woman to the accomplishing of so great a work by a most vehement exhortation:
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quasi Regiae Francorum stirpis filiae veram fidem pro dote viris suis afferre consue- vissent. Sic enim Chlodesuinda, Chlotarii regis filia, Alboinum Langobardorum regem Christianum effe- cit; et Ingundis, filia Sigiberti et Childeberti regis soror, Hermenegildo Ariano tradita, eum ad catholi- cam inflexit fidem et ad martyrium inflammavit. 9. Augustinus ab insula Taneto misit ad Edilber- thum ex suis sociis, qui dicerent se Roma profectos nuntium ad eum ferre optimum, qui sibi obtemper(??)- tibus aeterna in coelis gaudia et regnum sine fine cum Deo vivo et vero futurum, sine ulla dubitatione pro- mitteret ( Beda lib. i, c. 25).
彷彿法蘭克王族的女兒們慣常把真信仰當作嫁妝帶給她們的丈夫。因為克洛德蘇溫達,克洛塔爾王之女,就這樣使倫巴底王阿爾波因成為基督徒;而英岡狄斯,西吉伯特之女、希爾德伯特王之妹,被嫁與亞流派的赫爾梅內吉爾德,卻使他歸向大公教會的信德,並激勵他走向殉道。九。奧古斯丁從塔內特島派遣他的幾位同伴去見埃塞爾伯特,告訴他自己從羅馬啟程,為他帶來最好的信息,那信息毫無疑問地應許凡順從者,將在天上得永遠的喜樂,並與永生真神同享無終的國度(比德,卷一,第二十五章)。
as though the daughters of the royal Frankish line had been accustomed to bring the true faith to their husbands as a dowry. For thus Chlodesuinda, daughter of King Chlothar, made Alboin, king of the Lombards, a Christian; and Ingundis, daughter of Sigebert and sister of King Childebert, given in marriage to the Arian Hermenegild, bent him to the Catholic faith and set him aflame for martyrdom. 9. Augustine, from the island of Thanet, sent some of his companions to Ethelbert, to tell him that they had set out from Rome and were bringing him the best of tidings, which promised without any doubt to those who obeyed it everlasting joys in heaven and a kingdom without end with the living and true God (Bede, book I, chapter 25).
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Eos perhumaniter exci- piens rex, jussit ut in eo quo appulsi erant loco aliquandiu morarentur, donec quid facto opus esset decerneret, suppeditatis interim cunctis necessariis. Post dies aliquot venit ad insulam rex, et sub dio residens, Augustinum ac socios ad colloquium accer- sivit: Caverat autem ne in aliquam domum ad se introiret, veteri usus augurio, inquit Beda, ne super- ventu suo, si quid muleficae artis habuissent, eum su- perando deciperent. At illi non daemoniaca, sed divina virtute praediti, veniebant, crucem pro vexillo ferentes argenteam, et imaginem Domini Salvatoris in tabula depictam, litaniasque canentes. 10.
王極其親切地接待他們,吩咐他們在登陸之處暫住些時日,直到他決定當如何行事,其間供給他們一切所需。過了幾日,王來到島上,坐在露天之下,召奧古斯丁與同伴前來會談。然而他曾防備,不進任何房屋與他們相見,比德說,他遵循一種古老的迷信,惟恐他們前來時,若懷有什麼巫術,便會勝過並欺哄他。但他們前來時,所懷的不是邪魔之力,而是神聖之能,舉著一面銀十字架為旌旗,並在板上繪成的救主基督聖像,一路詠唱連禱。十。
The king received them very kindly, and ordered that they should remain for a while in the place where they had landed, until he should decide what ought to be done, and meanwhile all necessaries were supplied to them. After some days the king came to the island, and sitting in the open air, summoned Augustine and his companions to a conference. He had taken care, however, not to enter into any house to meet them, making use of an ancient superstition, says Bede, lest by their coming, if they had any of the magic art, they might overcome and deceive him. But they came endowed not with demonic but with divine power, bearing as a standard a silver cross, and the image of the Lord our Saviour painted on a panel, and chanting litanies. 10.
22:23
Augustinus, impetrata loquendi licentia, regi aperuit se sociosque suos eo consilio advenisse, ut ipsum docerent qua ratione post mortem gloriosius regnaret, immortalitati que coronam consequeretur. Ipsam credentibus in se Jesum Christum sua morte promeruisse, regnumque coelorum reserasse. Nimi- rum tanto Deum amore flagrasse erga homines, ut, aleorum salutem procurandam, Filium suum unige- nitum turpissimae morti, crucis videlicet supplicio, tradiderit. Ita crucis scandalum minime dissimulan- dum putavit egregius praedicator; quo magis divi- nam ejus virtutem ad hominem a mortis peccatique servitute liberandum commendaret. Quid enim tam di(??)num Deo quam salus hominis ?
奧古斯丁獲准發言後,向王表明他與同伴前來的用意,乃是要教導王:他死後如何能更榮耀地作王,並得永生的冠冕。基督耶穌已藉自己的死,為凡信祂的人賺得此事,並開啟了天國之門。因為神實在如此深愛世人,以致為了成就他們的救恩,將自己的獨生子交付於最羞辱的死,就是十字架的苦刑。這位卓越的傳道者因此認為,十字架的絆腳石斷不可隱瞞,好叫他更能彰顯基督使人脫離死亡與罪之奴役的神能。因為還有什麼比人的救恩更配得於神呢?
Augustine, having obtained leave to speak, disclosed to the king that he and his companions had come with this purpose: to teach him by what means he might reign more gloriously after death, and attain the crown of immortality. That Jesus Christ had, by His own death, merited this for those who believe in Him, and had unlocked the kingdom of heaven. For indeed God had burned with such love toward men that, to procure their salvation, He had delivered up His only-begotten Son to a most shameful death, namely the torment of the cross. Thus the eminent preacher judged that the scandal of the cross was by no means to be concealed, so that he might the more commend the divine power of Christ in freeing man from the bondage of death and sin. For what is so worthy of God as the salvation of man?
22:24
Eumdein Christum post mortem resurrexisse, regnum coelorum cons- cendisse, atque ad dexteram Patris 260 sedere ad- jecit; venturum autem in extrema mundi consum- matione ad ferendum de cunctis mortalibus judic um. Atque ut fidem faceret, miracula enarravit innume- ra et stupenda, quae divinitatis Christi certa argu- menta sunt; prae caeteris vero gentium fere omnium in suscipienda Christiana religione, idolisque rejicien- dis miram conspirationem, licet renitentibus pravis hominum affectibus ac vitiis; quibus ita favebat Eihnicismus, ut divinos etiam honores pro eis de- cerneret ac rependeret, cum e contra mortem aeter- nam corruptelae morum stipendium esse doceat lex Evangelica.
他又補充說,這同一位基督在死後已復活,升入天國,坐在父的右邊;並且祂要在世界末了的終結之時,降臨審判一切必死的世人。為使人相信,他敘述了無數驚人的奇蹟,這些正是基督神性的確據;但尤其是幾乎萬國在接受基督宗教、棄絕偶像上那奇妙的同心合意,縱使人邪惡的情慾與惡習加以抗拒——外邦異教竟如此縱容這些惡習,甚至為它們裁定並回報神明般的尊榮,然而福音的律法則相反地教導:永死乃是敗壞道德所得的工價。
He added that the same Christ had risen again after death, had ascended into the kingdom of heaven, and sat at the right hand of the Father; and that He would come at the final consummation of the world to pronounce judgment upon all mortals. And in order to establish belief, he related countless and stupendous miracles, which are sure proofs of the divinity of Christ; but above all the wondrous accord of almost all nations in embracing the Christian religion and casting away idols, even though the depraved affections and vices of men resisted—vices which paganism so favoured that it decreed and repaid even divine honours in their behalf, whereas, on the contrary, the law of the Gospel teaches that eternal death is the wage of corruption of morals.
22:25
Subjunxit Augustinus orbem ita Christianum factum a Gregorio Romano pontifice sapientissime gubernari: qui salutem regis Anglo- rumque omnium sitiens, libenter haec ipsis praedica- turus advolasset, nisi tot sibi creditarum ovium cu- ram deserere formidasset optimus pastor: se vero pro ipso legatione fungi. 11. Ad haec rex inter inoliti erroris tenebras, et affulgentem veritatis lucem anceps et cunctabundus, respondit ut aeger, favens quidem medicis, sed necdum patiens curationis, pulchra sibi videri verba et pro- missa; sed quia nova sunt et incerta, inquit, non pos- sum assensum tribuere, relictis eis quae tanto tempore cum omni Anglorum gente servavi.
奧古斯丁又補充說,如此歸信基督的世界,正由羅馬教宗額我略以極大的智慧治理;他渴慕王與眾英人的救恩,本要甘心親自前來向他們宣講這些,只是這位最好的牧者惟恐撇下所託付的眾多羊群;而他自己乃是代他履行這使命。十一。對此,王在其根深蒂固之謬誤的黑暗,與初露之真理的光明之間搖擺不定,猶疑不決,像個病人那樣回答——他雖親近醫者,卻尚不能忍受醫治:這些話語與應許在他看來甚美;但因它們是新的、未定的,他說,我不能予以認同而撇棄我與全英國民族長久所持守的一切。
Augustine added that the world, thus made Christian, was most wisely governed by Gregory, the Roman pontiff, who, thirsting for the salvation of the king and of all the English, would gladly have hastened to preach these things to them himself, had not that best of shepherds feared to abandon the care of so many sheep entrusted to him; but that he himself was discharging this embassy on his behalf. 11. To this the king, wavering and hesitant between the darkness of his ingrained error and the shining light of the dawning truth, answered like a sick man who favours his physicians but does not yet endure the cure: that the words and promises seemed beautiful to him; but because they are new and uncertain, he said, I cannot give my assent, forsaking those things which I have so long kept together with the whole English nation.
22:26
Verum quia de longe huc venistis, ut quae vera et optima vobis videntur ea nobis communicaretis, pergratum habemus; annui - musque ut quicunque Christo nomen dare voluerint, a vobis suscipiantur, et pro vestro more instituantur ( Beda, l. i, c. 25). Praeterea locum assignavit in civi- tate a Dorrobernia, totius regni metropoli, ubi com- mode manerent; el quae ad vitam necessaria forent abunde suppeditari jussit. 12. Urbem regiam ingressi sunt, crucem et imagi- nem Christi Servatoris more suo praefirentes. et lita- niam hanc voce consona modulantes:
然而,因你們遠道而來,要把你們認為真實而最好的傳達給我們,我們甚感歡迎;並且我們准許,凡願歸名於基督者,皆可被你們接納,並照你們的習俗受教(比德,卷一,第二十五章)。此外,他在全國都城坎特伯雷城中,為他們指定了一處,好讓他們安然居住;並吩咐凡生活所需之物,都要豐足地供給他們。十二。他們進入王城,照他們的習俗,在前面舉著十字架與救主基督的聖像,並以和諧之聲詠唱這連禱:
Yet because you have come here from afar in order to share with us what seems to you true and best, we count it most welcome; and we grant that whoever wishes to give his name to Christ may be received by you and instructed according to your custom (Bede, book I, chapter 25). Besides this, he assigned them a place in the city of Canterbury, the metropolis of the whole kingdom, where they might conveniently dwell; and he ordered that whatever things were necessary for life should be abundantly supplied. 12. They entered the royal city, bearing before them, according to their custom, the cross and the image of Christ the Saviour, and chanting this litany with harmonious voice:
22:27
Deprecamur te, Domine, in omni misericordia tua, ut auferatur fu- ror tuus et ira tua a civitate ista, et de domo sancta tua, quoniam peccavimus, alleluia ( Beda, lib. i, c. 25). In concessa sibi sede Augustinus ejus que commilitones, apostolicam nascentis Ecclesiae vitam imitari coepe- runt, cuncta mundi hujus velut aliena spernendo, et ea tantum quae victui necessaria forent ab eis quos do- cebant accipiendo, ut exemplis potius quam verbis legis Christianae sanctitatem commendarent. His in- noxiis illecebris allecti ad veritatis retia non pauci, fidem in Christum amplexi sunt; quibus in antiqua sancti Martini juxta urbem Ecclesia, sola tum super- stite, synaxes agere concessum est.
主啊,我們懇求你,憑你一切的憐憫,使你的烈怒與忿恨從這城、從你的聖殿中挪去,因我們犯了罪。哈利路亞(比德,卷一,第二十五章)。在所賜給他們的居所中,奧古斯丁與他的同工開始效法初生教會使徒般的生活,把這世界的一切視如身外之物而輕看,只從所教導的人領受維生所必需的,好使他們以榜樣而非以言語彰顯基督律法的聖潔。不少人被這些無害的吸引引入真理的網中,接受了對基督的信仰;並且他們獲准在城旁聖瑪爾定的古教會中聚會,那教會當時是唯一存留的。
We beseech You, O Lord, in all Your mercy, that Your fury and Your wrath may be taken away from this city and from Your holy house, for we have sinned. Alleluia (Bede, book I, chapter 25). In the dwelling granted to them, Augustine and his fellow-soldiers began to imitate the apostolic life of the nascent Church, despising as foreign all the things of this world, and receiving only those which were necessary for sustenance from those whom they taught, so that they might commend the holiness of the Christian law by example rather than by words. Drawn by these harmless allurements to the nets of truth, not a few embraced faith in Christ; and to these it was granted to hold their assemblies in the ancient church of Saint Martin near the city, then alone remaining.
22:28
At postquam rex ipse credidit et baptismo initiatus est, b miraculorum quibus Deus servorum suorum doctrinam sanctita- temque confirmabat, invicto testimonio ultra reluctari non ferens, vetera templa diruta restaurare ac nova exstruere mira coeperunt alacritate neophyti. Nimi- rum tanta tunc Ecclesiae nascenti facta est accessio. Anglis regis exemplum certatim sequentibus cet ad religionem neminem cogeret) ut cos prior Ecclesia minime caperet.
但當王自己信了,並藉洗禮入教之後,他再也無法抗拒那些不可折服的神蹟見證——神藉這些神蹟印證祂僕人的教訓與聖潔——於是這些新入教者便以奇妙的熱忱,開始重修傾圮的古廟,並興建新堂。那時初生的教會實在大得增長——眾英人爭相效法王的榜樣(雖然他並不強迫任何人信教)——以致從前的那座教會再也容納不下他們了。
But after the king himself believed and was initiated by baptism, being no longer able to resist the unconquered testimony of the miracles by which God confirmed the doctrine and holiness of His servants, the neophytes began with wondrous eagerness to restore the ruined ancient temples and to build new ones. So great indeed was the increase then made to the nascent Church—the English striving eagerly to follow the king's example (though he compelled no one to religion)—that the former church could by no means contain them.
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